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His son Erik became the next king of Sweden, and was succeeded in turn by Erik Refilsson, the son of Refil.

Sigurd Snake-in-the-Eye is perhaps the same person as Sigfred, brother of Halfdan, who was king in Denmark together with Halfdan in 873.

According to the sagas Sigurd became King of Zealand, Skåne and the lesser Danish Isles.

Sigfred-Sigurd possibly succeeded his brother Halfdan as King of entire Denmark in about 877, and may be the Viking king Sigfred who was killed in West Francia in 887.

Harry Harrison's 1993 alternative history novel The Hammer and the Cross depicts Ragnar being shipwrecked, captured and executed, as well as his sons' revenge.

History's 2013 TV series Vikings features Australian actor Travis Fimmel playing the lead character of Ragnar for the first four seasons.

The 2020 release of Ubisoft's Assassin's' Creed: Valhalla features Ragnar's children continuing to reign, plunder, and settle eastern England during the 9th century.

The June 14th, 2021 episode of Epic Rap Battles of History, features the legendary Viking king Ragnar Lodbrok, played by EpicLLOYD, based on the TV series Vikings (2013 TV series) battle against medieval English monarch Richard the Lionheart, played by Nice Peter.

The Russian Revolution of 1905, also known as the First Russian Revolution, was a wave of mass political and social unrest that spread through vast areas of the Russian Empire.

The mass unrest was directed against the Tsar alongside the nobility and ruling class.

It included worker strikes, peasant unrest, and military mutinies.

In response to the public pressure, Tsar Nicholas II spearheaded some constitution reform (namely the "October Manifesto").

This took the form of establishing the State Duma, the multi-party system, and the Russian Constitution of 1906.

Despite popular participation in the Duma, the parliament was unable to issue laws of its own and frequently came into conflict with Tsar Nicholas.

Its power was limited and Tsar Nicholas still held the ruling authority.

Furthermore he could dissolve the Duma which he often did.

The 1905 revolution was primarily spurred by the international humiliation as a result of the Russian defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, which ended in the same year.

Calls for revolution were intensified by the growing realization by a variety of sectors of society of the need for reform.

Politicians such as Sergei Witte had failed to reform and modernize Russia.

Tsar Nicholas II and the monarchy survived the Revolution of 1905 however its events did foreshadow the coming of the 1917 Russian Revolution just twelve years later.

Many historians contend that the 1905 revolution set the stage for the 1917 Russian Revolutions which saw the monarchy abolished and the Tsar executed.

Calls for radicalism were present in the 1905 Revolution however many of the revolutionaries that were in a position to lead were either in exile or prison while it took place.

The events in 1905 demonstrated the precarious position that the Tsar was in.

As a result, Tsarist Russia did not undergo sufficient reform which had a direct impact on the radical politics brewing in the Russian Empire.

Although the radicals were still in the minority of the populace, their momentum was growing.

Vladimir Lenin, a revolutionary himself, would later say that the Revolution of 1905 was "The Great Dress Rehearsal", without which the "victory of the October Revolution in 1917 would have been impossible".

Newly emancipated peasants earned too little and were not allowed to sell or mortgage their allotted land.

Ethnic and national minorities resented the government because of its "Russification" of the Empire: it practised discrimination and repression against national minorities, such as banning them from voting; serving in the Imperial Guard or Navy; and limiting their attendance in schools.

A nascent industrial working class resented the government for doing too little to protect them, as it banned strikes and organizing into labor unions.

Finally, university students developed a new consciousness, after discipline was relaxed in the institutions, and they were fascinated by increasingly radical ideas, which spread among them.

Also, disaffected soldiers returning from a bloody and disgraceful defeat with Japan, who found inadequate factory pay, shortages, and general disarray, organized in protest.

Taken individually, these issues might not have affected the course of Russian history, but together they created the conditions for a potential revolution.

Because the Russian economy was tied to European finances, the contraction of Western money markets in 1899–1900 plunged Russian industry into a deep and prolonged crisis; it outlasted the dip in European industrial production.

This setback aggravated social unrest during the five years preceding the revolution of 1905.

The government finally recognized these problems, albeit in a shortsighted and narrow-minded way.

The Minister of the Interior Vyacheslav von Plehve said in 1903 that, after the agrarian problem, the most serious issues plaguing the country were those of the Jews, the schools, and the workers, in that order.

One of the major contributing factors that changed Russia from a country in unrest to a country in revolt was "Bloody Sunday".

Loyalty to the tsar Nicholas II was lost on 22 January 1905, when his soldiers fired upon a group of people, led by Georgy Gapon, who were attempting to present a petition.

By the time of the revolution, the nobility had sold off one-third of its land and mortgaged another third.

The peasants had been freed by the emancipation reform of 1861, but their lives were generally quite limited.

The government hoped to develop the peasants as a politically conservative, land-holding class by enacting laws to enable them to buy land from nobility, by paying small installments over many decades.

Such land, known as "allotment land", would not be owned by individual peasants, but by the community of peasants; individual peasants would have rights to strips of land to be assigned to them under the open field system.

A peasant could not sell or mortgage this land, so in practice he could not renounce his rights to his land, and he would be required to pay his share of redemption dues to the village commune.

This plan was intended to prevent peasants from becoming part of the proletariat.

However, the peasants were not given enough land to provide for their needs.

Their earnings were often so small that they could neither buy the food they needed nor keep up the payment of taxes and redemption dues they owed the government for their land allotments.

By 1903 their total arrears in payments of taxes and dues was 118 million rubles.

The situation worsened, as masses of hungry peasants roamed the countryside looking for work, and sometimes walked hundreds of kilometres to find it.

These violent outbreaks caught the attention of the government, so it created many committees to investigate the causes.

The committees concluded that no part of the countryside was prosperous; some parts, especially the fertile areas known as the "black-soil region", were in decline.

Nineteenth-century Russians saw cultures and religions in a clear hierarchy.

Non-Russian cultures were tolerated in the empire but were not necessarily respected.

Culturally, Europe was favoured over Asia, as was Orthodox Christianity over other religions.

For generations, Russian Jews had been considered a special problem.

This policy only succeeded in producing or aggravating feelings of disloyalty.

There was growing impatience with their inferior status and resentment against "Russification".

Russification is cultural assimilation definable as "a process culminating in the disappearance of a given group as a recognisably distinct element within a larger society".

Besides the imposition of a uniform Russian culture throughout the empire, the government's pursuit of Russification, especially during the second half of the nineteenth century, had political motives.

After the emancipation of the serfs in 1861, the Russian state was compelled to take into account public opinion, but the government failed to gain the public's support.

Another motive for Russification policies was the Polish uprising of 1863.

Unlike other minority nationalities, the Poles, in the eyes of the Tsar, were a direct threat to the empire's stability.

After the rebellion was crushed, the government implemented policies to reduce Polish cultural influences.

In the 1870s the government began to distrust German elements on the western border.

The Russian government felt that the unification of Germany would upset the power balance among the great powers of Europe and that Germany would use its strength against Russia.

The government thought that the borders would be defended better if the borderland were more "Russian" in character.

The culmination of cultural diversity created a cumbersome nationality problem that plagued the Russian government in the years leading up to the revolution.

The government had experimented with laissez-faire capitalist policies, but this strategy largely failed to gain traction within the Russian economy until the 1890s.

Meanwhile, "agricultural productivity stagnated, while international prices for grain dropped, and Russia’s foreign debt and need for imports grew.

The government policy of financing industrialisation through taxing peasants forced millions of peasants to work in towns.

The "peasant worker" saw his labour in the factory as the means to consolidate his family's economic position in the village and played a role in determining the social consciousness of the urban proletariat.

The new concentrations and flows of peasants spread urban ideas to the countryside, breaking down isolation of peasants on communes.

Industrial workers began to feel dissatisfaction with the Tsarist government despite the protective labour laws the government decreed.

Some of those laws included the prohibition of children under 12 from working, with the exception of night work in glass factories.

Employment of children aged 12 to 15 was prohibited on Sundays and holidays.

Workers had to be paid in cash at least once a month, and limits were placed on the size and bases of fines for workers who were tardy.

Employers were prohibited from charging workers for the cost of lighting of the shops and plants.

Despite these labor protections, the workers believed that the laws were not enough to free them from unfair and inhumane practices.

At the start of the 20th century, Russian industrial workers worked on average an 11-hour day (10 hours on Saturday), factory conditions were perceived as grueling and often unsafe, and attempts at independent unions were often not accepted.

Many workers were forced to work beyond the maximum of 11 and a half hours per day.

Others were still subject to arbitrary and excessive fines for tardiness, mistakes in their work, or absence.

Furthermore, the same labour laws prohibited organization of trade unions and strikes.

Dissatisfaction turned into despair for many impoverished workers, which made them more sympathetic to radical ideas.

These discontented, radicalized workers became key to the revolution by participating in illegal strikes and revolutionary protests.

The government responded by arresting labour agitators and enacting more "paternalistic" legislation.

Some of these groups organized in Moscow, Odessa, Kiev, Nikolayev (Ukraine), and Kharkov, but these groups and the idea of police socialism failed.

In 1900–1903, the period of industrial depression caused many firm bankruptcies and a reduction in the employment rate.

Employees were restive: they would join legal organizations but turn the organizations toward an end that the organizations' sponsors did not intend.

Workers used legitimate means to organize strikes or to draw support for striking workers outside these groups.

A strike that began in 1902 by workers in the railroad shops in Vladikavkaz and Rostov-on-Don created such a response that by the next summer, 225,000 in various industries in southern Russia and Transcaucasia were on strike.

These were not the first illegal strikes in the country's history but their aims, and the political awareness and support among workers and non-workers, made them more troubling to the government than earlier strikes.

Students of universities, other schools of higher learning, and occasionally of secondary schools and theological seminaries were part of this group.

Student radicalism began around the time Tsar Alexander II came to power.

Alexander abolished serfdom and enacted fundamental reforms in the legal and administrative structure of the Russian empire, which were revolutionary for their time.

He lifted many restrictions on universities and abolished obligatory uniforms and military discipline.

This ushered in a new freedom in the content and reading lists of academic courses.

In turn, that created student subcultures, as youth were willing to live in poverty in order to receive an education.

As universities expanded, there was a rapid growth of newspapers, journals, and an organization of public lectures and professional societies.

The 1860s was a time when the emergence of a new public sphere was created in social life and professional groups.

This created the idea of their right to have an independent opinion.

The government was alarmed by these communities, and in 1861 tightened restrictions on admission and prohibited student organizations; these restrictions resulted in the first ever student demonstration, held in St. Petersburg, which led to a two-year closure of the university.

The consequent conflict with the state was an important factor in the chronic student protests over subsequent decades.

The atmosphere of the early 1860s gave rise to political engagement by students outside universities that became a tenet of student radicalism by the 1870s.

During the next two decades, universities produced a significant share of Russia's revolutionaries.

Prosecution records from the 1860s and 1870s show that more than half of all political offences were committed by students despite being a minute proportion of the population.

They took up problems that were unrelated to their "proper employment", and displayed defiance and radicalism by boycotting examinations, rioting, arranging marches in sympathy with strikers and political prisoners, circulating petitions, and writing anti-government propaganda.

This disturbed the government, but it believed the cause was lack of training in patriotism and religion.

Therefore, the curriculum was "toughened up" to emphasize classical language and mathematics in secondary schools, but defiance continued.

Expulsion, exile, and forced military service also did not stop students.

Many socialists view this as a period when the rising revolutionary movement was met with rising reactionary movements.

As Rosa Luxemburg stated in 1906 in The Mass Strike, when collective strike activity was met with what is perceived as repression from an autocratic state, economic and political demands grew into and reinforced each other.

Russian progressives formed the Union of Zemstvo Constitutionalists in 1903 and the Union of Liberation in 1904, which called for a constitutional monarchy.

Russian socialists formed two major groups: the Socialist Revolutionary Party (founded in 1902), which followed the Russian populist tradition, and the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (founded in 1898).

In late 1904 liberals started a series of banquets (modeled on the campagne des banquets leading up to the French Revolution of 1848), nominally celebrating the 40th anniversary of the liberal court statutes, but actually an attempt to circumvent laws against political gatherings.

The banquets resulted in calls for political reforms and a constitution.

In November 1904 a ()—a gathering of zemstvo delegates representing all levels of Russian society—called for a constitution, civil liberties and a parliament.

On , the Moscow City Duma passed a resolution demanding the establishment of an elected national legislature, full freedom of the press, and freedom of religion.

Similar resolutions and appeals from other city dumas and zemstvo councils followed.

Emperor Nicholas II made a move to meet many of these demands, appointing liberal Pyotr Dmitrievich Sviatopolk-Mirsky as Minister of the Interior after the July 1904 assassination of Vyacheslav von Plehve.

On , the Emperor issued a manifesto promising the broadening of the zemstvo system and more authority for local municipal councils, insurance for industrial workers, the emancipation of Inorodtsy and the abolition of censorship.

The crucial demand—that for a representative national legislature—was missing in the manifesto.

Worker strikes in the Caucasus broke out in March 1902.

Strikes on the railways, originating from pay disputes, took on other issues and drew in other industries, culminating in a general strike at Rostov-on-Don in November 1902.

Daily meetings of 15,000 to 20,000 heard openly revolutionary appeals for the first time, before a massacre defeated the strikes.

But reaction to the massacres brought political demands to purely economic ones.

In 1904, massive strike waves broke out in Odessa in the spring, in Kiev in July, and in Baku in December.

This all set the stage for the strikes in St. Petersburg in December 1904 to January 1905 seen as the first step in the 1905 revolution.

Sympathy strikes in other parts of the city raised the number of strikers to 150,000 workers in 382 factories.

By , the city had no electricity and newspaper distribution was halted.

Controversial Orthodox priest Georgy Gapon, who headed a police-sponsored workers' association, led a huge workers' procession to the Winter Palace to deliver a petition to the Tsar on Sunday, .

The troops guarding the Palace were ordered to tell the demonstrators not to pass a certain point, according to Sergei Witte, and at some point, troops opened fire on the demonstrators, causing between 200 (according to Witte) and 1,000 deaths.

The event became known as Bloody Sunday, and is considered by many scholars as the start of the active phase of the revolution.

The events in St. Petersburg provoked public indignation and a series of massive strikes that spread quickly throughout the industrial centers of the Russian Empire.

Polish socialists—both the PPS and the SDKPiL—called for a general strike.

By the end of January 1905, over 400,000 workers in Russian Poland were on strike (see Revolution in the Kingdom of Poland (1905–1907)).

Half of European Russia's industrial workers went on strike in 1905, and 93.2% in Poland.

There were also strikes in Finland and the Baltic coast.

In Riga, 130 protesters were killed on , and in Warsaw a few days later over 100 strikers were shot on the streets.

By February, there were strikes in the Caucasus, and by April, in the Urals and beyond.

In March, all higher academic institutions were forcibly closed for the remainder of the year, adding radical students to the striking workers.

A strike by railway workers on quickly developed into a general strike in Saint Petersburg and Moscow.

This prompted the setting up of the short-lived Saint Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Delegates, an admixture of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks headed by Khrustalev-Nossar and despite the Iskra split would see the likes of Julius Martov and Georgi Plekhanov spar with Lenin.

Leon Trotsky, who felt a strong connection to the Bolsheviki, had not given up a compromise but spearheaded strike action in over 200 factories.

By , over 2 million workers were on strike and there were almost no active railways in all of Russia.

Growing inter-ethnic confrontation throughout the Caucasus resulted in Armenian–Tatar massacres, heavily damaging the cities and the Baku oilfields.

With the unsuccessful and bloody Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905) there was unrest in army reserve units.

On 2 January 1905, Port Arthur was lost; in February 1905, the Russian army was defeated at Mukden, losing almost 80,000 men.

On 27–28 May 1905, the Russian Baltic Fleet was defeated at Tsushima.

Witte was dispatched to make peace, negotiating the Treaty of Portsmouth (signed ).

In 1905, there were naval mutinies at Sevastopol (see Sevastopol Uprising), Vladivostok, and Kronstadt, peaking in June with the mutiny aboard the battleship Potemkin.

The mutineers eventually surrendered the battleship to Romanian authorities on 8 July in exchange for asylum, then the Romanians returned her to Imperial Russian authorities on the following day.

Some sources claim over 2,000 sailors died in the suppression.

The mutinies were disorganised and quickly crushed.

Despite these mutinies, the armed forces were largely apolitical and remained mostly loyal, if dissatisfied—and were widely used by the government to control the 1905 unrest.

Nationalist groups had been angered by the Russification undertaken since Alexander II.

The Poles, Finns, and the Baltic provinces all sought autonomy, and also freedom to use their national languages and promote their own culture.

Muslim groups were also active, founding the Union of the Muslims of Russia in August 1905.

Certain groups took the opportunity to settle differences with each other rather than the government.

Some nationalists undertook anti-Jewish pogroms, possibly with government aid, and in total over 3,000 Jews were killed.

He appointed a government commission "to enquire without delay into the causes of discontent among the workers in the city of St Petersburg and its suburbs" in view of the strike movement.

The commission was headed by Senator NV Shidlovsky, a member of the State Council, and included officials, chiefs of government factories, and private factory owners.

It was also meant to have included workers' delegates elected according to a two-stage system.

Elections of the workers delegates were, however, blocked by the socialists who wanted to divert the workers from the elections to the armed struggle.

On , the commission was dissolved without having started work.

Following the assassination of his uncle, the Grand Duke Sergei Aleksandrovich, on , the Tsar made new concessions.

On he published the Bulygin Rescript, which promised the formation of a consultative assembly, religious tolerance, freedom of speech (in the form of language rights for the Polish minority) and a reduction in the peasants' redemption payments.

On , about 300 Zemstvo and municipal representatives held three meetings in Moscow, which passed a resolution, asking for popular representation at the national level.

On , Nicholas II had received a Zemstvo deputation.

Responding to speeches by Prince Sergei Trubetskoi and Mr Fyodrov, the Tsar confirmed his promise to convene an assembly of people's representatives.

When its slight powers and limits on the electorate were revealed, unrest redoubled.

The Saint Petersburg Soviet was formed and called for a general strike in October, refusal to pay taxes, and the en masse withdrawal of bank deposits.

In June and July 1905, there were many peasant uprisings in which peasants seized land and tools.

Disturbances in the Russian-controlled Congress Poland culminated in June 1905 in the Łódź insurrection.

Surprisingly, only one landlord was recorded as killed.

Far more violence was inflicted on peasants outside the commune: 50 deaths were recorded.

The October Manifesto, written by Sergei Witte and Alexis Obolenskii, was presented to the Tsar on .

It closely followed the demands of the Zemstvo Congress in September, granting basic civil rights, allowing the formation of political parties, extending the franchise towards universal suffrage, and establishing the Duma as the central legislative body.

The Tsar waited and argued for three days, but finally signed the manifesto on , citing his desire to avoid a massacre and his realisation that there was insufficient military force available to pursue alternative options.

He regretted signing the document, saying that he felt "sick with shame at this betrayal of the dynasty ... the betrayal was complete".

When the manifesto was proclaimed, there were spontaneous demonstrations of support in all the major cities.

The strikes in Saint Petersburg and elsewhere officially ended or quickly collapsed.

The concessions came hand-in-hand with renewed, and brutal, action against the unrest.

There was also a backlash from the conservative elements of society, with right-wing attacks on strikers, left-wingers, and Jews.

While the Russian liberals were satisfied by the October Manifesto and prepared for upcoming Duma elections, radical socialists and revolutionaries denounced the elections and called for an armed uprising to destroy the Empire.

Some of the November uprising of 1905 in Sevastopol, headed by retired naval Lieutenant Pyotr Schmidt, was directed against the government, while some was undirected.

It included terrorism, worker strikes, peasant unrest and military mutinies, and was only suppressed after a fierce battle.

The Trans-Baikal railroad fell into the hands of striker committees and demobilised soldiers returning from Manchuria after the Russo–Japanese War.

The Tsar had to send a special detachment of loyal troops along the Trans-Siberian Railway to restore order.

Between , there was a general strike by Russian workers.

The government sent troops on 7 December, and a bitter street-by-street fight began.

A week later, the Semyonovsky Regiment was deployed, and used artillery to break up demonstrations and to shell workers' districts.

On , with around a thousand people dead and parts of the city in ruins, the workers surrendered.

After a final spasm in Moscow, the uprisings ended in December 1905.

According to figures presented in the Duma by Professor Maksim Kovalevsky, by April 1906, more than 14,000 people had been executed and 75,000 imprisoned.

Historian Brian Taylor states the number of deaths in the 1905 Revolution was in the "thousands", and notes one source that puts the figure at over 13,000 deaths.

The military remained loyal throughout the Revolution of 1905, as shown by their shooting of revolutionaries when ordered by the Tsar, making overthrow difficult.

These reforms were outlined in a precursor to the Constitution of 1906 known as the October Manifesto which created the Imperial Duma.

The Russian Constitution of 1906, also known as the Fundamental Laws, set up a multiparty system and a limited constitutional monarchy.

The revolutionaries were quelled and satisfied with the reforms, but it was not enough to prevent the 1917 revolution that would later topple the Tsar's regime.

One attempt in July 1905, called the Bulygin Duma, tried to reduce the assembly into a consultative body.

It also proposed limiting voting rights to those with a higher property qualification, excluding industrial workers.