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U.S. Department of State Seal 新闻声明 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 2019年12月10日 本周和上周，在“全球马格尼茨基”制裁计划下，美国宣布了72项制裁认定。这些行动针对全球范围内严重的人权侵犯和腐败，展示了美国的行动，努力让那些削弱法治、无视国际上接受的人权标准以及威胁国际政治和经济体系稳定的人承担切实、重大的后果。 在世界纪念12月9日的国际反腐败日和12月10日的国际人权日的时候，美国在尽自己的一份力，通过继续致力于支撑“全球马格尼茨基”的美国理想来促进问责。仅在2019年一年，美国在该计划下列出了97个个人和机构，该计划对美国用以针对恶意行为体施加经济和签证制裁的其他工具和机构形成补充。我们将继续利用这些工具在2020年及以后制止并预防全球的人权侵犯和腐败。 美国还赞扬我们的国际伙伴对这些同样的理想的承诺。我们祝贺欧洲联盟昨天决定努力发展欧盟人权制裁制度。这些工具孤立和阻止那些在行为上与尊重人权和打击腐败的全球价值观背道而驰的国家、领导人、个人和实体，并促进对其问责。 最后，我们还赞扬公民社会和新闻工作者的勇敢工作，他们在揭露侵犯人权和腐败以及追究公职人员责任方面发挥了重要作用。我们必须共同努力，以确保那些犯下此类行为的人们不因有权利用我们的金融系统和我们的海岸而获益。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE DECEMBER 10, 2019 This week and last, the United States announced 72 sanctions designations under the Global Magnitsky sanctions program.  These actions target serious human rights abuse and corruption on a global scale, demonstrating the United States’ action to pursue tangible and significant consequences for those who undermine the rule of law, disregard internationally accepted human rights standards, and threaten the stability of international political and economic systems. As the world recognizes International Anticorruption Day on December 9 and International Human Rights Day on December 10, the United States is doing its part to promote accountability by remaining committed to the American ideals underpinning Global Magnitsky.  In 2019 alone, the United States has designated 97 individuals and entities under this program, which complement other tools and authorities the United States uses to impose economic and visa restrictions on malign actors.  We will continue to leverage these tools to disrupt and deter human rights abuse and corruption around the globe in 2020 and beyond. The United States also applauds our international partners for their commitment to these same ideals.  We congratulate the European Union on its decision yesterday to pursue the development of an EU Human Rights Sanctions regime.  These tools isolate, deter, and promote accountability for states, leaders, individuals, and entities whose actions run contrary to global values of respect for human rights and combatting corruption. Finally, we also commend the courageous work of civil society and journalists, who play an important role in exposing human rights abuse and corruption and in holding public officials accountable.  Together, we must strive to ensure those who have committed such acts are cut off from the benefits of access to our financial systems and our shores.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年7月16日 7月16日，美国国务院协同美国财政部（U.S. Department of the Treasury）、美国商务部（U.S. Department of Commerce）、美国国土安全部（U.S. Department of Homeland Security）发布工商咨询公告，提醒美国工商业在香港开展经营和活动面临新的风险。其中很多方面的风险来自中华人民共和国香港特别行政区维护国家安全法，又称国家安全法的执行及其他近期的立法变更。 过去一年香港的事态发展对多国公司明显构成了经营、财务、法律和名誉等方面的风险。工商咨询公告为各公司提供有关信息，有助于在知情的情况下考虑商业决策，并做出适当的风险评估。 中华人民共和国政府和香港政府已执行的政策破坏了对香港个人和工商业在具备法律确定性的条件下自由从事经营具有重要意义的法律和监管环境。 工商业须认识到，在中国大陆面临的风险正日益在香港出现。国家安全法和中华人民共和国及香港当局采取的行动可能对他们的人员、财务、法律合规、名誉和经营产生负面影响。 咨询公告要点如下： 可能受到影响的工商业须注意在香港维持经营或人员可能面临名誉、经济和法律等方面的风险。 为了降低名誉等方面的风险，工商业应通过行业审慎调查政策和相关程序解决相应的和已识别的风险。 欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/issuance-of-a-hong-kong-business-advisory/

Issuance of a Hong Kong Business Advisory FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JULY 16, 2021 On July 16, the U.S. Department of State, along with the U.S. Department of the Treasury, the U.S. Department of Commerce, and the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, issued a business advisory to caution U.S. businesses about emerging risks to their operations and activities in Hong Kong. Many of these risks stem from the implementation of the Law of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, also known as the National Security Law (NSL), and other recent legislative changes. Developments over the last year in Hong Kong present clear operational, financial, legal, and reputational risks for multinational firms. This business advisory provides companies with information that can assist them in making informed business decisions and properly assessing risk. The policies which the PRC government and the Government of Hong Kong have implemented undermine the legal and regulatory environment that is critical for individuals and businesses to operate freely and with legal certainty in Hong Kong. Businesses should be aware that the risks faced in mainland China are now increasingly present in Hong Kong. The National Security Law and actions taken by PRC and Hong Kong authorities may negatively affect their staff, finances, legal compliance, reputation, and operations. The advisory highlights the following: Businesses with potential exposure should be aware of the potential reputational, economic, and legal risks of maintaining a presence or staff in Hong Kong. In order to mitigate reputational and other risks, businesses should apply industry due diligence policies and procedures to address applicable and identified risks.

2022年9月26日   9月24日，美国驻华大使馆在使馆场地内举办了2022年教育展。42所美国高校现场参加了展览，75所高校线上参展。本次活动吸引了600多人到场，还有大约10000人线上观展。 在预先录制的活动致辞中，美国驻中华人民共和国大使尼古拉斯·伯恩斯（Nicholas Burns）表示：“我们非常自豪，美国仍然是中国留学生赴海外留学的首选目的地。”伯恩斯大使还分享了他的个人心得，他曾经是大学教授，教过很多中国留学生，大使表示：“我有第一手的经验，来说美国是衷心欢迎来自中国的国际学生、研究人员和学者到美国的校园。通过他们的创意、创新、多元的视角——我还必须提到他们的勤奋好学——中国留学生让我们的高等院校，以及我们身处的社区，更加丰富多彩。” 最新的数据显示，在疫情之前，每年有超过37万名中国学生为了自己的未来，选择到美国留学。虽然疫情充满挑战，但是自去年5月至今，美国已向中国学生和学者签发超过15.5万份签证。在2020/2021学年，中国已连续第12年是美国国际留学生最大来源地，有317299名学生注册了本科、研究生、非学历、选择性实习（OPT）项目。中国留学生占美国所有国际留学生的34.7%。 “美国热诚地欢迎你。”伯恩斯大使表示，“我们向你提供帮助，让你逐梦成真，增进我们两国之间坦诚的了解。” 如需观看线上展览，了解75所不同类型的美国大学，以及获取留学美国的最新资讯与建议，请浏览：https://udty.tech/EducationUSA2022Fair。你还可以随时随地观看2022年教育展上的4场现场讲座： EducationUSA是隶属于美国国务院的国际留学生咨询中心网络，在175多个国家和地区设有430多个咨询中心，在美国驻华大使馆和我们在中国的每个领事馆都设有分支机构。每年，数以百万计的国际留学生通过我们的全球网络获得准确、全面和及时的信息，并了解如何申请获得认证的美国大学。我们所有的活动均免费且立场公正，专门帮助学生、高等教育机构以及指导老师、行政人员和英语教师。关于美国留学和今后活动的更多信息，请查看EducationUSA中国的网站，给我们发电子邮件到 educationusachina@state.gov，或关注我们的微博： 你可以关注伯恩斯大使的推特账号以及美国驻华大使馆的微信公众号、微博和推特账号：

September 26, 2022 2022 Education Fair:  Ambassador Burns welcomes students from China to study in the United States On September 24, the U.S. Embassy Beijing held its 2022 Education Fair on the Embassy’s grounds.  42 U.S. colleges and universities participated in the fair on-site, while 75 colleges and universities showcased their schools online.  The event attracted more than 600 participants in person and about 10,000 online. U.S. Ambassador to the PRC Nicholas Burns, in recorded remarks to attendees, said:  “We are very proud the United States remains the top destination for Chinese students who choose to pursue education beyond China.”  Sharing his personal observations as a former college professor who has taught many students from China, Ambassador Burns added:  “I can say first-hand that the United States wholeheartedly welcomes international students, researchers, and scholars from China on U.S. campuses.  Through their creativity, innovation, and diverse perspectives, and I must say hard work, Chinese students enrich our colleges and universities as well as our surrounding communities in the U.S.” According to the most recent available figures, before the COVID-19 pandemic, more than 370,000 Chinese students annually chose to invest in their future by studying in the United States.   Despite the challenges of COVID-19, since May of last year the United States has issued well over 155,000 visas to Chinese students and scholars.  In the 2020/2021 academic year, China was the largest source of international students in the United States for the 12th consecutive year, with 317,299 students enrolled in undergraduate, graduate, non-degree, and optional practical training (OPT) programs.  Chinese students accounted for 34.7 percent of all international students. “America warmly welcomes you,” said Ambassador Burns.  “We’re here to help you on a journey that will fulfill your dreams and help improve the understanding, frankly, between our two countries.” To check out the online exhibition, learn about 75 U.S. universities of various types, and to get the latest information and advice for studying in the United States, please see:  https://udty.tech/EducationUSA2022Fair.  You can also listen to the four presentations made at the 2022 Education Fair: EducationUSA, a U.S. Department of State network of over 430 international student advising centers in more than 175 countries and territories, has branches at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing and each of our Consulates throughout China.  Every year, millions of international students obtain accurate, comprehensive, and timely information through our global network and learn how to apply to accredited American universities.  All our activities are free and unbiased, geared towards helping students, higher education institutions, and guidance counselors, administrative staff, and English teachers.  For more information about study in the United States and upcoming events, check out EducationUSA China’s website, email us at educationusachina@state.gov, or follow our Weibo account: You can follow Ambassador Burns’ Twitter account as well as the U.S. Embassy in Beijing’s main WeChat, Weibo, and Twitter accounts here:

7月24日，美国国土安全部（DHS）的移民和海关执法局（ICE）宣布，非移民学生以及学生和交流访问者项目（SEVP）认证的学校应遵守最初发布于2020年3月的SEVP指导意见。鉴于COVID-19引起的公共卫生危机，该指导意见允许部分远程学习超出规定时限。 根据2020年3月的指导意见，2020秋季学期在美读书的非移民学生可留在美国，即使他们的教育机构转换为混合式学制或全网课授课。在此情形下，学生将保留他们的非移民身份，并且不会面临基于他们的网络学习发起的遣返程序。 但是，根据2020年3月的指导意见，3月9日之后才获得新生或初始入学状态的非移民学生若攻读全部课程为100%网络授课的学业，将无法以非移民学生的身份于秋季学期进入美国来入学美国学校。 确实满足DHS I-20（资格证明）表格上以及学生和交流访问者信息系统（SEVIS）中SEVP要求的学生或可获得学生签证。 国际学生仍必须在前往美国前获得相应的签证，并且由于COVID-19的缘故，仍可能在签证受理和旅行上受限。学生应前往美国在中国的签证信息服务网站（https://www.ustraveldocs.com/cn/）查询关于签证受理的最新信息。目前，整个驻中国使团的常规移民和非移民签证预约均已暂停。我们将尽快恢复常规签证服务，但目前无法提供具体日期。 我们认识到COVID-19大流行给大学和学生都带来严峻挑战，我们也希望诸多计划今秋在美国学习的国际学生仍能实现自己的计划。 更多信息请见： Travel.State.Gov网站的“2020秋季学期F和M签证学生的SEVP网络授课指导意见” （“SEVP Online Course Guidance for F and M Students for Fall 2020”）:  https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/News/visas-news/sevp-online-course-guidance-for-f-and-m-students-for-fall-2020.html 移民和海关执法局（ICE）在“非移民学生和SEVP认证学校”标题下设有“关于COVID-19的指导意见”页面，其中的常见问题（FAQ）部分列出了有关2020秋季学期的澄清性问题：https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus 面向中国的美国签证信息服务网站：https://www.ustraveldocs.com/cn/ 美国驻华大使馆和领事馆签证页：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/zh/visas-zh/

On July 24, the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) announced that nonimmigrant students and schools certified by the Student and Exchange Visitor Program (SEVP) should abide by SEVP guidance originally issued in March 2020, which allows some distance learning in excess of regulatory limits due to the public health emergency generated by COVID-19.  Per the March 2020 guidance, nonimmigrant students pursuing studies in the United States for the fall 2020 school term may remain in the United States even if their educational institution switches to a hybrid program or to fully online instruction. The students will maintain their nonimmigrant status in this scenario and would not be subject to initiation of removal proceedings based on their online studies. However, in accordance with the March 2020 guidance, nonimmigrant students in new or initial status after March 9 will not be able to enter the U.S. to enroll in a U.S. school as a nonimmigrant student for the fall term to pursue a full course of study that is 100 percent online.  Students who do satisfy SEVP requirements as reflected on the DHS form I-20 (Certificate of Eligibility) and in SEVIS may qualify for student visas. International students must still obtain the appropriate visa before traveling to the U.S., and may still be subject to visa processing and travel restrictions due to COVID-19.  Students should check with the  Information Service for China website (https://www.ustraveldocs.com/cn/) for the latest information on visa processing. Routine immigrant and nonimmigrant visa appointments are currently suspended throughout Mission China. We will resume routine visa services as soon as possible but are unable to provide a specific date at this time. We recognize the serious challenges the COVID-19 pandemic has posed to universities and students alike, and we hope that many international students who had planned to study this fall in the United States will still be able to do so. For more information, please see: Travel.State.Gov’s “SEVP Online Course Guidance for F and M Students for Fall 2020”: https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/News/visas-news/sevp-online-course-guidance-for-f-and-m-students-for-fall-2020.html Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) “Guidance on COVID-19” page under the “Nonimmigrant Students and SEVP-certified Schools” header, which has a FAQ with clarifying questions for Fall 2020: https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus U.S. Visa Information Service for China website: https://www.ustraveldocs.com/cn/ U.S. Embassy & Consulates in China Visas page: https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/visas/

美国国务院 2021/03/22 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 国务卿安东尼·布林肯发表声明，要求与我方伙伴共同加强对践踏人权的行为实行问责 今天，美国与我方伙伴根据全球马格尼茨基（Global Magnitsky）制裁计划共同对新疆生产建设兵团党委书记王君正和新疆公安厅厅长陈明国实施制裁。我们的行动针对的是在新疆严重践踏民族和宗教少数群体人权的行为。 对王君正和陈明国的认定以针对中华人民共和国在新疆骇人听闻的暴行发布的13818号行政命令为根据。王君正被认定为在新疆生产建设兵团工作，或据称在新疆生产建设兵团工作，或者间接或直接代表新疆生产建设兵团的人员。陈明国被认定为担任新疆公安厅负责人或官员的外国人员，该机构本身或其成员从事与陈某任期有关的严重践踏人权的行为。 在国际社会的谴责日益高涨之际，中华人民共和国仍继续在新疆从事种族灭绝和反人类的罪行。美国重申，要求中华人民共和国停止镇压新疆穆斯林占多数的维吾尔人以及其他民族和宗教少数派群体，包括释放所有在拘押营和拘留所被任意拘押的人员。 今天，我们采取的这项行动与我方的英国、加拿大和欧盟（European Union）伙伴相互配合。作为今天他们行动的一部分，我方伙伴还对与新疆地区和其他国家的暴行有联系的践踏人权的涉案人员实施制裁。这些行动表明，我们继续承诺采取多边行动促进对人权的尊重，并揭发中华人民共和国政府和中国共产党应对这些暴行负责的人员。 美国坚持通过全球马格尼茨基制裁计划和类似的努力为全球反对严重践踏人权的行为发挥强大的主导作用。有针对性的制裁，包括制裁侵犯或践踏人权的人员，是遏制恶意行为者和倡导问责制的重要工具。 美国对今天欧盟更广泛的涉及人权事务的制裁行动表示赞赏。我们欢迎欧盟通过这个有力的工具在全球范围内加强对践踏人权的人员追究责任。跨大西洋的联合反应向侵犯或践踏国际人权的人员发出了强烈的信号。我们将与志同道合的伙伴共同采取进一步行动。我们将继续支持我们在世界各地的伙伴，要求立即制止中华人民共和国的罪行，为众多的受害者伸张正义。 进一步详情见财政部新闻简报。

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ANTONY J. BLINKEN Promoting Accountability for Human Rights Abuse with Our Partners Today, the United States, in unity with our partners, is imposing sanctions against Wang Junzheng, the Secretary of the Party Committee of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) and Chen Mingguo, Director of the Xinjiang Public Security Bureau (XPSB) under the Global Magnitsky sanctions program.  We are doing so in response to serious human rights abuse against members of ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang. Wang Junzheng and Chen Mingguo are being designated pursuant to Executive Order 13818 in connection with the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) appalling abuses in Xinjiang.  Wang is being designated for having acted or purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, the XPCC.  Chen is being designated for being a foreign person who is a leader or an official of the XPSB, which has engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, serious human rights abuse related to Chen’s tenure. Amid growing international condemnation, the PRC continues to commit genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang.  The United States reiterates its calls on the PRC to bring an end to the repression of Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang, including by releasing all those arbitrarily held in internment camps and detention facilities. We have taken this action today in solidarity with our partners in the United Kingdom, Canada, and the European Union.  As part of their actions today, our partners also sanctioned human rights abusers in connection with the atrocities occurring in Xinjiang and other countries.  These actions demonstrate our ongoing commitment to working multilaterally to advance respect for human rights and shining a light on those in the PRC government and CCP responsible for these atrocities. The United States is committed to playing a strong leadership role in global efforts to combat serious human rights abuse, through the Global Magnitsky sanctions program and similar efforts.  Targeted sanctions, including against those who violate or abuse human rights, are an important tool to discourage malign actors and promote accountability The United States applauds the EU’s broader human rights sanctions action today.  We welcome the EU’s use of this powerful tool to promote accountability for human rights abuse on a global scale.  A united transatlantic response sends a strong signal to those who violate or abuse international human rights, and we will take further actions in coordination with likeminded partners.  We will continue to stand with our allies around the world in calling for an immediate end to the PRC’s crimes and for justice for the many victims. For further information, see the Department of the Treasury’s press release.

The United States Ratifies Central Arctic Ocean Fisheries Agreement 美国是继加拿大、俄罗斯联邦和欧盟之后第四个正式批准《防止北冰洋中部公海无管制渔业协议》的缔约方。该协议经所有十个缔约方正式批准之后便可生效。 目前在北极公海不存在商业渔业，因该地区大部分终年被冰层覆盖。但是，随着一年中越来越长的时间段里出现越来越大片的夏季无冰区，缔约方预期商业捕捞在可预见的未来将有可能出现。该协议是第一个此类多边协议，在商业捕捞开始之前，就采取具有法律约束力且预防性的方法保护某一地区免受这样的捕捞之害。 于2018年10月3日在格陵兰岛签署，共有十名参与者参加了协议的谈判：加拿大、中华人民共和国、丹麦王国（法罗群岛和格陵兰）、欧盟、冰岛、日本、挪威王国、大韩民国、俄罗斯联邦和美利坚合众国。该协议有两个主要目标：防止北冰洋中部公海部分的无管制捕捞以及促进联合科学研究和监测。

The United States is the fourth party to ratify the Agreement to Prevent Unregulated High Seas Fisheries in the Central Arctic Ocean after Canada, the Russian Federation, and the European Union. The Agreement will enter into force once all ten Signatories ratify. There are currently no commercial fisheries in the Arctic high seas, with most of the region covered by ice year round. However, with an ever-increasing ice-free area in the summer for an increasingly lengthy portion of the year, parties anticipate that commercial fishing will be possible in the foreseeable future. This Agreement is the first multilateral agreement of its kind to take a legally-binding, precautionary approach to protect an area from commercial fishing before that fishing has even begun. Signed in Greenland on October 3, 2018, there were ten participants in the negotiation of the Agreement: Canada, the People’s Republic of China, the Kingdom of Denmark (in respect of the Faroe Islands and Greenland), the European Union, Iceland, Japan, the Kingdom of Norway, the Republic of Korea, the Russian Federation, and the United States of America. The Agreement has two principal objectives: the prevention of unregulated fishing in the high seas portion of the central Arctic Ocean and the facilitation of joint scientific research and monitoring.

即刻发布   2023年4月22日   今天，根据我的命令，美国军队展开了行动，从喀土穆撤离美国政府人员。我为我们大使馆员工致力于工作的非凡决心感到骄傲，他们勇敢、专业地履行职责，体现了美国与苏丹人民的友谊和联系。我感谢我们的军队无与伦比的技能，他们成功地将使馆人员带到了安全的地方。我还感谢吉布提、埃塞俄比亚和沙特阿拉伯，这些国家对我们的行动取得成功发挥了至关重要的作用。   我从我的团队收到他们正在做的工作的定期报告，他们尽可能地协助在苏丹的美国人。我们也正与我们的盟友和伙伴一起在这项工作上密切合作。   苏丹灾难性的暴力已经造成了数百名无辜平民丧生。这违背良知，必须停止。交战的各方必须立即落实无条件停火，允许不受限制的人道主义救助，并尊重苏丹人民的意愿。我们临时暂停了美国驻苏丹大使馆的运作，但我们致力于支持苏丹人民以及他们自己想要的未来的决心没有结束。   ###    https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/04/22/statement-from-president-joe-biden-on-the-situation-in-sudan/

Today, on my orders, the United States military conducted an operation to extract U.S. Government personnel from Khartoum.  I am proud of the extraordinary commitment of our Embassy staff, who performed their duties with courage and professionalism and embodied America’s friendship and connection with the people of Sudan.  I am grateful for the unmatched skill of our service members who successfully brought them to safety.  And I thank Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Saudi Arabia, which were critical to the success of our operation. I am receiving regular reports from my team on their ongoing work to assist Americans in Sudan, to the extent possible.  We are also working closely with our allies and partners in this effort. This tragic violence in Sudan has already cost the lives of hundreds of innocent civilians.  It’s unconscionable and it must stop.  The belligerent parties must implement an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, allow unhindered humanitarian access, and respect the will of the people of Sudan.  We are temporarily suspending operations at the U.S. Embassy in Sudan, but our commitment to the Sudanese people and the future they want for themselves is unending. ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年9月1日 联合国人权事务高级专员办事处关于新疆人权情况的报告 安东尼·布林肯国务卿声明 联合国人权事务高级专员办事处（UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights）8月31日的报告对新疆发生的践踏人权和虐待作出了惊人详细的叙述。报告的结论是，“对维吾尔族成员和以穆斯林为主体的群体成员的任意和歧视性拘留的程度……有可能构成国际罪，尤其是危害人类罪”，并且在新疆“发生了对人权的严重践踏”。 美国对这一重要报告表示欢迎，报告权威性地记述了中华人民共和国政府对维吾尔族人和其他少数民族和宗教群体成员的令人发指的对待和践踏。 这份报告加深并再次肯定了我们对中华人民共和国政府正在新疆对以穆斯林为主体的维吾尔族人以及其他少数民族和宗教少数群体成员进行种族灭绝和犯下危害人类罪的严重担忧。 我们将继续与我们的合作伙伴、公民社会以及国际社会密切合作，为众多受害者寻求正义和追究责任。我们将继续要求中华人民共和国承担责任，并且呼吁中华人民共和国释放那些被不公正拘留的人，澄清失踪者的下落，同时让独立调查人员能够完全和无障碍地进入新疆、西藏和中华人民共和国各地。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/un-office-of-the-high-commissioner-for-human-rights-report-on-the-human-rights-situation-in-xinjiang/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE SEPTEMBER 1, 2022 The August 31st report by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights outlines in alarming details the human rights violations and abuses occurring in Xinjiang. It concludes that “the extent of arbitrary and discriminatory detention of members of the Uyghur and predominantly Muslim groups… may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity,” and that “serious human rights violations have been committed” in Xinjiang. The United States welcomes this important report, which describes authoritatively the appalling treatment and abuses of Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups by the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This report deepens and reaffirms our grave concern regarding the ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity that PRC government authorities are perpetrating against Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang. We will continue to work closely with our partners, civil society, and the international community to seek justice and accountability for the many victims.  We will continue to hold the PRC to account and call on the PRC to release those unjustly detained, account for those disappeared, and allow independent investigators full and unhindered access to Xinjiang, Tibet, and across the PRC.

庆祝美国创新：互联网诞生50周年 庆祝美国创新：互联网诞生50周年 2019年10月29日东部夏令时间下午2：07 发言人办公室 1969年10月29日，美国国防部高级研究计划局下属研究人员在加利福尼亚大学洛杉矶分校和斯坦福研究所的实验室之间发出了第一条主机对主机的信息。正如我们所知，这标志了互联网的诞生。如今，全球一半以上的人口可以上网，互联网为全球经济贡献数万亿美元。 值此50周年之际，我们向那些通过这项美国发明开创人类进步新时代的创新者致敬。美国政府致力于确保互联网以及其他信息和通讯技术对未来的子孙后代依然是有价值且可行的工具。 与其他国家/地区结伴，国务部正引领美国政府致力于促进开放、可互操作、安全和可靠的信息和通讯基础设施，以支持国际贸易和商业，加强国际安全并促进自由表达和创新。 网络空间的安全对保护美国的国家安全和促进美国人民的繁荣至关重要。

Office of the Spokesperson On October 29, 1969, researchers working under the U.S. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency sent the first host-to-host message between laboratories at the University of California Los Angeles and the Stanford Research Institute. This marked the birth of the Internet as we know it. Today, more than half the world’s population is online and the Internet contributes trillions to the global economy. On the 50th anniversary, we salute the innovators who ushered in a new age of human progress with this American invention. The U.S. government works to ensure that the Internet and other information and communication technologies remain valuable and viable tools for future generations. In partnership with other countries, the Department of State is leading the U.S. government’s efforts to promote an open, interoperable, secure, and reliable information and communications infrastructure that supports international trade and commerce, strengthens international security, and fosters free expression and innovation. The security of cyberspace is fundamental to protecting America’s national security and promoting the prosperity of the American people.

美国东部标准时间 2020年12月11日 下午 04:26 发言人办公室 美国祝贺马来西亚在COVID-19大流行带来挑战的情况下仍然成功完成了今年的APEC东道主工作。全部通过视频举行的APEC系列会议以APEC领导人以及外长和贸易部长视频会议收官。通过这些会议，21个APEC经济体就一系列部长级声明达成一致，其收官声明为《APEC领导人吉隆坡宣言》和《布城愿景2040》。为应对COVID-19，美国已优先考虑本着疫情后的经济恢复重新定位APEC议程，与此同时保持APEC在贸易和数字经济方面的核心工作的势头以及在为改善投资和监管环境开展长期行动方面的势头。 我们为什么要参与APEC APEC是美国在亚太地区与我们的区域伙伴就贸易和投资问题进行交往的首要平台。APEC的21个经济体加起来相当于约38％的世界人口、近60％的全球GDP，以及约47％的世界贸易。美国产品出口的全球前十五大市场中，APEC成员占了七个。 我们在APEC的工作推动着我们自由开放的印度太平洋地区的远景。 ***** 为APEC绘制新远景 APEC领导人签署了《APEC布城愿景2040》，以引导APEC未来20年的工作。该愿景发出了一个重要信号，表明APEC在亚太地区促进贸易、投资和可持续增长方面的持续重要性。它反映了美国的关键优先事项，如着手应对不公平的贸易做法和其他贸易壁垒、创造市场驱动的赋能环境、鼓励创新，并扩大数字经济以推动未来的强劲增长。 让区域贸易自由、公平、对等 美国与APEC伙伴一道促进自由、公平、对等的贸易与投资，同时为美国企业带来实质性结果。美国在APEC中的优先事项包括推动服务贸易以及让其他经济体为参与高标准的贸易协定做好准备。 ****** 支持美国创新和数字经济 COVID-19凸显了数字经济在推动经济增长、创造新的就业机会及培育新市场和新行业上对所有APEC经济体的重要性。更加开放、可共同操作和安全的互联网将使美国经济受益。据估计，美国的数字经济占国内生产总值（GDP）的5%。 ****** 帮助美国公司开展业务 我们与APEC各经济体一道改善经济政策、商业监管和公平竞争的执行情况，以为美国公司提供公平的竞争环境和开放的市场。我们还与各经济体一同实施良好的监管做法，打破商业壁垒并实施反腐败措施。 ****** 扩大女性的经济参与 我们在APEC的首要优先事项之一仍然是推动整个地区女性的经济赋能。提高女性经济参与并发挥女性领导力，尤其是在本地区后新冠疫情的经济复苏中这样做，将刺激GDP的增长及促进稳定。 ****** 促进健康、有复原力和可持续的经济 美国与APEC的伙伴一道，着手解决影响经济参与的外部因素，如健康和环境问题。特别是，努力保持人口健康、建设复原力及促进环境资源的可持续利用对于保持长期经济增长都是必要的。 ******

12/11/2020 04:26 PM EST Office of the Spokesperson The United States congratulates Malaysia for hosting a successful APEC year despite the challenges brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic.  Through entirely virtual APEC meetings, culminating with the virtual meetings of APEC Leaders and Foreign and Trade Ministers, the 21 APEC economies reached consensus on a number of ministerial statements culminating with the Kuala Lumpur Leaders’ Declaration and the Putrajaya Vision 2040.  In response to COVID-19, the United States has prioritized reorienting APEC’s agenda toward post-pandemic economic recovery and maintaining momentum on the forum’s core work on trade and the digital economy, and long-term initiatives to improve the investment climate and regulatory environment. WHY WE ENGAGE IN APEC APEC is the premier platform for the United States to engage our regional partners on trade and investment issues in the Asia-Pacific region.  Taken together, APEC’s 21 economies account for approximately 38 percent of the world’s population, approximately 60 percent of global GDP, and about 47 percent of world trade.  APEC members represent seven of the top 15 markets in the world for U.S. goods exports.  Our work in APEC advances our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific. CHARTING A NEW VISION FOR APEC APEC Leaders endorsed the “APEC Putrajaya Vision 2040” to guide APEC’s work over the next twenty years.   The Vision sends an important signal of APEC’s continued importance to fostering trade and investment and sustainable growth in the Asia-Pacific.  It reflects key U.S. priorities such as addressing unfair trade practices and other barriers to trade, creating a market-driven enabling environment, fostering innovation, and expanding the digital economy to drive strong future growth. MAKING TRADE IN THE REGION FREE, FAIR AND RECIPROCAL The United States works with partners in APEC to advance free, fair, and reciprocal trade and investment while delivering meaningful results for U.S. businesses.  U.S. priorities in APEC include advancing services trade and preparing other economies for participation in high-standard trade agreements.  We continue to work in APEC to lower barriers to U.S. exports and open markets for U.S. businesses by: SUPPORTING U.S. INNOVATION AND THE DIGITAL ECONOMY COVID-19 has underscored the importance of the digital economy in driving economic growth, creating new jobs, and cultivating new markets and new industries in all APEC economies.  A more open, interoperable, and secure Internet will benefit the U.S. economy, where the digital economy accounts for an estimated five percent of GDP.  This year, United States promoted new, innovative digital technologies to respond to and recover from COVID-19 by: HELPING U.S. COMPANIES DO BUSINESS We work with APEC economies to improve implementation of economic policies, business regulation and fair competition to level the playing field and open markets for U.S. companies.  We also work with economies to implement good regulatory practices, break down barriers to business, and institute anti-corruption measures. Our work in APEC makes it easier for U.S. companies to do business in the region by: EXPANDING WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN THE ECONOMY One of our top priorities for APEC remains advancing women’s economic empowerment across the region.  Greater economic participation, and leadership by women, especially in the region’s post-pandemic economic recovery, will spur GDP growth and foster stability. Through APEC, we work to expand opportunities for women to participate in the economy by: PROMOTING HEALTHY, RESILIENT, AND SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIES The United States works with partners in APEC to address external factors that affect economic participation, such as health and environmental issues.  In particular, working to maintain healthy populations, build resilience, and promote the sustainable use of environmental resources are all necessary to maintain long-term economic growth.  We work in APEC to mitigate the economic impacts of health and environmental challenges by: For further information, please contact the Office of Economic Policy, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs at DOSAPEC@state.gov.

Sam Brownback, the U.S. ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom, speaks to journalists in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, Sunday, Feb. 24, 2019. Pakistan has “a desire to change” its ways and be removed from an American blacklist of countries that infringe religious freedoms, Brownback said Sunday on a tour of a Mideast long riven by faith. (AP Photo/Jon Gambrell) 美国国务院 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2019年3月8日 塞缪尔•布朗巴克（Samuel D. Brownback） 国际宗教自由事务无任所大使 外国记者会（Foreign Correspondents Club） 中国香港 [讲话稿] *          *          *          * 我首先要向中国人民表达我深深的敬意。我的小女儿是中国人，现在就读于贝勒大学（Baylor University）。 ……在此次讲话中，我将表述美国对中国大陆的宗教自由状况的一系列关切。这是出于痛心，而不是愤怒。我们高度评价中国人民过去、现在以及将来为人类做出的所有贡献。 *          *          *          * 我们都目睹了中国走上国际舞台。我第一次到中国是在1985年。我认为中国政府往往按民族划分，并通过实行“宗教事务条例”，做出对数不胜数的宗教群体施行控制、摧毁敬拜场所、非法关押宗教领袖，以及无情镇压任何形式的有建设性的异见的行为，显示出其无视每一位中国公民的个人尊严。 有鉴于此，我想谈谈美国政府所抱的关切——特别是关于中国大陆日益恶化的宗教自由状况。过去几年来，我们看到了中国政府对来自很多信仰以及来自大陆各地的宗教信徒的迫害越来越严重。全世界都表示关切。 让我先谈谈新疆维吾尔族自治区——让人警觉的是，中国有关当局任意关押穆斯林少数群体的成员，将他们关进拘留营的原因包括常见的宗教行为，例如蓄须、戴面纱、参加仪式、信守斋月、分享宗教著述，乃至祈祷。 自2017年4月以来，大陆有关当局关押了超过100万名穆斯林族裔。他们把维吾尔人、哈萨克人、吉尔吉斯人以及其他穆斯林少数群体成员作为对象，并强行将他们迁往拘留营。这些人的亲属不知道他们的去向，甚至不知道他们的死活。特朗普政府（Trump Administration）深表关切，认为这类迫害活动说明北京蓄意对这些穆斯林群体的身份、文化和信仰进行重新界定和控制。 中国只把这些设有岗楼和铁丝网的不断蔓延的营地说成是“职业培训中心”。我们必须揭露这些营地的真相；它们是为了抹杀少数社群的文化和宗教身份而设的拘留营。多份报告显示，大陆有关当局强迫无辜民众进入这些营地，往往主要根据他们的宗教信仰和族裔身份。国际社会目睹并报道了这类事件。我最近读到了两篇有关这类事件的文章。他们随后受到不确定期限的关押，并遭到身体及心理折磨、高强度政治灌输，以及强制劳动。11月，这类拘留营中的一位幸存者告诉美国国会（United States Congress），她遭受了残忍的酷刑，并亲眼看到与她同牢房的至少9名无辜女性在短短几个月内死去。这位妇女与她的三胞胎骨肉分离。可悲的是，她的一名子女在被中国政府关押期间死去。除了拘留营外，中国政府还在新疆镇压民众，限制出行，利用一套“奥威尔式”的高科技监控系统监查他们的一言一行，并严禁某些宗教活动。政府甚至禁止儿童参加宗教仪式，并禁止父母给他们的子女取常见的伊斯兰名字。 中国长期借助于其经济势力来压制对其严重践踏人权的行径的批评。我赞赏那些公开批评中国在新疆的侵权行径的国家。土耳其最近就那里的人权危机发表了强烈的谴责。应当有更多的国家这样做。 中国声称使用拘留营以及采取其他镇压行为是为了先发制人地铲除恐怖主义。 但中国强行将妇女、儿童、老人以及教育程度极高的知识分子送进大规模关押中心和拘留营，不仅没有解决恐怖主义问题，反而还制造了问题。这类关押的规模之大，与中国面临的来自极端主义的任何切实威胁完全不相称，甚至根据中国自己的官方媒体和警方报告也是如此。在关押规模于2017年3月之后扩大以前，新疆已有一年半甚至没有过大型极端主义事件的报道。而中国政府的种种行为的目的在于确保独特的族裔和宗教群体受到残酷的、强制性的管控；原因就在于他们与众不同。出于某种原因，有信仰的男女民众被视为对中国共产党的一种威胁。 根据幸存者的证词，清楚明确的是中国在新疆采取的错误和残酷的政策正造成忿懑、仇恨、分裂、贫困和愤怒。引用一位中国官员自己的话说，这实际上是养肥了“滋生恐怖主义的土壤……”。 *          *          *          * 中国共产党必须聆听本国人民发出的宗教自由的呼声，并采取行动纠正错误。 中国人民是伟大的人民。在不久的一天，他们将能自由地践行自己的信仰。宗教自由的大门将在中国完全敞开，宗教迫害的铁幕将被打破。目前中国政府正站在历史错误的一边……但这将会改变。 美国及其他国家正在汇聚全世界各国政府和宗教领袖，以增进所有人的宗教自由。我们去年7月创设的促进宗教自由部长级会议（Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom）就是为了专门推进这项事业。蓬佩奥国务卿（Secretary Pompeo）已宣布下一次部长级会议将于7月16日到18日在华盛顿举行。 我们还在同全世界其他政府和组织合作，举办后续性地区会议，着重于各地区特有的宗教自由问题。 *          *          *          *

Samuel D. Brownback Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom Foreign Correspondents Club Hong Kong, China March 8, 2019 Introduction I would like to begin by expressing my profound respect for the Chinese people. My youngest daughter is Chinese and now attends school at Baylor University. *** During this speech, I will express a number of concerns the United States has about the religious freedom situation in mainland China. That is out of lament, not anger. We highly regard the Chinese people for all their contributions to mankind in the past, present, and for the future. *** Increasing Religious Freedom Problems in China  We have all watched China emerge onto the international stage. I first traveled to China 1985. I believe the efforts by the Chinese government to exert control over members of countless religious groups, often along ethnic lines, through the enforcement of “religious affairs regulations,” the destruction of houses of worship, the unlawful imprisonment of religious leaders, and actions to ruthlessly silence any forms of constructive dissent, demonstrates its disregard for the individual dignity of every Chinese citizen. In that spirit, I want to talk about concerns the United States government has – and specifically about the deteriorating state of religious freedom in mainland China. Over the last few years, we have seen increasing Chinese government persecution of religious believers from many faiths and from all parts of the mainland. The world is taking notice. *** Xinjiang Let me start in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region – it is alarming that Chinese government authorities have arbitrarily detained members of Muslim minority groups in internment camps for reasons including common religious practices, such as having a beard, wearing a veil, attending services, observing Ramadan, sharing religious writings, or even praying. Since April 2017, mainland authorities have detained more than one million ethnic Muslims. They have targeted and forcibly relocated to internment camps Uighurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and members of other Muslim minority groups. Family members do not know the whereabouts of their loved ones, or even whether they are dead or alive. The Trump Administration is deeply concerned, and considers this oppression a deliberate attempt by Beijing to redefine and control members of these Muslim minority groups’ identity, culture, and faith. China describes these sprawling camps with guard towers and barbed wire as simply “vocational training centers.” We need to call these camps what they are; they’re internment camps created to wipe out the cultural and religious identity of minority communities. Numerous reports indicate that mainland authorities force innocent people into these camps often based primarily on their religious beliefs and ethnic identity. The international community has seen and covered these events. I recently read two articles on these events. They are then held for an indeterminate amount of time and subjected to physical and psychological torture, intense political indoctrination, and forced labor. In November, a survivor of one of these camps told the United States Congress that she was brutally tortured and witnessed at least nine other innocent women in her cell die in just a few months. The same woman was separated from her triplets. Tragically, one of her children died while being held in Chinese government custody. Beyond the camps, the Chinese government also represses people in Xinjiang, restricting travel, monitoring their every move by using a high-tech Orwellian surveillance system, and banning certain religious practices. The government even bans children from participating in religious services and prohibits parents from naming their children common Islamic names. China has long used its economic weight to silence criticism of its severe human rights abuses. I applaud the countries that have spoken out against China’s abuses in Xinjiang. Turkey recently issued a strong condemnation of the human rights crisis there. More countries should do so. China justifies its use of internment camps and other repressive practices by claiming that it is rooting out terrorism preemptively. But China is not solving a terrorist problem by forcibly moving women, children, the elderly, and the highly educated intelligentsia into mass detention centers and internment camps. Instead, they are creating one. The magnitude of these detentions is completely out of proportion to any real threat China faces from extremism, even according to China’s own official media and police reports. Xinjiang had not even reported a large scale extremist incident for more than a year and a half before the detentions expanded after March 2017. Rather the Chinese government’s actions are intended to ensure that distinct ethnic and religious peoples are brutally and forcefully controlled; why—because they are different. Somehow, men and women of faith are viewed as a threat to the Chinese Communist Party. Based on the testimonies of survivors, it is clear that China’s misguided and cruel policies in Xinjiang are creating resentment, hatred, division, poverty, and anger. To use a Chinese official’s own words, this is essentially fertilizing the “soil that breeds terrorism…” *** What We Are Doing The Chinese Communist Party must hear the cries of its own people for religious freedom and act to correct this wrong. The Chinese people are a great people. Someday soon, they will be free to practice their faith. The gates of religious freedom will fly open in China and the iron curtain of religious persecution will come down. The Chinese government is currently on the wrong side of history…but this will change. The United States and other nations are bringing together government and religious leaders from around the world to promote religious freedom for all. We created the Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom last July specifically to advance this cause. Secretary Pompeo has already announced that the next Ministerial will take place on July 16th to 18th in Washington. We are also working with other governments and groups around the world to host follow-on regional conferences that focus on religious freedom issues specific to that area. *** Conclusion Through all of our efforts, we are chasing a simple but important dream: that one day all peoples around the world will be able to worship freely and believe what they want, just like you can in Hong Kong. We invite the rest of the world to join us in achieving this goal. As the detained pastor of the Early Rain Church, Wang Yi [Wong Yee], said: “In Xinjiang, in Shanghai, in Beijing, in Chengdu, the rulers have chosen an enemy that can never be imprisoned – the soul of man.”

DOS Seal 美利坚合众国国务卿、法国外长、德国外长、英国外交大臣联合声明 媒体消息 发言人办公室 2021年2月18日 以下乃由美国国务卿布林肯(Antony J. Blinken)、法国外长勒德里昂(Jean-Yves Le Drian)、德国外长马斯(Heiko Maas)和英国外交大臣拉布(Dominic Raab)在今天部长级会议结束后所发表的声明： 内文开始： 法国外长、德国外长、英国外交大臣和美国国务卿召开线上会议，此为国务卿布林肯上任之后第二次以这种形式讨论伊朗和其他紧迫议题。他们再次确认应对安全、气候、经济、健康和其他全球所面临的挑战时，跨大西洋伙伴关系的中心地位。 在伊朗问题上，欧洲三国和美国皆表达，维持核不扩散体制和确保伊朗决不发展核武器符合共同的根本安全利益。在此背景下，联合全面行动计划（伊核协议）的达成是多边外交的重要成果。欧洲三国欢迎美国所述之意图，回归外交处理伊朗问题，以及欧洲三国与美国恢复互信、深度的对话。各外长确认强烈意愿继续就此重要安全议题进行磋商和协调，包括与中国和俄罗斯在内，并认识到欧盟高级代表为欧洲委员会协调人。 欧洲三国和美国确认其共同目标，使伊朗回到完全遵守伊核协议中所做出的承诺。国务卿布林肯重申，如拜登总统所言，如果伊朗回到严格遵守在伊核协议中所做出的承诺，美国也将同样行事，准备好与伊朗进行讨论以便达到该目标。 在这种情况下，欧洲三国和美国向伊朗呼吁，切勿采取额外行动，特别是中止执行附加议定书和限制国际原子能机构在伊朗的核查工作。欧洲三国和美国立场一致，强调限制国际原子能机构的决定是危险的，并呼吁伊朗考虑到该严重行为所会引发的后果，特别是此时有着重新利用外交的契机。外长们重申全力支持国际原子能机构和其总干事不偏不倚的角色，以及其根据伊核协议，努力执行必要的核查和监督伊朗所做出的核承诺。 欧洲三国和美国也共同表达了对伊朗最近将铀浓缩达到20%和进行铀金属生产的关切。该类活动不具任何可信的民用目的。铀金属生产是发展核武器的一个关键步骤。 欧洲三国欢迎美国和伊朗重返遵守伊核协议。欧洲三国和美国确认其之后的决心为，增强伊核协议，并且与地区各方和更大范围的国际社会一道，应对涉及伊朗导弹项目和地区活动更广泛的安全关切。我们承诺将共同努力朝向这些目标。 外长们同时呼吁伊朗，释放所有被任意拘留的我国国民，让其与家人团聚。外长们也表达对伊朗境内人权继续遭到严重侵犯的深切关注。 欧洲三国和美国期待与伙伴们一道，以便努力达到这些重要的目标。 外长们表达其共同的决心，努力缓减波斯湾地区的紧张情势。向地区伙伴再度确认坚定不移的承诺的同时，他们特别强调结束也门战争的紧迫性。在也门问题上，外长们同意将紧密合作，支持联合国特使格里菲斯(Griffiths)结束战争和处理人道危机的努力。他们对最近胡塞人攻击马里卜(Marib)和沙特阿拉伯民用基础设施的行动表达了关切，呼吁胡塞人和所有也门各方积极参与政治进程。 在伊拉克问题上，外长们重申谴责埃尔比勒(Erbil)在2月15日所遭受的火箭攻击。他们向受害者、其家人和伊拉克人民表达哀悼之意，并强调绝不容忍对美国、联军和北约组织人员及设施的攻击。外长们重申对伊拉克政府的支持。 谈到伊斯兰国所引发的变化不断的挑战，外长们再次承诺将继续重大努力，针对并消灭伊斯兰国在伊拉克和叙利亚的威胁，包括通过由83个会员所组成的打击伊斯兰国全球联盟所做的工作。他们同时强调要针对应付伊斯兰国分支和其全球网络所带来的威胁，相互协调的重要性日益增加。 外长们同意紧密协调以应对中国所带来的全球挑战，以及需要合作来因应包括气候变化在内的各种议题。 在缅甸问题上，他们谴责军事政变。他们呼吁军方领导立即终止国家紧急状态、恢复由民选政府的权力、不诉诸暴力、释放所有被不公平拘留的人，以及尊重人权和法治。 外长们同意进一步加强北约，并且根据北约检讨小组(NATO Reflection Group)的建议，确保其足以因应今日的战略现实， 是为之重要的。 外长们同意坚实的国际和多边合作对结束新冠疫情和进行集体重建是至关重要的。他们回顾了全球响应的努力，包括主要通过获取COVID-19工具加速计画所进行的支持全球疫苗快速部署。 他们同意在联合国气候变化框架公约第26届缔约方大会11月份在格拉斯哥(Glasgow)召开之前，必须迫切应对气候危机。他们同意必须采取重大的集体行动来落实巴黎协定，包括将升温幅度控制在摄氏1.5度之内。他们期待由美国主办且即将召开的领袖气候峰会，认为其为一重要论坛，得以提升应对气候议题的雄心大志。 内文结束。

Joint Statement by the Secretary of State of the United States of America and the Foreign Ministers of France, Germany, and the United Kingdom MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON The following statement was released by United States Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken, French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas, and UK Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab following today’s ministerial meeting: Begin text: The Foreign Ministers of France, Germany and the United Kingdom and the U.S. Secretary of State held a virtual meeting, for the second time in this format since Secretary Blinken took office, to discuss Iran and other pressing issues. They reaffirmed the centrality of the transatlantic partnership in dealing with the security, climate, economic, health and other challenges the world faces. Regarding Iran, the E3 and the United States expressed their shared fundamental security interest in upholding the nuclear non-proliferation regime and ensuring that Iran can never develop a nuclear weapon. In this context, the conclusion of the JCPOA was a key achievement of multilateral diplomacy. The E3 welcomed the United States’ stated intention to return to diplomacy with Iran as well as the resumption of a confident and in-depth dialogue between the E3 and the United States. The Ministers affirmed strong interest in continuing their consultations and coordination, including with China and Russia, on this key security issue, recognizing the role of the High Representative of the European Union as Coordinator of the Joint Commission. The E3 and the United States affirmed their shared objective of Iran’s return to full compliance with its commitments under the JCPOA. Secretary Blinken reiterated that, as President Biden has said, if Iran comes back into strict compliance with its commitments under the JCPOA, the United States will do the same and is prepared to engage in discussions with Iran toward that end. In this context, the E3 and the US called on Iran not to take any additional steps, in particular with respect to the suspension of the Additional Protocol and to any limitations on IAEA verification activities in Iran. The E3 and the United States are united in underlining the dangerous nature of a decision to limit IAEA access, and urge Iran to consider the consequences of such grave action, particularly at this time of renewed diplomatic opportunity. They reiterated their full support for the professional and impartial role of the IAEA and its Director General and their efforts to implement the necessary verification and monitoring of Iran’s nuclear commitments under the JCPOA. The E3 and the United States also expressed their shared concerns over Iran’s recent actions to produce both uranium enriched up to 20% and uranium metal. These activities have no credible civil justification. Uranium metal production is a key step in the development of a nuclear weapon. The E3 welcomed the prospect of a U.S. and Iranian return to compliance with the JCPOA. The E3 and the United States affirmed their determination to then strengthen the JCPOA and, together with regional parties and the wider international community, address broader security concerns related to Iran’s missile programs and regional activities. We are committed to working together toward these goals. The Ministers also called on Iran to release all our arbitrarily detained nationals and reunite them with their families. They also expressed deep concern about the continuing grave human rights violations in Iran. The E3 and the United States look forward to engaging with partners in order to work together toward these key objectives. They expressed their joint determination to work toward de-escalating tensions in the Gulf region.   They stressed in particular the urgency of ending the war in Yemen, while reaffirming their steadfast commitment to the security of their regional partners. On Yemen, the Ministers agreed to work closely together to support United Nations Special Envoy Griffiths’ efforts to end the war and to address the humanitarian crisis.  They expressed concern about the recent Houthi offensive against Marib and strikes against civilian infrastructure in Saudi Arabia, calling upon the Houthis and all Yemeni parties to engage constructively in the political process. On Iraq, the Ministers reiterated their condemnation of the February 15 rocket attack in Erbil.  They expressed their condolences for the victims, their families, and the Iraqi people and emphasized that attacks on U.S., Coalition and NATO personnel and facilities will not be tolerated.  Ministers reiterated their support for the Iraqi Government. Discussing the evolving challenge posed by ISIS, ministers re-committed to continuing critical efforts to target and eliminate the ISIS threat in Iraq and Syria, including efforts via the 83-member Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS.  They also emphasized the growing importance of coordinating efforts to target the threat posed by ISIS branches and networks worldwide. The Ministers agreed to closely coordinate to address the global challenges posed by China, as well as the need for cooperation across a range of issues, including climate change. On Myanmar, they condemned the military coup.  They called on military leaders to immediately end the state of emergency, restore power to the democratically elected government, refrain from violence, release all those unjustly detained, and respect human rights and the rule of law. The Ministers agreed on the importance of further strengthening NATO and ensuring it is positioned to address today’s strategic realities building on the NATO Reflection Group’s Recommendations. Ministers agreed that strong international and multilateral cooperation was essential to ending the COVID 19 pandemic and building back better collectively. They reviewed efforts on the global response, including support for rapid deployment of vaccines globally, primarily through the ACT-A/COVAX facility. They agreed to work with urgency to address the climate crisis ahead of the 26th UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Conference of the Parties in Glasgow in November.  They agreed that significant collective action was needed to implement the Paris Agreement, including keeping a 1.5 degree Celsius temperature rise within reach. They look forward to the upcoming U.S.-hosted Leaders’ Climate Summit as an important forum to for enhanced climate ambition. End text.

(© Susan Walsh/AP Images) 今天，美国针对伊朗袭击美国军队和美国利益的行动，采取一系列行动切断伊朗政权实施暴力对外政策的资金。我们将继续责成某些个人和实体为支持伊朗政权众多的恐怖前沿行动承担责任。 根据13876号行政命令（Executive Order），我们对8名受最高领导人委任或代表最高领导人采取行动的伊朗高层领导人实施制裁，其中包括最高国家安全委员会（Supreme National Security Council）秘书阿里·沙姆哈尼（Ali Shamkhani）、巴斯基民兵（Basij）指挥官戈拉姆雷扎·苏莱曼尼（Gholamreza Soleimani）及其他6名高级官员。上述个人在该地区各处策划伊朗的恐怖阴谋和制造动乱的活动，参与杀害了约1,500名最近为争取自由举行示威的伊朗民众。 伊朗政权侵吞本国金属行业的收益，为破坏稳定的各种活动提供资金。为此，国务院根据伊朗自由和防扩散法（Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act ）1245款的规定，对庞潮（北京）有限公司[Pamchel Trading (Beijing) Co., Ltd.]实施制裁，因该公司从属于“特别认定的全球恐怖主义”（Specially Designated Global Terrorist）的某伊朗公司转运了29,000公吨钢材。财政部（Department of the Treasury）也根据第13871号行政命令（E.O. 13871）对在伊朗钢铁、金属铝和金属铜行业从事运行及相关活动的22个实体和3艘船只实施类似的制裁。 总统还将发布一项行政命令，授权对伊朗经济更多的行业实施制裁，其中包括建筑、制造、纺织和采矿业。这次制裁将大大增强美国有针对性地切断该政权各种收入来源的能力。 特朗普总统（President Trump）昨天指出，我们的制裁将持续实施，直至伊朗改变自己的行为。文明世界必须向伊朗政权发出一个明确、一致的讯息：伊朗制造恐怖、杀戮和混乱的行径绝不会再得到容忍。美国呼吁所有的国家坚决反对伊朗政权的恐怖意识形态，要求伊朗为其采取的暴力承担责任。 媒体声明，国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥，2020年1月10日

Press Statement, Secretary Pompeo January 10, 2020 Today, the United States is taking a series of actions in response to Iran’s attacks against U.S. forces and interests, and to deprive the Iranian regime of revenue to conduct its violent foreign policy.  We will continue to hold individuals and entities accountable for supporting the Iranian regime’s many fronts of terror. We are sanctioning eight senior Iranian leaders, including Ali Shamkhani, the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, Gholamreza Soleimani, the Commander of the Basij, and six other senior officials pursuant to Executive Order 13876 (E.O. 13876) for being appointed by, or acting for or on behalf of, the Supreme Leader.  These individuals have carried out Iran’s terror plots and campaigns of mayhem across the region and are complicit in the recent murders of around 1,500 Iranians protesting for freedom. The Iranian regime exploits revenue from its metals industry to fund its destabilizing activities.  Accordingly, the Department of State is sanctioning Pamchel Trading (Beijing) Co., Ltd. pursuant to section 1245 the Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act for transferring 29,000 metric tons of steel from an Iranian firm that is a Specially Designated Global Terrorist.  The Department of the Treasury is similarly sanctioning twenty-two entities and three vessels pursuant to E.O. 13871, for operating in the iron, steel, aluminum, or copper sectors of Iran, and related activities. The President will also issue an Executive Order authorizing the imposition of sanctions with respect to additional sectors of the Iranian economy, including: construction, manufacturing, textiles, and mining.  This action will significantly expand the United States’ ability to target this regime’s various revenue streams. As President Trump said yesterday, our sanctions will remain until Iran changes its behavior. The civilized world must send a clear and unified message to the Iranian regime: Iran’s campaign of terror, murder, and mayhem will not be tolerated any longer.  The United States calls on all nations to stand against the Iranian regime’s ideology of terror and to hold Iran accountable for its violence. Link: https://www.state.gov/intensified-sanctions-on-iran/

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年6月2日 本杰明·富兰克林厅（Benjamin Franklin Room） 布林肯国务卿：各位早上好。今天，国务院发布2021年《国际宗教自由报告》（International Religious Freedom Report）。这份报告全面地、基于事实地审视了全世界近200个国家和地区的宗教自由状况。我们自1998年以来每年发布这份报告，是在时任国务卿奥尔布赖特的领导下开始的，她的生平和业绩继续为我们所弘扬。 在那个时候，主导起草这份报告的年度进程的国际宗教自由办公室（Office of International Religious Freedom）是全世界唯一一个承担着监督及捍卫国际宗教自由的职责的政府机构。今天，在20多年以后，已有超过35个政府和多边组织设立了专门致力于这个目标的办公室。 我要感谢该办公室今年在拉沙德‧侯赛因（Rashad Hussain）大使的领导下再次付出努力。这个团队工作卓著，我非常赞赏这些努力。 我还要感谢世界各地的数百名国务院官员，他们收集信息及调查事实的工作实际上正是这份报告的核心所在。而且我们所有人——我们所有人——都要感谢公民社会、信仰领袖、宗教组织、人权团体、新闻工作者以及其他人士，他们分享他们的观点和分析，并且每天都在全世界每个地区从事着提倡宗教自由的至关重要的工作。 奥尔布赖特国务卿在首次介绍这份报告时指出，从我们最早期开始，美国人一直相信，我引用她的原话：“当公民享有选择、宣告及行使他们的宗教身份的自由时，国家就会更强大，其人民的生活也会更富足”。 的确如此，宗教自由是神圣地载入我国宪法《权利法案》（Bill of Rights）的第一项自由。它作为一项人权得到全世界各国的承认，包括在《世界人权宣言》（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）之中。 尊重宗教自由不仅是最深入人心的价值观之一以及一项根本权利。在我看来，它还是一项至关重要的对外政策优先事项。原因在于：我们知道当每个人践行他们的信仰或选择不遵从一种信仰的根本权利得到尊重时，人们就能为他们的社区的成功做出自己最全面的贡献；整个社会都会变得更好。 而在另一方面，当有关政府剥夺这项权利时，它也造成了紧张、散播了分歧，并往往导致不稳定和冲突。 今年的报告涵盖了几个国家，我们在那里看到了值得注意的进展，这要归功于有关政府、公民社会组织和公民们的努力。例如，摩洛哥王国于去年启动了行动计划，修缮犹太会堂和陵园等犹太教传统场所，并将犹太教历史纳入摩洛哥公立学校教纲。 在台湾，有关当局正在提供便利，以举报那些拒绝给员工每周一天休息日去参加宗教活动的雇主。 在东帝汶，新总统拉莫斯-奥尔塔（Ramos-Horta）最近承诺维护全体公民的权利，不论他们有何种宗教背景。 在伊拉克，国家领导人欢迎教皇方济各（Pope Francis）对该国进行有史以来的首次教宗访问，他在巴格达、摩苏尔以及伊拉克库尔德地区都举行了基督教和跨信仰仪式。 纳西里耶（Nasiriyah）市的一位地方领导人谢赫海德尔·杜拜依斯（Sheikh Haider al-Dubaisi）后来在谈到教皇的这次访问时说，我引用他的原话：“尽管他行走困难，依然前来访问。他不仅向伊拉克人，而且向整个世界传递了一个信息：伊斯兰教和其他宗教可以和平共处”。 和平共处。归根结底，这份报告旨在向全世界更多的地区传播这种进步。 遗憾的是，报告也显示我们仍有更多工作要做。在世界许多地方，政府未能尊重本国公民的基本权利。有些政府继续使用不得诽谤宗教和弃教的亵渎罪和叛教罪法，并管制宗教少数派群体的语言。还有些政府限制表达宗教信仰的方式，如宗教服饰。 所有社会，包括我们自己和欧洲各国，必须加大努力打击日益抬头的仇恨形式，包括反犹太主义和反穆斯林情绪。 举几个例子。3月，基于对有关证据的仔细法律评审，我确定缅甸军方在2017年犯下了种族灭绝和反人类罪，旨在消灭以穆斯林为主的罗兴亚人——对这种意图的证据包括但不限于：袭击清真寺，使用具有宗教和民族诋毁性的语言，亵渎古兰经，以及其他许多行径。 在厄立特里亚，只有四个宗教群体可以自由践行他们的信仰，其他宗教少数派群体的成员遭到拘留，逮捕，并以被迫放弃信仰作为他们获释的先决条件。 在沙特阿拉伯，我们看到了最近对扩大跨信仰对话和宗教宽容采取的重要举措。但是，公开践行除伊斯兰教以外的任何信仰仍然属于非法，并且政府继续歧视宗教少数派群体的成员。 中国继续对以穆斯林为主的维吾尔族和其他宗教少数群体成员施行种族灭绝和压制。2017年4月以来，100多万维吾尔族人、哈萨克族人、吉尔吉斯族人以及其他少数民族成员在新疆被关入拘留营。中华人民共和国继续骚扰奉行被视为与中国共产党学说不符的其他宗教的人士，包括摧毁佛教、基督教、伊斯兰教和道教的敬拜场所，并且在就业和住房方面对基督徒、穆斯林、藏传佛教徒和法轮功学员设置障碍。 在阿富汗，宗教自由状况在塔利班统治下大幅度恶化，尤其是他们往往打着宗教旗号，对妇女和女童的受教育、工作和参与社会的基本权利严加限制。与此同时，伊斯兰国呼罗珊（ISIS-K）正在对宗教少数派群体，尤其是什叶派哈扎拉人（Shia Hazaras），发起越来越暴力性的攻击。 在巴基斯坦，至少有16名被控亵渎罪的人在2021年被巴基斯坦法庭判处死刑，不过尚未对其中任何人执行死刑。 除了上述这些国家外，报告也记述了宗教自由和宗教少数群体的权利在全球各地社区受到的威胁。 例如，我们看到，在世界最大的民主国家和有着非常多元信仰的印度，对信教者和祷告场所的攻击增多；在越南，当局骚扰未注册的宗教群体的成员；在尼日利亚，数个州政府使用反诽谤和亵渎法惩罚表达自己信仰的人。 美国将继续在全球各地支持宗教自由。我们将继续与其他国家政府、多边组织以及公民社会一道为此而努力，包括下个月在英国举行的促进宗教自由部长级会议（Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom）上。 我们努力的核心在于，确保所有人都能自由地追求对自己在地球上的有生之年有意义的精神宿求。它为的是让人们有机会自由地表达自己，这是做最完整的自己的含义之一。那将是进步。那将是这份报告所希望促成的进步。 因此，我要再次感谢所有为完成这份报告而辛勤工作的人。现在，让我请也许是最辛勤工作的一位人士侯赛因大使，介绍今年报告的几个主题。拉沙德，请。（掌声）   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-and-ambassador-at-large-for-international-religious-freedom-rashad-hussain-on-the-2021-report-on-international-religious-freedom/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Secretary Antony J. Blinken And Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain on the 2021 Report on International Religious Freedom REMARKS ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE AMBASSADOR AT LARGE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM RASHAD HUSSAIN BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ROOM WASHINGTON, D.C. JUNE 2, 2022 SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good morning, everyone. Today, the State Department is releasing the 2021 International Religious Freedom Report. This report offers a thorough, fact-based review of the state of religious freedom in nearly 200 countries and territories around the world. We produce this document every year since 1998, starting under the leadership of then Secretary Albright, whose life and legacy we continue to celebrate. Back then, the Office of International Religious Freedom, which leads this annual process of drafting the report, was the only government entity in the world charged with monitoring and defending international religious freedom. Now, more than two decades later, we have more than 35 governments and multilateral organizations that have created offices that are dedicated to this goal. And I’d like to thank the office for its efforts again this year under the leadership of Ambassador Rashad Hussain. This team has done remarkable work, and I very much appreciate the efforts. I also want to thank the hundreds of State Department officials around the world who gather information, conduct the fact-finding that’s actually at the heart of this report. And all of us – all of us – are indebted to civil society, faith leaders, religious organizations, human rights groups, journalists, and others who share their perspectives and analysis, and who do the critical work of promoting religious freedom every day in every part of the world. When Secretary Albright first introduced this report, she noted that from our earliest days, Americans had believed, and I quote, “that nations are stronger, and the lives of their people richer, when citizens have the freedom to choose, proclaim, and exercise their religious identity.” Indeed, religious freedom is the first freedom enshrined in our Constitution’s Bill of Rights. It’s been recognized by nations around the world as a human right, including in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Respect for religious freedom isn’t only one of the deepest held values and a fundamental right. It’s also, from my perspective, a vital foreign policy priority. Here’s why. We know that when the fundamental right of each person to practice their faith or to choose not to observe a faith is respected, people can make their fullest contributions to their community’s successes; entire societies are better off. On the other hand, when governments deny this right, it ignites tension, it sows division, it often leads to instability and conflict. This year’s report includes several countries where we see notable progress, thanks to the work of governments, civil society organizations, and citizens. For example, last year the Kingdom of Morocco launched an initiative to renovate Jewish heritage sites like synagogues and cemeteries, and to include Jewish history in the Moroccan public school curriculum. In Taiwan, authorities are making it easier to report employers who refuse to give their workers a weekly rest day in order to attend religious services. In Timor-Leste, the new president, Ramos-Horta, recently pledged to defend the rights of all citizens regardless of religious background. And in Iraq, national leaders welcomed Pope Francis for the first ever papal visit to the country, where he conducted Christian and interfaith ceremonies in Baghdad, in Mosul, and in the Iraqi Kurdish region. One local leader from the city of Nasiriyah, Sheikh Haider al-Dubaisi, later reflected on the Pope’s visit, and he said, and I quote, “He came even though he could barely walk. He sent a message not only to Iraqis, but to the whole world, that Islam and other religions can sit together peacefully.” Sitting together peacefully. Ultimately, this report is about spreading that kind of progress to more parts of the world. Unfortunately, the report also shows that we have more work to do. In many parts of the world, governments are failing to respect their citizens’ basic rights. Some governments continue to use blasphemy and apostacy laws, which banned defamation and renunciation of religion, to police the language of religious minorities. Others curtail expressions of religious belief like restrictions on religious attire. And all societies, including our own and across Europe, must do more to combat rising forms of hate, including anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim sentiment. To highlight a few examples, in March, based on extensive legal review of the evidence, I made the determination that Burma’s military committed genocide and crimes against humanity with the intent to destroy predominantly Muslim Rohingya in 2017 – intent that was evidenced by, among other things, attacks on mosques, the use of religious and ethnic slurs, the desecration of Korans, among, again, many other actions. In Eritrea, only four religious groups are permitted to practice their faith freely, while members of other religious minority groups have been detained, arrested, forced to renounce their faith as a precondition for their release. In Saudi Arabia, we recognize the important recent moves to increase interfaith dialogue and religious tolerance. However, publicly practicing any faith other than Islam remains illegal, and the government continues to discriminate against members of religious minority communities. China continues its genocide and repression of predominately Muslim Uyghurs and other religious minority groups. Since April 2017, more than 1 million Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, Kyrgyz and others have been detained in internment camps in Xinjiang. The PRC continues to harass adherents of other religions that it deems out of line with Chinese Community Party doctrine, including by destroying Buddhist, Christian, Islamic, and Taoist houses of worship and by erecting barriers to employment and housing for Christians, Muslims, Tibetan Buddhists, and Falun Gong practitioners. In Afghanistan, conditions for religious freedom have deteriorated dramatically under the Taliban, particularly as they crack down on the basic rights of women and girls to get an education, to work, to engage in society, often under the banner of religion. Meanwhile, ISIS-K is conducting increasingly violent attacks against religious minorities, particularly Shia Hazaras. In Pakistan, at least 16 individuals accused of blasphemy were sentenced to death by Pakistani courts in 2021, though none of these sentences has yet to be carried out. Beyond these countries, the report documents how religious freedom and the rights of religious minorities are under threat in communities around the world. For example, in India, the world’s largest democracy and home to a great diversity of faiths, we’ve seen rising attacks on people and places of worship; in Vietnam, where authorities harass members of unregistered religious communities; in Nigeria, where several state governments are using antidefamation and blasphemy laws to punish people for expressing their beliefs. The United States will continue to stand up for religious freedom around the world. We’ll keep working alongside other governments, multilateral organizations, civil society to do so, including next month at the United Kingdom’s Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom. At its core, our work is about ensuring that all people have the freedom to pursue the spiritual tradition that most adds meaning to their time on Earth. It’s about giving people the chance to express themselves freely, which is part of being their fullest selves. That’s the progress. That’s the progress that this report hopes to help create. So once again, I’d like to thank everybody whose hard work made this report possible. And with that, I want to turn the floor over to the person who’s maybe worked the hardest, Ambassador Hussain, to highlight a few themes from this year’s report. Rashad, over to you. (Applause.) AMBASSADOR HUSSAIN: Thank you so much, Mr. Secretary. I’d like to thank President Biden, Vice President Harris, Secretary Blinken for leading United States global efforts to defend and advance human rights, including international religious freedom for all people everywhere. And I’m grateful to our colleagues in governments and to thousands of civil society partners in the United States and around the globe, partners from all political and faith backgrounds, who were instrumental in developing the report. Religious freedom is a critical part of the American story. Our nation was founded centuries around by individuals fleeing religious persecution. It is natural then that freedom of religion was enshrined in America’s founding documents, including in the First Amendment to our Constitution in our Bill of Rights. Freedom of religion is also a universal right enshrined in several international instruments and covenants, including in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Earlier today, we transmitted this year’s 2000-plus page Report on International Religious Freedom to Congress. And I’d like to thank Bob Boehme, his editing team, and our colleagues at embassies and posts around the world for their tireless work in collecting the information that’s in this year’s report. The report gives voice to countless individuals around the world who have been killed, beaten, threatened, harassed, or jailed for seeking to exercise their beliefs in accordance with the dictates of their conscience. The United States will continue to stand for those who are oppressed all over the world. On the pages of this year’s report are stories of individuals who have endured unspeakable persecution, governments that have sought to restrict religious belief, practice, and expression for people across a wide range of belief traditions. Non-state actors have targeted religious groups, attacked places of worship, and vilified religious, ethnic, and racial groups in their hateful narratives, including on social media platforms. From Jehovah’s Witnesses in Russia; Jews in Europe; Baha’is in Iran; Christians in North Korea, Nigeria, and Saudi Arabia; Muslims in Burma and China; Catholics in Nicaragua; and atheists and humanists around the world, no community has been immune from these abuses. I’d like to lay out three key themes in the report. First, too many governments use discriminatory laws and policies and abuse their own people. We have seen two genocides of religious minority communities in recent years – in China and in Burma. Second, rising societal intolerance and hatred are fueling violence and conflict around the world. Governments must not sit silent or stand idly by in the face of such oppression. Third, powerful collaboration among civil society, governments, and multilateral partners has led to some progress and provides hope in addressing these complex challenges. To provide concrete examples of how these themes are playing out around the world: first, far too many governments remain undeterred in the repression of their citizens. It comes as no surprise that the People’s Republic of China is a glaring example here. The PRC Government continue to commit genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs who are predominantly Muslim and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups. The PRC uses sophisticated emerging technologies such as AI and facial recognition to surveil and maintain control of its open-air prison in Xinjiang. Behind all the evidence and data, the many reports of deaths in custody, torture, and physical abuse, there are thousands of Uyghur family members – daughters and sons are desperate to know where their parents are, but are terrified of what news they could discover and are wondering whether they will ever be safely reunited. The PRC Government also continued its crackdown on Tibetan Buddhists. Authorities arrested, tortured, and committed other abuses against Tibetans who promoted their language and culture, possessed pictures and writings of the Dalai Lama, or practiced their religion at Buddhist monasteries. Secretary Blinken recently determined that the Burmese military committed genocide and crimes against humanity against Rohingya. Throughout Burma, already vulnerable communities, including civil society leaders and members of religious and ethnic minority groups, continue to face heightened risk of atrocities and other abuses. Following its designation as a Country of Particular Concern for the first time last year, Russia has doubled down on its violations of religious freedom rather than reverse course. Russian courts regularly reach new milestones for excessive prison sentences against individuals exercising their religious freedom, and Russian authorities carry out hundreds of home raids against suspected extremists that frequently include violence. President Putin sought to justify the unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine through the blatantly false pretext of de-Nazification. The world clearly sees through this lie and is instead witnessing Russia’s brutal suppression, including suppression of religious leaders and the appalling destruction of religious sites. Religious Freedom conditions in Afghanistan have deteriorated since the Taliban seized control. The Taliban regime and rival militant group ISIS-K have detained, intimidated, threatened, and attacked members of religious minority communities. And as the Secretary stated, in India some officials are ignoring or even supporting rising attacks on people and places of worship. To elaborate further on the report’s second theme, there are a number of ways that rising societal intolerance and hatred are fueling violence and conflict around the world. Governments must speak out and protect the vulnerable and marginalized. Anti-Semitism, anti-Muslim hatred, and xenophobia are on the rise in many countries. Democratic backsliding and the rise of nationalism and nativist rhetoric and policies have been used to justify violence towards members of ethnic or religious minority groups and historically marginalized peoples. Social media platforms are used to spread hate speech and to incite violence by vilifying and threatening members of religious minorities. And finally, I’d like to say a little bit more about the report’s third theme, how collaboration between civil society and government has created some progress. While this report paints a challenging picture of the state of religious freedom around the world, we remain hopeful about the future. Civil society groups and countries all over the world are essential to this report and to our work. Their advocacy changes laws, it lifts up the names of prisoners, provides lawyers to fight against spurious charges, and pushes governments including our own to do the right thing. I’ve had the opportunity to work with civil society on powerful initiatives, such as the Marrakesh Declaration, which affirms the rights of Christians and other religious minorities in Muslim-majority countries, and the Istanbul Process, which rejects criminalization of blasphemy. Independent and strong civil societies help governments solve problems and better serve their people by shining a light on the issues that matter most. Where civil society thrives, governments operate with more transparency and accountability, creating a tangible impact on the lives of everyday citizens. We must listen to and empower the voices of civil society, including those who dissent from majority views or criticize the government, as we work towards a more just and peaceful future for us all. Change is only possible with the hard work of the groups and individuals dedicated to fighting for these rights. Today, more than ever, we have tools at our disposal to facilitate the flow of information to keep individuals informed. We have mechanisms to shed light on abuses taking place, and we have the means to hold bad actors accountable. We have more partners in this effort now than ever before, including religious leaders. And religion can be such a powerful force for good, and it should never be used to harm people. Our greatest hope is that together we can unite our efforts to ensure respect for freedom of religion or belief for all people around the globe, and we continue to stand in solidarity with all people seeking to exercise their beliefs. Thank you. (Applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you all. Appreciate the good work. (Applause.)

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年3月5日   发言人内德·普赖斯 (Ned Price) 的声明 美国在乌克兰危机中的多边领导作用 自从普京总统 (President Putin) 一周前对乌克兰发动无端、无理和违背良知的侵略以来，全球国际社会坚定地团结起来，纷纷谴责俄罗斯的侵略行径并要求立即停止这一行径。为使这一共同行动能够发出呼声并表明宗旨，必须要有联合国等现有国际组织，在这些组织中，俄罗斯政府及其日益减少的支持者无法阻止对其行径进行严格审视。 拜登总统 (President Biden) 早期外交政策中的优先事项之一是重新确立美国在联合国和其他国际组织中的领导地位，我们的价值观、安全和繁荣能够在这些组织中得到保障和推动。从本周一系列卓著的多边行动中可以清楚地看到这一努力的成功。 在 2 月 25 日召开的联合国安理会 (UN Security Council) 上，美国和阿尔巴尼亚共同提出了一项还有另外 80 个联合国会员国联合发起的决议，要求停止入侵乌克兰，并明确表示俄罗斯对持续发生的暴力事件负有全部责任。俄罗斯对该决议的否决恰恰突显了它在国际社会中日益孤立的窘境。正如美国驻联合国大使琳达·托马斯–格林菲尔德 (Linda Thomas-Greenfield) 在投票后所说的：“俄罗斯无法否决《联合国宪章》。俄罗斯不能、也将无法否决其应负的罪责。” 紧随这一行动之后，安理会于 2 月 27 日投票，要求联合国召开有关乌克兰问题的紧急特别会议。这次特别会议对俄罗斯及其对乌克兰人民和乌克兰主权的残酷攻击进行了前所未有的谴责。来自世界各地的 141 个联合国会员国都投票支持一项谴责俄罗斯侵略并要求立即停止入侵的决议。在两天的讨论结束时，俄罗斯只拉拢了四个国家组成的流氓阵营来支持其违背良知的行径和谎言。 联合国人权理事会 (Human Rights Council) 于周五结束了一场就克里姆林宫对乌克兰发动战争的紧急辩论。该理事会以压倒多数的支持票要求俄罗斯停止对乌克兰人民的攻击。俄罗斯几乎处于完全孤立的状态。该决议确定了理事会可以设立的最高审查级别：成立一个调查委员会。这一强大的调查机制将确保对俄罗斯在乌克兰的残酷行径进行仔细的、可以核查的记录，以便对普京总统以及其他负有罪责的人追究责任。 我们以及合作伙伴和盟友也在联合国系统的各个机构以及相关国际组织中提出了俄罗斯的侵略行径问题，这些组织包括国际原子能机构 (International Atomic Energy Agency)、国际民用航空组织 (International Civil Aviation Organization)以及国际海事组织 (International Maritime Organization)。我们在所有这些机构中所传达的信息明确无误：在俄罗斯对其邻国发动残酷战争的情况下，根本不可能一切照常进行。 即便对于那些最坚定的外交人员来说，多边外交有时也会令人感到举步维艰。但是，面对如此赤裸裸的对和平与安全的蔑视，世界各国纷纷采取行动团结起来，孤立侵略者。国际团结和集体行动有力地表明，联合国等多边组织在有效应对基于规则的国际秩序所受到的威胁方面具有独特作用而且不可或缺。这不仅仅是一个认识到联合国的作用的时刻，也是一个加强和振兴国际体系以防止未来发生此类侵略的机会。 正如拜登总统所说：“绝大多数国家都已认识到，普京不仅仅是在攻击乌克兰，而且是在攻击全球和平与安全的根基——以及联合国所代表的一切”。  欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/u-s-multilateral-leadership-on-the-crisis-in-ukraine/  本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

U.S. Multilateral Leadership on the Crisis in Ukraine PRESS STATEMENT NED PRICE, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON MARCH 5, 2022 Since President Putin launched his unprovoked, unjustified, and unconscionable invasion of Ukraine over a week ago, the international community across continents has spoken with powerful unity to denounce Russia’s aggression and demand its cessation. Giving voice and purpose to that common cause requires ready international venues such as the United Nations, where the Russian government and its dwindling supporters cannot impede scrutiny of their actions. One of President Biden’s early foreign policy priorities was to reestablish American leadership at the United Nations and other international organizations, where our values, security, and prosperity could be protected and advanced. The success of that effort can clearly be seen in this week’s remarkable series of multilateral actions. In the UN Security Council on February 25, the United States and Albania introduced a resolution co-sponsored by an additional 80 UN member states demanding an end to the invasion and making clear that Russia alone bears responsibility for the ongoing violence.  Russia’s veto of that resolution only underscored its growing international isolation.  As U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield stated after the vote, “Russia cannot veto the UN Charter.  Russia cannot, and will not, veto accountability.” That action was followed quickly by a February 27 Security Council vote to call for an Emergency Special Session of the UN General Assembly on Ukraine.  That Special Session resulted in an unprecedented repudiation of Russia and its horrific assault on the people of Ukraine and Ukraine’s sovereignty.  One hundred forty-one UN Member States, from all regions, voted in support of a resolution condemning Russia’s aggression and calling for an immediate end to its invasion.  At the end of two days of discussion, Russia could only assemble a rogue’s gallery of four nations to support its unconscionable actions and false narratives. On Friday, the UN Human Rights Council concluded an Urgent Debate on the Kremlin’s war against Ukraine.  The Council voted overwhelmingly to demand that Russia halt its assault on the Ukrainian people.  Russia stood virtually isolated.  The resolution establishes the highest level of scrutiny the Council can create: a Commission of Inquiry.  This powerful investigative mechanism will ensure that Russia’s horrific conduct in Ukraine is carefully and verifiably documented so those responsible, like President Putin, can be held to account. We and our partners and allies are also raising Russia’s aggression in every corner of the UN system and in related international organizations, such as the International Atomic Energy Agency, International Civil Aviation Organization, and International Maritime Organization. Our message in all these bodies is clear: there can be no business as usual so long as Russia wages this brutal war on its neighbor. Multilateral diplomacy can at times frustrate even the most determined of diplomats.  But, when faced with such naked contempt for peace and security, the nations of the world took action to unite and isolate the aggressor.  The powerful display of international solidarity and collective action demonstrates the unique role and indispensability of multilateral organizations like the United Nations to effectively respond against threats to the rules-based international order.  This is not only a time to appreciate the role of the United Nations, but it is also an opportunity to strengthen and revitalize the international system to prevent such aggression in the future. As President Biden has said: “An overwhelming majority of nations recognize that Putin is not only attacking Ukraine, he is attacking the very foundations of global peace and security—and everything the United Nations stands for.”

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2020年5月20日   迈克尔·蓬佩奥国务卿的声明 履行美国应对COVID-19冠状病毒疫情的承诺，追加提供对外援助   在国内外抗击COVID-19全球性疫情数月之后，美国继续引领全球对抗这场疫情的努力，并巩固几十年来在拯救生命的医卫和人道主义援助方面的领导作用。由于美国人民慷慨相助，我们的对外援助正在全世界拯救生命，并帮助缓解严重的经济困难。   美国人民今天承诺追加提供1.62亿美元用于应对COVID-19，使自疫情爆发至今所提供的援助总额超过10亿美元，以此继续证明他们是全世界所知晓的最慷慨的人道主义者。   今天宣布的这笔新资金将继续支持至关重要的健康方面的干预努力；水、环境卫生及个人卫生；防护；以及物流安排；同时还开始应对COVID-19全球性疫情所造成的粮食不安全状况的迅速增多。这笔资金支持紧急粮食援助，是我们至今提供的抗击COVID-19追加资金的首次努力。由于COVID-19全球性疫情破坏供应链、限制行动并制造了宏观经济不稳定的状况，紧急粮食援助尤为重要。这是我们多层面的人道主义应对努力的一部分，在最贫弱的群体经受这种致命病毒的影响之时拯救他们的生命。   美国作为一个国家已真正调动起来，在国内外抗击COVID-19疫情，并履行了特朗普总统（President Trump）向我们在非洲、亚洲、欧洲和拉丁美洲的盟友提供呼吸机的承诺。第一批由美国国际发展署（U.S. Agency for International Development）捐赠的美国制造的呼吸机已于5月11日运抵南非，还有更多的为其他伙伴和盟友提供的物资即将送达。   即便是在国内抗击这种病毒之时，私营美国公司、非营利组织、慈善机构、信仰团体以及个人继续伸出援手，数额超过了全世界其他地区之和，在我们的政府所提供的援助之外，已向全球提供的捐赠和援助超过了43亿美元。

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO May 20, 2020 Months into fighting the COVID-19 pandemic at home and abroad, the United States is continuing to lead the global charge against the pandemic, building on decades of leadership in life-saving health and humanitarian assistance. Through the generosity of the American people, our foreign assistance is saving lives and helping to mitigate economic devastation around the world. The American people continue to prove they are the most generous humanitarians the world has ever known with today’s commitment of an additional $162 million for COVID-19 response, bringing the total to date to more than $1 billion since the outbreak began. The new funding announced today will continue to support vital interventions in health; water, sanitation, and hygiene; protection; and logistics; while also beginning to address the rapid rise in food insecurity driven by the COVID-19 pandemic. This funding supports emergency food assistance, a first in our provision of COVID-19 supplemental funding to-date. Emergency food assistance is particularly important as the COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted supply chains, restricted movement and created macroeconomic instability. It is part of our multifaceted humanitarian response to save the lives of the most vulnerable as they weather the impacts of this deadly virus. The United States has truly mobilized as a nation to combat COVID-19 both at home and abroad, and has fulfilled President Trump’s commitment to provide ventilators to our allies in Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. The first shipment of American-made ventilators donated by the U.S. Agency for International Development arrived in South Africa on May 11, and more are on the way to other partners and allies. Even while battling the virus here at home, private American businesses, nonprofits, charities, faith-based groups, and individuals continue to out give the entire rest of the world combined, having provided more than $4.3 billion in donations and assistance globally, in addition to what our government has provided.

大家，早安。 我是Matt Pottinger，副国家安全顾问，在白宫与您讲话。我带来我的上司，美国第四十五任总统Donald J. Trump向大家的热情致意。 今天我们在线聚集了几千个来自不同的地区的人，因为传染病大流行使我们没有办法相聚。 但通过因特网的奇迹，我们聚集的规模反而更大。作为美国人、作为中国人、作为人类大家庭的成员、我们大家都各尽所能，发挥着从“宏大”到“小巧”的创造力，克服困难，保护社区。 人类创造力的“宏大”包括利用生物技术和数据分析来开发治疗方法和疫苗。同时，创造力的“小巧” 包括生活中的细微之处，比如，待在家里学习相互剪剪头发。我的妻子是个有经验的病毒学家，她今天也在，不过从我的头，您可能发现作为家庭理发师，她还是个新手。 这是我第二次有幸在弗吉尼亚大学米勒中心与听众交谈。 约十年前，在海军陆战队服役后，我应邀在米勒中心发言，内容是我从兵役中学到的知识，还有军队与公民的关系。 从那以后，我始终记得米勒中心主任Jerry Baliles的热情和睿智，但他不幸在去年10月去世。他曾为弗吉尼亚和我们国家的公共利益，而服务终生。 我们感谢像Jerry这样的人。 今天，我受 Harry Harding(何汉理)教授和林夏如(Shirley Lin)教授的邀请，同大家分享关于美中关系的一些想法。 林教授告诉我，这次活动恰好是在 “五四”一百零一周年之际。我知道，这是个很好的切入点来展开从美国的视角讨论关于中国的过去和现在。 1919年的“五四”，一次大战结束，北京数千大学生聚集在天安门广场，抗议中国在巴黎和会上受到的不公平待遇。 西方国家为了安抚日本帝国，将德国在山东半岛 “权益”转让日本。 游行到天安门的学生高喊：“还我山东！” “拒签《凡尔赛条约》！”等口号，警察强力驱散示威人士。正如政府关闭和平表达的途径后经常会发生的那样，一些学生诉诸暴力，抗议升级。 意识到民怨沸腾，中国政府拒绝签署《凡尔赛条约》。 三年以后，在美国的帮助和调停下，1922年在华盛顿海军会议达成协议，中国收回了山东。然而，一百零一年前的今天，学生们发起的运动，意义远远超越了对不平等条约的民族主义的愤慨。它激励了对中国人民对现代化的探索。 正如John Pomfret（潘文）所描述的美中关系历史中提到，“五四”运动在于“彻底改变了中国的政治，社会和文化”。 “赛先生”和“德先生”是那次中国现代化运动的口号。 有人称运动为“中国的启蒙运动”。 Vera Schwarcz（舒衡哲）教授以此为题目，写了本关于“五四”的很有见地的书。 实际上，关于“五四”有很多极好的研究。 今天至少有两位著名的当代中国历史学家应邀参加会议：牛津大学的Rana Mitter和弗吉尼亚大学的John Israel。探讨“五四”的历史和意义，我建议请教这些专家。 现在我想花几分钟，来回顾几个张扬了“五四”精神的中国人。 很自然，胡适是“五四”时代最有影响力的领导人之一：此前，他已经是个为中国现代化而努力的重要思想家。出生在安徽省的胡适，同鲁迅和许多成名作家一样，当时到国外留过学。在康奈尔大学他从学农业，转向学习哲学。胡适曾在美国教育家John Dewey的指导下在哥伦比亚大学学习。 胡适贡献给中国人最伟大的礼物是语言。之前，中国的书面语言“文言文”几个世纪以来基本上没有变化。许多研究证明，文言文与白话的距离，不亚于拉丁文同现代意大利语。书面语言的艰深，在统治者和被统治者之间设置了鸿沟——这是问题的关键。 文言文，还有识字本身，主要由少数政治精英和读书人掌握，他们最大的愿望是“中举”，读书不是为了普罗大众。 与此相反，胡适认为文字应该反映人民的声音，而不只是记录先贤。“是什么时代的人, 说什么时代的话!” 他推广白话文，确信文字要普及。他对中文语言的发展起了关键作用。 事后看来，胡适推广白话文的意义是如此之明显，以至于很容易忘记，这在当时是革命性的想法，曾引起过极大的争议。 北京大学的儒家学者和西方文学教授辜鸿铭，嘲笑扫盲。 他在1919年8月写道：“想想四万万人，九成识字，结果是什么。 想一想，在北京，苦力、马夫、司机、剃头匠、店小二、小商贩、猎人、懒汉，流浪汉都有文化，同大学生一样，都想参与政治，我们的美妙处境会怎样呢？” 这种精英沙文主义一直阻碍了“五四”所拥护的民主理想。 胡适运用他所推广的白话，巧妙地反驳了反对全民社会契约的论点。 胡适说：“民主的唯一途径就是民主”政府是一门手艺，需要实践。 胡适根本不在乎精英主义。 但“五四”运动的领军人经常受到各方指责，政府官员或御用文人曾经指责，“五四”运动偏袒西方，中国气息不够，甚至不爱国。 但学者张彭春的生平事迹，驳斥了“五四”不够“中国化”的观点。同样是‘五四’一代，像好友胡适一样，张彭春拿到奖学金，到美国留学。出于对戏剧的爱好，他第一个把“花木兰”改变成为舞台剧。他把西方话剧介绍到兄长资助的南开大学；再把名旦梅兰芳 邀请到美国演出西化的京剧。中国的传统道德修养和严格的教育理念中，张彭春看到了可以与西方思想相结合而形成新事物的优势。 这最终彰显了张彭春的最高成就：对《世界人权宣言》的决定性贡献。 这份宣言是第二次世界大战后由罗斯福夫人（Eleanor Roosevelt）主持的国际专家小组起草的。代表中国的资深外交官张彭春是该小组的成员。 《宣言》的目的是通过道义上的要求，使政府尊重基本人权来防止专制和战争。1948年宣言中规定的人权包括生命、自由、安全、不被奴役或遭受酷刑、宗教自由以及思想自由。 John Pomfret曾写道：“把西方的个人主义和中国的集体主义结合起来，” 张彭春促成了一份所有国家适用的普世宣言。张彭春认为，《人权宣言》不仅仅是关于个人权利，也同个人对社会的义务有关。 张彭春的传记作家，斯德哥尔摩大学的Hans Ingvar Roth强调了他对《世界人权宣言》的贡献，他说：“如今宣言中最有意义的所有方面，比如宣言的普世性、宗教中立性、对个人基本需求和尊严的强调，张彭春都有关键贡献。” 《宣言》在联合国通过后的短短几年，对中国缺乏民主感到沮丧，张彭春辞去了外交官职务。不难发现，张彭春对政府缺乏民主的判断并不来自于古希腊哲学，而是中国传统思想中对领导的品德要求。张彭春和胡适都知道“中国人不适和民主” 不过是一派胡言，是最不爱国的论调。今天的台湾就是鲜活的证据。 那么，如今中国“五四”精神在哪里呢？ 在我看来，现在“五四”的继承人，就是有公民意识的中国公民，其表现在于他们做出的大大小小的勇敢行为。李文亮医生就是这样的人。 李医生并不是寻求拯救中国的公共知识分子，是个眼科医生，年轻的父亲。他先是做出了小小的勇敢行动，然后才是更大的英勇举措。 十二月下旬，他最初是通过微信向几名医学院同学传递警告，说武汉医院发现严重的冠状病毒病例，敦促朋友们保护自己和家人。 他的警示，没想到，在网上被广为传播，李医生感到不安。不安是有充分理由的。 医院主管迅速告诫他，不要透露冠状病毒病例的消息。 然后，李医生，因“在互联网上发表虚假评论”，受到警察的“训诫”，被迫签字承认“造谣”，被威胁诉讼。如果有人怀疑，这只是地方警察的过激行为，那么官方动用中央电视台对李医生所谓“谣传”大肆宣传，会消除任何疑问。 然后，李医生做了一件大胆的英勇举措。 他在社交媒体上发表了自己在派出所的遭遇，附上了警察的警告信。全世界都密切关注。 那时李医生已经感染了冠状病毒。他在二月七日的去世使全世界人民感觉像失去了亲人一样。李医生告诉记者：“我认为，健康的社会，应该有多个声音，我不赞成公权力的过度干预。” 李医生使用的是胡适的“大白话”。 在今天的中国, 见记者， 或当记者都需要勇气。如今在中国，连找到国内外的调查记者都难上加难。一些试图揭露武汉疫情的公民记者失踪了，包括陈秋实、方斌和李泽华。 最 近几个月，被驱逐出境的外国记者人数超过了几十年中被苏联驱逐出境的人数。 李文亮的医生同事艾芬医生也对武汉的疫情提出了警告。据报道，艾芬医生在接受采访后再也不能露面了。 当政府压制有点勇气的普通行为时，往往招致更大胆的英勇行为。 过去的几个月中，有许多人表现出道德和行动上的勇气，都在追求一个世纪前胡适、张彭春后几代人的共同理想。他们中有政治人物、有人把生命献给了信仰，也有人遵循中国传统的良心学者，很多是普通公民。许章润、任志强，许志勇、伊力哈木、方方、20位拒绝上帝服从共产党的天主教神父，以及去年数百万为法治—法律的统治—而和平示威的香港市民。这些还只是少数。 今天， 五四运动进入它第二个世纪。它的最终遗产将是什么？这个问题，只有中国人民才能回答啊。 五四运动属于他们。“五四”的民主愿望还会等到下一世纪吗？“五四”的核心思想会不会每次都被官方的审查而抹掉？ 今天仍然坚信这一主张的人会被称为“不爱国”、“亲美”有“颠覆性”吗？我们知道共产党会尽量这样做的。 毕竟，毛泽东对“五四”英雄中少数仍被官方承认的最著名作家鲁迅的宽容度也是有限的。1957年，官员罗稷南问毛泽东：“鲁迅今天还活着会怎样？” 毛泽东的回答语惊四座，“要么被关在牢里继续写他的，要么一句话也不说。” 那些有志在中国寻求真理、说真话的人可能会感到安慰，鲁迅写道：“墨写的谎说，决掩不住血写的真实。” 最后，从美国的角度来看：胡适以解决问题而不在乎抽象政治理论著称。 但是，让我打破他“少谈主义”的规则，试问今天的中国是否能从少一些民族主义和多一些平民主义中受益。平民主义民主较少关注左与右，而是关注上与下。 就是说，少数人需要得到多数人的同意。 当掌握特权的人脱离群众、变得狭隘和自私，平民主义能使他们退缩或出局。这是一种动力。 它推动了2015年的英国脱欧；2016年特朗普总统胜选；推动了贵校的创始人1776年参与签署《独立宣言》。它能提醒国家权贵记住他们应该为谁工作：“美国优先”！ 类似的想法不也在“五四”精神中存在吗？ 胡适的白话文难道不是针对自觉了不起的贵族吗？难道不是对传统权力结构的宣战吗？不是要在中国建立“民为重”的政府，而不是“打江山坐江山”吗？世界将等待中国人民最终提供的答案。 感谢大家！

FOREIGN POLICY Issued on: May 4, 2020 The following is the English language version of a speech that was delivered by Deputy National Security Advisor Matt Pottinger in Mandarin Chinese. Click here for Mandarin version. Good morning everyone.  I’m Matt Pottinger, the Deputy National Security Advisor, speaking to you from the White House.  I bring warm greetings from the 45th President of the United States, Donald J. Trump. We gather today online, from a thousand different places, because a pandemic still prohibits us from meeting in person.  But through the marvel of the Internet, we have managed to come together as an even bigger group than if there had been no public health emergency.  In ways big and small, we are all tapping our ingenuity as Americans, as Chinese, as human beings, to overcome hardship and preserve our communities. “Big” examples of human ingenuity include harnessing biotechnology and data analytics to develop therapies and vaccines.  “Small” examples of ingenuity include family members figuring out how to give each other haircuts when barbershops are closed.  My wife, who is speaking on a panel later today, is a highly trained virologist.  She is new to her role as the family barber, as you might have guessed by looking at my hair. This is the second time I’ve had the privilege of addressing an audience at the Miller Center at the University of Virginia.  Nearly a decade ago I was invited to speak about what I’d learned from service in the Marine Corps and about the relationship between our military and the civilians it defends.  Since that day, I’ve never forgotten the warmth and wisdom of the Miller Center’s director, Governor Jerry Baliles, who passed away last October after a life of public service to the Commonwealth of Virginia and to our nation.  We give thanks for people like Jerry. Today, I’ve been invited by Professors Harry Harding and Shirley Lin to share some thoughts about U.S.-China relations.  When Professor Lin told me this event would land precisely on the 101st anniversary of the start of China’s historic May Fourth Movement, I knew I had a potent topic for discussing the China of then and now. On May the fourth, 1919, following the end of World War I, thousands of university students from across Beijing converged on Tiananmen Square to protest China’s unfair treatment at the Paris Peace Conference.  Western nations chose to appease Imperial Japan by granting it control of Chinese territory that Germany had previously occupied, including the Shandong Peninsula. The Chinese students who marched to Tiananmen that day shouted “give us back Shandong!” and “don’t sign the Versailles Treaty!”   Police forced the students to disperse.  But, as frequently happens when governments close down avenues for peaceful expression, some protesters resorted to violence.  In a principled move that acknowledged popular anger, China refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles later that year. China would regain control of Shandong three years later with the help of the United States, which brokered an agreement at the Washington Naval Conference in 1922.  But the movement ignited by those students exactly 101 years ago was about much more than nationalist outrage at “unequal treaties.”  The movement galvanized a long-running struggle for the soul of modern China.  As John Pomfret wrote in his fine history of U.S.-China relations, the May Fourth Movement aimed for “a wholesale transformation of Chinese politics, society, and culture.” “Mr. Science” and “Mr. Democracy” were the mottos of this movement to transport China into modernity. Some called the movement the “Chinese Enlightenment.”  Vera Schwarcz wrote an insightful book by that title.  In fact, there’s a lot of good scholarship on this subject.  At least two eminent historians of modern China are participating in this event today—Oxford’s Rana Mitter and the University of Virginia’s John Israel.  I refer you to the experts to explore the history and meaning of the May Fourth Movement. But I would like to spend a few minutes highlighting a few Chinese heroes that I believe embody the May Fourth spirit, then and now. Hu Shih is naturally identified as one of the most influential leaders of the May Fourth era.  He was already an influential thinker on modernizing China.  Hu Shih’s family was from Anhui province.  Like Lu Xun and many other leading writers of their generation, Hu Shih traveled overseas to study.  After switching his focus at Cornell from agriculture to philosophy, Hu Shih studied at Columbia University under the American educator John Dewey. Hu Shih would contribute one of the greatest gifts imaginable to the Chinese people:  The gift of language.  Up until then, China’s written language was “classical,” featuring a grammar and vocabulary largely unchanged for centuries.  As many who have studied it can attest, classical Chinese feels about as close to spoken Chinese as Latin does to modern Italian.  The inaccessibility of the written language presented a gulf between rulers and the ruled—and that was the point.  The written word—literacy itself—was the domain primarily of a small ruling elite and of intellectuals, many of whom aspired to serve as officials.  Literacy simply wasn’t for “the masses.” Hu Shih believed otherwise.  In his view, written Chinese—in form and content—should reflect the voices of living Chinese people rather than the documents of dead officials. “Speak in the language of the time in which you live,” he admonished readers. He believed in making literacy commonplace.  He played a key role promoting a written language rooted in the vernacular, or baihua—literally “plain speech.”  Hu Shih’s promotion of baihua is an idea so obvious in hindsight that it is easy to miss how revolutionary it was at the time.  It was also highly controversial. Gu Hongmin, a Confucian gentleman and Western literature professor at Peking University, ridiculed widespread literacy for China and what it implied.  In August 1919 he wrote: “Just fancy what the result would be if ninety percent of [China’s] four hundred million people were to become literate.  Imagine only what a fine state of things we would have if here in Peking the coolies, mafoos [stable boys], chauffeurs, barbers, shop boys, hawkers, hunters, loafers, vagabonds, [etc.] all became literate and wanted to take part in politics as well as the University students.”   Such elitist chauvinism was—and some would argue still remains—a headwind impeding the democratic ideals espoused by the May Fourth Movement.  Hu Shih, wielding the language he had helped bring to life, skillfully dismantled arguments against broadening the social contract.  “The only way to have democracy is to have democracy,” Hu Shih argued.  “Government is an art, and as such it needs practice.”  Hu Shih didn’t have time for elitism. Still, May Fourth leaders were constantly sapped of energy by accusations, sometimes leveled by government officials or their proxies among the literati, that the movement was slavishly pro-Western, insufficiently Chinese, or even unpatriotic. The life and contributions of P.C. Chang make a mockery of the notion that the May Fourth ideals weren’t “Chinese” enough.  Like his friend Hu Shih, Chang had studied in the United States on a scholarship.  Attracted to the theater, he was the first to adapt the Chinese story of Mulan for the stage.  He brought Western plays to Nankai University, which his brother helped found.  And he organized a tour of the United States by the Peking Opera star Mei Lanfang, adapting the music and dance to Western tastes.  In China’s philosophy of moral cultivation and rigorous education, Chang saw advantages that could be combined with ideas from the West to form something new. This culminated in Chang’s crowning achievement:  His decisive contributions to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.  This was the document drafted after World War II by an international panel chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt.  Chang, who was by then a veteran diplomat representing China, was a member of the panel.  The declaration’s aim was to prevent despotism and war by morally obligating governments to respect fundamental rights.  The rights enshrined in the 1948 declaration include life, liberty, and security; the right not to be held in slavery or subjected to torture; the right to freedom of religion; and the right to freedom of thought. “Marrying Western belief in the primacy of the individual with Chinese concern for the greater good” Chang helped craft a document that would be relevant to all nations, John Pomfret wrote.  A declaration on human rights was not simply about the rights of the individual, in Chang’s view. It was also about the individual’s obligations to society. Chang’s biographer, Hans Ingvar Roth of Stockholm University, highlighted the weight of Chang’s contributions to the Declaration:  “Chang stands out as the key figure for all of the attributes now considered significant for this document: its universality, its religious neutrality, and its focus on the fundamental needs and the dignity of individual human beings.” A few short years after the Declaration was adopted by the United Nations, Chang resigned his post as a Chinese diplomat, having grown dismayed by the lack of democracy in China.  In diagnosing the problem, it is easy to imagine P.C. Chang prescribing a closer reading not of ancient Greek philosophy, but of traditional Chinese ideals about virtuous leadership.  The cliché that Chinese people can’t be trusted with democracy was, as both P.C. Chang and Hu Shih knew, the most unpatriotic idea of all.  Taiwan today is a living repudiation of that threadbare mistruth. So who embodies the May Fourth spirit in China today?  To my mind, the heirs of May Fourth are civic-minded citizens who commit small acts of bravery. And sometimes big acts of bravery.  Dr. Li Wenliang was such a person.  Dr. Li wasn’t a demagogue in search of a new ideology that might save China.  He was an ophthalmologist and a young father who committed a small act of bravery and then a big act of bravery.  His small act of bravery, in late December, was to pass along a warning via WeChat to his former medical school classmates that patients afflicted by a dangerous new virus were turning up in Wuhan hospitals.  He urged his friends to protect their families. When his warning circulated more widely than he intended, Dr. Li was upset and anxious—and with good reason.  Supervisors at his hospital quickly admonished him for leaking word of the coronavirus cases.  Dr. Li was then interrogated by the police, made to sign a “confession,” and threatened with prosecution if he spoke out again.  Anyone tempted to believe this was just a case of overzealous local police, take note: China’s central government aired a news story about Dr. Li’s “rumor-mongering.” Then Dr. Li did a big brave thing.  He went public with his experience of being silenced by the police.  The whole world paid close attention.  By this time, Dr. Li had contracted the disease he’d warned about.  His death on February 7 felt like the loss of a relative for people around the world.  Dr. Li’s comment to a reporter from his deathbed still rings in our ears: “I think there should be more than one voice in a healthy society, and I don’t approve of using public power for excessive interference.” Dr. Li was using Hu Shih-style “plain speech” to make a practical point. It takes courage to speak to a reporter—or to work as one—in today’s China.  Even finding an investigative reporter in China, foreign or local, is getting hard.  Citizen journalists who tried to shed light on the outbreak in Wuhan went missing, including Chen Qiushi, Fang Bin and Li Zehua.  More foreign reporters were expelled in recent months than the Soviet Union expelled over decades.  Dr. Ai Fen, a colleague of Dr. Li Wenliang who also raised the alarm about the outbreak in Wuhan, reportedly can no longer appear in public after she spoke to a reporter. When small acts of bravery are stamped out by governments, big acts of bravery follow. We have seen big acts of moral and physical courage recently by people pursuing the ideals that Hu Shih and P.C. Chang championed a century ago.  Some are political insiders; some have devoted their lives to God. Others follow the long tradition of scholars serving as China’s conscience.  Many are regular citizens.  Xu Zhangrun, Ren Zhiqiang, Xu Zhiyong, Ilham Tohti, Fang Fang, 20 Catholic priests who have refused to subordinate God to the Communist Party, and the millions of Hong Kong citizens who peacefully demonstrated for the rule of law last year.  The list goes on. As the May Fourth Movement today marks the inaugural year of its second century, what will its ultimate legacy be?  It is a question only the Chinese people themselves can answer.  The May Fourth Movement belongs to them.  Will the movement’s democratic aspirations remain unfulfilled for another century?  Will its core ideas be deleted or distorted through official censorship and disinformation?  Will its champions be slandered as “unpatriotic,” “pro-American,” “subversive”?  We know the Communist Party will do its best to make it so.  After all, Mao Zedong had limited tolerance even for Lu Xun, China’s most celebrated modern writer and one of the minority of May Fourth heroes whose writing wasn’t heavily censored by the Party.  In 1957, an official named Luo Jinan asked Chairman Mao: “What if Lu Xun were alive today?”  Mao’s reply about the national hero surprised many in the audience:  “He could either sit in jail or continue to write or he could remain silent.” Those with the fortitude to seek and speak the truth in China today may take comfort, however, in something Lu Xun wrote:  “Lies written in ink can never disguise facts written in blood.” One final thought, from a U.S. perspective:  Hu Shih famously preferred solving concrete problems to wallowing in abstract political theory.  But let me break his rule against discussing “isms” to ask whether China today would benefit from a little less nationalism and a little more populism.  Democratic populism is less about left versus right than top versus bottom.  It’s about reminding a few that they need the consent of many to govern.  When a privileged few grow too remote and self-interested, populism is what pulls them back or pitches them overboard.  It has a kinetic energy.  It fueled the Brexit vote of 2015 and President Trump’s election in 2016.  It moved the founder of your university to pen a declaration of independence in 1776.  It is an admonition to the powerful of this country to remember who they’re supposed to work for: America first. Wasn’t a similar idea beating in the heart of the May Fourth Movement, too?  Weren’t Hu Shih’s language reforms a declaration of war against aristocratic pretension?  Weren’t they a broadside against the Confucian power structure that enforced conformity over free thought?  Wasn’t the goal to achieve citizen-centric government in China, and not replace one regime-centric model with another one?  The world will wait for the Chinese people to furnish the answers. Thank you.

Ambassador Keshap Discusses the Indo-Pacific Strategy and U.S. Priorities for the East Asia Summit at the CSIS Asian Architecture Conference 2020 克夏大使在美国战略与国际研究中心2020亚洲架构年会讨论印太战略及美国在东亚峰会上的优先事项 REMARKS AMBASSADOR ATUL KESHAP, PRINCIPAL DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ASIAN ARCHITECTURE CONFERENCE 2020 VIRTUAL NOVEMBER 10, 2020 Thank you, Greg, for that kind introduction. I’m honored to be with you today to discuss U.S. priorities for this year’s East Asia Summit.  I’m joined by my good friend and colleague Deputy Assistant Secretary of State David Feith.  David, as many of you know, leads our multilateral engagement in the Indo-Pacific, and he has been a tremendous partner in helping us to realize the goals of our Indo-Pacific Strategy. After my brief remarks, David and I look forward to your questions. Vision for the Indo-Pacific In just a few days, leaders from around the Indo-Pacific will gather virtually for the East Asia Summit, or EAS.  The 18 members of the EAS include the ten ASEAN member states and their eight dialogue partners, including many partners and allies of the United States. The last major EAS event was in September, at the ministerial when Secretary Pompeo joined his counterparts for a useful discussion on the region’s political and security challenges.  I know the Secretary was heartened to hear the widespread support for transparency, the rule of law, and respect for sovereignty, and to hear shared concerns over recent threats to those values. Let me take a moment to mention a few of our major engagements over the past few months, despite the pandemic: In June, Secretary Pompeo met with Yang Jiechi in Honolulu; our dialogue with the PRC is ongoing while we work through our differences. In July, Secretary Pompeo and former Secretary Esper met their Australian counterparts face to face in Washington, D.C. demonstrating the enduring bonds between our two countries. Last month, the Secretary participated in the Quad meeting in Tokyo.  This forum represents multilateral diplomacy at its best – effective, and efficient, and working for the security of the Indo-Pacific. The Secretary participated in the important 2+2 meetings in Delhi. And he recently wrapped up very productive meetings with our partners in Jakarta, Hanoi, Colombo, and Malé in the Maldives. This week the Secretary welcomed to Washington ROK Foreign Minister Kang for important discussions between allies. This year, HHS Secretary Azar and Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy and Environment Keith Krach made historic trips to Taiwan. And importantly Deputy Secretary of State Biegun has had regular calls with key Indo-Pacific counterparts on our fight against COVID and planning for the region’s economic recovery. So as we carry on our bilateral efforts to ensure the security and economic prosperity of the region, we recognize the importance of fora like the EAS, with ASEAN at its center. At this year’s EAS, we will again describe our bold vision for the Indo-Pacific that the President outlined in Vietnam in 2017.  We’ll focus on what we have achieved so far and what we want to achieve going forward. Our Indo-Pacific vision aligns with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific and with the priorities of our allies and partners. It is based on principles that underpin peace and security, including transparency, fair and reciprocal trade, adherence to international law, energy security, and a commitment to ASEAN centrality. The vision is necessarily a long-term one, but the United States is always prepared to respond to the region’s immediate needs.  This year and in the coming year, those immediate needs center on responding to and recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 At the EAS, we will discuss how the United States is leading in public health and humanitarian assistance.  We have invested more than $20 billion in the international fight against COVID-19.  And we will ensure that a safe and effective vaccine is available as quickly as possible. We will describe further collaboration between the United States and ASEAN countries in preventing infections, adding to our extensive public health programs and projects in the region. The U.S.-ASEAN Health Futures initiative, for example, will expand public health cooperation in Southeast Asia, building on over $3.5 billion in U.S. public health assistance to ASEAN countries over the last 20 years. Our public health work includes USAID’s support to the ASEAN Public Health Emergency Coordinating System, a network that enhances coordination, data transparency, and legal measures so ASEAN countries can respond as a region to emerging public health crises and help prevent the next pandemic. We will also note our appreciation for the efforts of our Indo-Pacific partners in supporting ASEAN’s COVID-19 response. U.S. Support for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Whether in public health, human capital development, investment, or innovation, the United States is making good on its commitment to the ASEAN region and the greater Indo-Pacific.  We will make this clear at the EAS. Since 2005, we have provided over $813 million to support basic and higher education and more than $785 million to support exchange programs.  We have welcomed over half a million ASEAN students in U.S. universities since 2010.  Just this year, we inaugurated the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative Academy at Fulbright University in Ho Chi Minh City.  The Academy offers executive-level seminars for entry- to mid-level professionals from across Southeast Asia, around the themes of technology and innovation, public policy, and entrepreneurship. The United States is committed to expanding private sector participation as an alternative to state-dominated financing that impinges on national sovereignty and saddles economies with debilitating debt.  We are strengthening energy markets and infrastructure through Asia EDGE and helping the region attract U.S. finance and investment. For example, despite the pandemic, we joined with Vietnam to hold the 3rd Indo-Pacific Business Forum last month, which brought together business and government leaders to spur economic innovation and collaboration.  U.S. firms signed over $11 billion in commercial deals, and the United States with our partners, Australia and Japan, announced a $30 million investment in an undersea fiber optic cable in Palau. Over 4,200 U.S. companies operate in the ASEAN region, including 70 percent of U.S. companies in the Fortune 500.  They employ local workers. They train their staff and improve their leadership and technical skills, contributing to the region’s human capital development. In addition to our private sector, the U.S. government is using a range of tools to support private sector-led growth. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation already has over $1 billion invested in the countries of Southeast Asia and is eager to catalyze billions more. There are other government agencies also working to grow our trade and investment, including the U.S. Trade and Development Agency, the Commerce Department, and the U.S. Ex-Im Bank.   In the last year alone, these and other agencies supported dozens of projects with a market value of over $125 billion and potential U.S. export content of $22 billion. Another exciting aspect of our economic work is the U.S.-ASEAN Smart Cities Partnership, which is announcing pairings on transportation between Las Vegas and Phuket, Dallas and Kuala Lumpur, Portland and Johor Bahru, Boston and Phnom Penh, and Los Angeles and Jakarta.  We are also working to announce three new city pairings on water management and are starting a digitalization project with three ASEAN Smart City power grids.  This will help them to become more efficient, resilient, and able to incorporate new sustainable energy sources. The United States is also working with our partners to build out the Blue Dot Network and Clean Network initiatives.  These initiatives promise to enhance transparency and sustainability in key infrastructure, including the next generation of 5G telecom networks. We think these exciting new programs and partnerships are solid proof of the sustaining U.S. commitment to ASEAN. PRC Destabilizing Actions China, unfortunately, has chosen a different path from a free and open Indo-Pacific.  They have exploited the COVID-19 crisis with destabilizing actions. I expect we will hear—as we did at the EAS foreign minsters’ meeting in September—region-wide concern over Beijing’s assault on the autonomy of its neighbors and on the rules-based system that has underpinned global prosperity and peace for decades.  The United States will be equally candid in our remarks. South China Sea In the South China Sea, Beijing’s unlawful maritime claims and its intimidation of ASEAN coastal states are unacceptable. In 2015, General Secretary Xi Jinping stood in the White House Rose Garden and stated “China does not intend to pursue militarization” of the Spratly Islands, and China’s outposts would not “target or impact any country.”  Beijing instead pursued a reckless and provocative militarization of those disputed outposts: they have deployed anti-ship cruise missiles, expanded military radar and signal intelligence capabilities, constructed dozens of fighter jet hangars, and have built runways capable of accommodating combat aircraft. The PRC uses these militarized outposts as platforms of coercion to assert control over waters to which Beijing has no lawful maritime claim.  They serve as staging grounds for the hundreds of maritime militia vessels and China Coast Guard ships that regularly harass civilian craft and impede legitimate law enforcement activities, offshore fishing, and hydrocarbon development by neighboring states. Since 2013, the PRC has undertaken massive dredging to build up more than 3,000 acres across the South China Sea, causing untold destruction to coral reefs and fisheries, all in an attempt to further Beijing’s unlawful maritime claims. Beijing has sought to scare away the competition for oil and gas resources, then push other states in the South China Sea to accept what it calls “joint development” deals with its own state-owned firms, essentially saying “if you want to develop those resources off your coast, your only option is to do so with us.” This is extortion, plain and simple. In June, ASEAN leaders stressed that maritime disputes like these and a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea must rely on international law, including UNCLOS.  We support that. This year, we strengthened our approach to the South China Sea, rejecting China’s unlawful maritime claims and imposing costs on executives and state-owned firms that further them.  Since then, an unprecedented number of countries, including six of the 18 EAS members, have rejected China’s South China Sea claims at the UN. Ream Moving to the mainland, we have seen reports that a maritime security facility was demolished at Ream Naval Base in Cambodia.  We are concerned that razing the facility may be tied to plans for hosting PRC military assets and personnel at Ream.  A permanent PRC military presence in Cambodia would be disruptive and destabilizing to the Indo-Pacific region and could undermine the freedom of navigation and overflight. In a November 2019 letter, the President opened the door to discussing ways to increase U.S.-Cambodia cooperation that protects the autonomy of Cambodia and reflects the will of the Cambodian people. We hope that Prime Minister Hun Sen will take us up on our offer for dialogue. We would welcome a dialogue about Cambodia’s needs, and to identify how we can support infrastructure at Ream that would benefit an independent Cambodia and all nations supportive of a free and open Indo-Pacific. Mekong The disturbing reports out of Ream are part of broader troubling trends in the Mekong region.  The region faces several challenges, including historic droughts exacerbated by Beijing’s chokehold of Mekong River flows, and its ties to infrastructure-linked debt and a significant increase in transnational crime and trafficking in persons, drugs, arms, and wildlife.  Beijing is increasingly applying its South China Sea playbook – coercion, disinformation, and contempt for rules – throughout the region. We have a playbook as well: supporting the prosperity, autonomy, and security of our friends and allies.  That’s why we were thrilled to join with our Mekong partners to launch the Mekong-U.S. Partnership in September.  The Partnership follows the hugely successful Lower Mekong Initiative, and will support a deeper, more strategic relationship with the five countries of the Mekong. The Partnership will continue our long-time work on water governance, which is not simply a technical issue for the peoples of the Mekong but an existential one with over 60 million people depending on the River for their livelihoods. I mentioned Beijing’s unilateral manipulation of upstream water flows through its network of 11 mega-dams.  I’ve been told that these dams hold enough water to fill the entire Chesapeake Bay or provide water to all 8.3 million residents of New York City for 35 years. Until recently, China has refused to share year-round data on its dam operations.  Its unilateral withholding of water has exacerbated historic droughts and contributed to devastating economic impacts on tens of millions of people. In response to requests from the Mekong countries, Beijing recently announced its intention to share year-round water data with the Mekong River Commission.  This is a start, but regional experts point out the limited scope of the data Beijing is providing, which falls short of the comprehensive and year-round hydrological data necessary for downstream planning and water resources management.  Then there are also the challenges for Mekong stakeholders to independently verify the PRC’s data.  Beijing needs to do better. The PRC’s unilateral manipulation of upstream dams is just one of a number of the troubling trends I mentioned.  We hear from communities in the Mekong that are concerned about infrastructure-linked debt and the predatory business practices of Beijing’s state-owned actors.  We hear concerns about  People’s Republic of China-controlled economic zones and casinos, which function as clusters of trans-national criminality, with ties to trafficking of persons, drugs, and wildlife, and money-laundering networks. Beijing’s failure to curb corruption tied to these PRC-controlled projects threatens to further strengthen criminal networks that undermine the security and autonomy of not only Mekong countries but even other ASEAN members. We will raise these concerns at the EAS and we will continue to encourage ASEAN to elevate the Mekong region as central to their prosperity and collective interests, as they have done with the South China Sea.  Vietnam has done a terrific job doing just that this year as ASEAN Chair. Hong Kong, Tibet, Xinjiang We will also raise our concerns about Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong, Tibet,  Xinjiang, and elsewhere in China. Beijing has broken its promises to the people of Hong Kong.  Any erosion of confidence in the rule of law or protection of rights has significant international impacts. We will continue to call out Beijing’s repression of Uyghurs and members of other Muslim and ethnic minority groups in Xinjiang. The global community is calling on the PRC to end its inhumane campaign of repression in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet, and elsewhere in China. Burma/Rakhine State Crisis As the Secretary said yesterday, the United States recognizes that Burma’s parliamentary elections, the second competitive national election since the end of military rule, mark an important step in the country’s democratic transition.  While we are concerned by problems in the electoral process — including unelected seats reserved for the military, disenfranchisement, and the cancellation of voting in several regions — we remain a dedicated partner of the people of Burma in their pursuit of democracy, peace, and national reconciliation. A key component of these efforts is addressing the Rakhine State crisis.  We continue to call on the Government of Burma to fully implement its commitments with UN agencies; to allow unhindered humanitarian access to regions affected by violence; and to establish conditions conducive to the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of refugees and internally displaced persons. The United States is the leading single donor of humanitarian assistance to the Rakhine State crisis, providing nearly $1.2 billion since the escalation of violence in 2017.  On October 22, we co-hosted a conference to promote sustained support for the Rohingya refugee response that generated nearly $600 million in new commitments. By comparison, China’s contribution to the Joint Response Plan in 2020 was only $400,000, and nothing in 2019 and 2018 — a paltry sum for a UN P5 member, especially given China’s role in drug and weapons smuggling that erode peace and stability in Myanmar and the region. Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Finally, on the DPRK, we will explain that we remain open to diplomatic negotiations with North Korea to eliminate the threat to international peace and security posed by the DPRK’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs.  Our goal is to achieve complete denuclearization of the DPRK, as committed to by Chairman Kim when we met in Singapore. We will call on EAS members’ cooperation, to fully implement obligations under UN Security Council resolutions sending a strong, unified message that North Korea must halt provocations, abide by its obligations under UNSCRs, and engage in sustained and substantive negotiations with the United States. Conclusion Thank you for your invitation today.  As you’ve heard, we have a lot to discuss at the East Asia Summit.  As it always has, the Indo-Pacific is critical to achieving the goals of our National Security Strategy. https://www.state.gov/ambassador-keshap-discusses-the-indo-pacific-strategy-and-u-s-priorities-for-the-east-asia-summit-at-the-csis-asian-architecture-conference-2020/

Ambassador Keshap Discusses the Indo-Pacific Strategy and U.S. Priorities for the East Asia Summit at the CSIS Asian Architecture Conference 2020 REMARKS AMBASSADOR ATUL KESHAP, PRINCIPAL DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ASIAN ARCHITECTURE CONFERENCE 2020 VIRTUAL NOVEMBER 10, 2020 Thank you, Greg, for that kind introduction. I’m honored to be with you today to discuss U.S. priorities for this year’s East Asia Summit.  I’m joined by my good friend and colleague Deputy Assistant Secretary of State David Feith.  David, as many of you know, leads our multilateral engagement in the Indo-Pacific, and he has been a tremendous partner in helping us to realize the goals of our Indo-Pacific Strategy. After my brief remarks, David and I look forward to your questions. Vision for the Indo-Pacific In just a few days, leaders from around the Indo-Pacific will gather virtually for the East Asia Summit, or EAS.  The 18 members of the EAS include the ten ASEAN member states and their eight dialogue partners, including many partners and allies of the United States. The last major EAS event was in September, at the ministerial when Secretary Pompeo joined his counterparts for a useful discussion on the region’s political and security challenges.  I know the Secretary was heartened to hear the widespread support for transparency, the rule of law, and respect for sovereignty, and to hear shared concerns over recent threats to those values. Let me take a moment to mention a few of our major engagements over the past few months, despite the pandemic: In June, Secretary Pompeo met with Yang Jiechi in Honolulu; our dialogue with the PRC is ongoing while we work through our differences. In July, Secretary Pompeo and former Secretary Esper met their Australian counterparts face to face in Washington, D.C. demonstrating the enduring bonds between our two countries. Last month, the Secretary participated in the Quad meeting in Tokyo.  This forum represents multilateral diplomacy at its best – effective, and efficient, and working for the security of the Indo-Pacific. The Secretary participated in the important 2+2 meetings in Delhi. And he recently wrapped up very productive meetings with our partners in Jakarta, Hanoi, Colombo, and Malé in the Maldives. This week the Secretary welcomed to Washington ROK Foreign Minister Kang for important discussions between allies. This year, HHS Secretary Azar and Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy and Environment Keith Krach made historic trips to Taiwan. And importantly Deputy Secretary of State Biegun has had regular calls with key Indo-Pacific counterparts on our fight against COVID and planning for the region’s economic recovery. So as we carry on our bilateral efforts to ensure the security and economic prosperity of the region, we recognize the importance of fora like the EAS, with ASEAN at its center. At this year’s EAS, we will again describe our bold vision for the Indo-Pacific that the President outlined in Vietnam in 2017.  We’ll focus on what we have achieved so far and what we want to achieve going forward. Our Indo-Pacific vision aligns with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific and with the priorities of our allies and partners. It is based on principles that underpin peace and security, including transparency, fair and reciprocal trade, adherence to international law, energy security, and a commitment to ASEAN centrality. The vision is necessarily a long-term one, but the United States is always prepared to respond to the region’s immediate needs.  This year and in the coming year, those immediate needs center on responding to and recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 At the EAS, we will discuss how the United States is leading in public health and humanitarian assistance.  We have invested more than $20 billion in the international fight against COVID-19.  And we will ensure that a safe and effective vaccine is available as quickly as possible. We will describe further collaboration between the United States and ASEAN countries in preventing infections, adding to our extensive public health programs and projects in the region. The U.S.-ASEAN Health Futures initiative, for example, will expand public health cooperation in Southeast Asia, building on over $3.5 billion in U.S. public health assistance to ASEAN countries over the last 20 years. Our public health work includes USAID’s support to the ASEAN Public Health Emergency Coordinating System, a network that enhances coordination, data transparency, and legal measures so ASEAN countries can respond as a region to emerging public health crises and help prevent the next pandemic. We will also note our appreciation for the efforts of our Indo-Pacific partners in supporting ASEAN’s COVID-19 response. U.S. Support for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Whether in public health, human capital development, investment, or innovation, the United States is making good on its commitment to the ASEAN region and the greater Indo-Pacific.  We will make this clear at the EAS. Since 2005, we have provided over $813 million to support basic and higher education and more than $785 million to support exchange programs.  We have welcomed over half a million ASEAN students in U.S. universities since 2010.  Just this year, we inaugurated the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative Academy at Fulbright University in Ho Chi Minh City.  The Academy offers executive-level seminars for entry- to mid-level professionals from across Southeast Asia, around the themes of technology and innovation, public policy, and entrepreneurship. The United States is committed to expanding private sector participation as an alternative to state-dominated financing that impinges on national sovereignty and saddles economies with debilitating debt.  We are strengthening energy markets and infrastructure through Asia EDGE and helping the region attract U.S. finance and investment. For example, despite the pandemic, we joined with Vietnam to hold the 3rd Indo-Pacific Business Forum last month, which brought together business and government leaders to spur economic innovation and collaboration.  U.S. firms signed over $11 billion in commercial deals, and the United States with our partners, Australia and Japan, announced a $30 million investment in an undersea fiber optic cable in Palau. Over 4,200 U.S. companies operate in the ASEAN region, including 70 percent of U.S. companies in the Fortune 500.  They employ local workers. They train their staff and improve their leadership and technical skills, contributing to the region’s human capital development. In addition to our private sector, the U.S. government is using a range of tools to support private sector-led growth. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation already has over $1 billion invested in the countries of Southeast Asia and is eager to catalyze billions more. There are other government agencies also working to grow our trade and investment, including the U.S. Trade and Development Agency, the Commerce Department, and the U.S. Ex-Im Bank.   In the last year alone, these and other agencies supported dozens of projects with a market value of over $125 billion and potential U.S. export content of $22 billion. Another exciting aspect of our economic work is the U.S.-ASEAN Smart Cities Partnership, which is announcing pairings on transportation between Las Vegas and Phuket, Dallas and Kuala Lumpur, Portland and Johor Bahru, Boston and Phnom Penh, and Los Angeles and Jakarta.  We are also working to announce three new city pairings on water management and are starting a digitalization project with three ASEAN Smart City power grids.  This will help them to become more efficient, resilient, and able to incorporate new sustainable energy sources. The United States is also working with our partners to build out the Blue Dot Network and Clean Network initiatives.  These initiatives promise to enhance transparency and sustainability in key infrastructure, including the next generation of 5G telecom networks. We think these exciting new programs and partnerships are solid proof of the sustaining U.S. commitment to ASEAN. PRC Destabilizing Actions China, unfortunately, has chosen a different path from a free and open Indo-Pacific.  They have exploited the COVID-19 crisis with destabilizing actions. I expect we will hear—as we did at the EAS foreign minsters’ meeting in September—region-wide concern over Beijing’s assault on the autonomy of its neighbors and on the rules-based system that has underpinned global prosperity and peace for decades.  The United States will be equally candid in our remarks. South China Sea In the South China Sea, Beijing’s unlawful maritime claims and its intimidation of ASEAN coastal states are unacceptable. In 2015, General Secretary Xi Jinping stood in the White House Rose Garden and stated “China does not intend to pursue militarization” of the Spratly Islands, and China’s outposts would not “target or impact any country.”  Beijing instead pursued a reckless and provocative militarization of those disputed outposts: they have deployed anti-ship cruise missiles, expanded military radar and signal intelligence capabilities, constructed dozens of fighter jet hangars, and have built runways capable of accommodating combat aircraft. The PRC uses these militarized outposts as platforms of coercion to assert control over waters to which Beijing has no lawful maritime claim.  They serve as staging grounds for the hundreds of maritime militia vessels and China Coast Guard ships that regularly harass civilian craft and impede legitimate law enforcement activities, offshore fishing, and hydrocarbon development by neighboring states. Since 2013, the PRC has undertaken massive dredging to build up more than 3,000 acres across the South China Sea, causing untold destruction to coral reefs and fisheries, all in an attempt to further Beijing’s unlawful maritime claims. Beijing has sought to scare away the competition for oil and gas resources, then push other states in the South China Sea to accept what it calls “joint development” deals with its own state-owned firms, essentially saying “if you want to develop those resources off your coast, your only option is to do so with us.” This is extortion, plain and simple. In June, ASEAN leaders stressed that maritime disputes like these and a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea must rely on international law, including UNCLOS.  We support that. This year, we strengthened our approach to the South China Sea, rejecting China’s unlawful maritime claims and imposing costs on executives and state-owned firms that further them.  Since then, an unprecedented number of countries, including six of the 18 EAS members, have rejected China’s South China Sea claims at the UN. Ream Moving to the mainland, we have seen reports that a maritime security facility was demolished at Ream Naval Base in Cambodia.  We are concerned that razing the facility may be tied to plans for hosting PRC military assets and personnel at Ream.  A permanent PRC military presence in Cambodia would be disruptive and destabilizing to the Indo-Pacific region and could undermine the freedom of navigation and overflight. In a November 2019 letter, the President opened the door to discussing ways to increase U.S.-Cambodia cooperation that protects the autonomy of Cambodia and reflects the will of the Cambodian people. We hope that Prime Minister Hun Sen will take us up on our offer for dialogue. We would welcome a dialogue about Cambodia’s needs, and to identify how we can support infrastructure at Ream that would benefit an independent Cambodia and all nations supportive of a free and open Indo-Pacific. Mekong The disturbing reports out of Ream are part of broader troubling trends in the Mekong region.  The region faces several challenges, including historic droughts exacerbated by Beijing’s chokehold of Mekong River flows, and its ties to infrastructure-linked debt and a significant increase in transnational crime and trafficking in persons, drugs, arms, and wildlife.  Beijing is increasingly applying its South China Sea playbook – coercion, disinformation, and contempt for rules – throughout the region. We have a playbook as well: supporting the prosperity, autonomy, and security of our friends and allies.  That’s why we were thrilled to join with our Mekong partners to launch the Mekong-U.S. Partnership in September.  The Partnership follows the hugely successful Lower Mekong Initiative, and will support a deeper, more strategic relationship with the five countries of the Mekong. The Partnership will continue our long-time work on water governance, which is not simply a technical issue for the peoples of the Mekong but an existential one with over 60 million people depending on the River for their livelihoods. I mentioned Beijing’s unilateral manipulation of upstream water flows through its network of 11 mega-dams.  I’ve been told that these dams hold enough water to fill the entire Chesapeake Bay or provide water to all 8.3 million residents of New York City for 35 years. Until recently, China has refused to share year-round data on its dam operations.  Its unilateral withholding of water has exacerbated historic droughts and contributed to devastating economic impacts on tens of millions of people. In response to requests from the Mekong countries, Beijing recently announced its intention to share year-round water data with the Mekong River Commission.  This is a start, but regional experts point out the limited scope of the data Beijing is providing, which falls short of the comprehensive and year-round hydrological data necessary for downstream planning and water resources management.  Then there are also the challenges for Mekong stakeholders to independently verify the PRC’s data.  Beijing needs to do better. The PRC’s unilateral manipulation of upstream dams is just one of a number of the troubling trends I mentioned.  We hear from communities in the Mekong that are concerned about infrastructure-linked debt and the predatory business practices of Beijing’s state-owned actors.  We hear concerns about  People’s Republic of China-controlled economic zones and casinos, which function as clusters of trans-national criminality, with ties to trafficking of persons, drugs, and wildlife, and money-laundering networks. Beijing’s failure to curb corruption tied to these PRC-controlled projects threatens to further strengthen criminal networks that undermine the security and autonomy of not only Mekong countries but even other ASEAN members. We will raise these concerns at the EAS and we will continue to encourage ASEAN to elevate the Mekong region as central to their prosperity and collective interests, as they have done with the South China Sea.  Vietnam has done a terrific job doing just that this year as ASEAN Chair. Hong Kong, Tibet, Xinjiang We will also raise our concerns about Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong, Tibet,  Xinjiang, and elsewhere in China. Beijing has broken its promises to the people of Hong Kong.  Any erosion of confidence in the rule of law or protection of rights has significant international impacts. We will continue to call out Beijing’s repression of Uyghurs and members of other Muslim and ethnic minority groups in Xinjiang. The global community is calling on the PRC to end its inhumane campaign of repression in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet, and elsewhere in China. Burma/Rakhine State Crisis As the Secretary said yesterday, the United States recognizes that Burma’s parliamentary elections, the second competitive national election since the end of military rule, mark an important step in the country’s democratic transition.  While we are concerned by problems in the electoral process — including unelected seats reserved for the military, disenfranchisement, and the cancellation of voting in several regions — we remain a dedicated partner of the people of Burma in their pursuit of democracy, peace, and national reconciliation. A key component of these efforts is addressing the Rakhine State crisis.  We continue to call on the Government of Burma to fully implement its commitments with UN agencies; to allow unhindered humanitarian access to regions affected by violence; and to establish conditions conducive to the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of refugees and internally displaced persons. The United States is the leading single donor of humanitarian assistance to the Rakhine State crisis, providing nearly $1.2 billion since the escalation of violence in 2017.  On October 22, we co-hosted a conference to promote sustained support for the Rohingya refugee response that generated nearly $600 million in new commitments. By comparison, China’s contribution to the Joint Response Plan in 2020 was only $400,000, and nothing in 2019 and 2018 — a paltry sum for a UN P5 member, especially given China’s role in drug and weapons smuggling that erode peace and stability in Myanmar and the region. Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Finally, on the DPRK, we will explain that we remain open to diplomatic negotiations with North Korea to eliminate the threat to international peace and security posed by the DPRK’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs.  Our goal is to achieve complete denuclearization of the DPRK, as committed to by Chairman Kim when we met in Singapore. We will call on EAS members’ cooperation, to fully implement obligations under UN Security Council resolutions sending a strong, unified message that North Korea must halt provocations, abide by its obligations under UNSCRs, and engage in sustained and substantive negotiations with the United States. Conclusion Thank you for your invitation today.  As you’ve heard, we have a lot to discuss at the East Asia Summit.  As it always has, the Indo-Pacific is critical to achieving the goals of our National Security Strategy. https://www.state.gov/ambassador-keshap-discusses-the-indo-pacific-strategy-and-u-s-priorities-for-the-east-asia-summit-at-the-csis-asian-architecture-conference-2020/

2020年9月10日 美国东部夏令时间 下午12:35 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 今天，美国财政部外国资产控制办公室（OFAC）制裁了四名与克里姆林宫有关联的个人，因为他们试图干预美国选举。 财政部根据第13848号行政命令将安德里·德卡奇（Andrii Derkach）列为制裁对象，因为他试图影响2020年美国总统大选。德卡奇与俄罗斯情报部门保持着密切联系，并曾试图通过一场由俄罗斯指导的秘密影响活动来影响美国选民的观点，其重点是操纵美国的政治进程，以推进俄罗斯在乌克兰的恶意利益。这一行动的计划是在选举日之前达到顶峰。 财政部还将三名与网络水军工厂“互联网研究机构”（也称为拉赫塔互联网研究 Lakhta Internet Research）有关联的俄罗斯国民列为制裁对象，该机构的拥有者和经营者是与克里姆林宫有关联的寡头叶夫根尼·普里戈任（Yevgeniy Prigozhin）。阿特姆·利夫希茨（Artem Lifshits）、安东·安德烈耶夫（Anton Andreyev）和达里亚·阿斯拉诺娃（Darya Aslanova）支持了“互联网研究机构”的加密货币帐户，为该机构针对美国人民的恶意影响活动提供便利。 本次行动发出了一个明确的信号：美国将毫不犹豫地使用所有国家权力工具，来回应试图以任何方式干预或以其他方式影响我国选举的外国行为者。 财政部制裁与俄罗斯有关联的干预选举行为者 今天针对“互联网研究机构”采取的行动得到了美国弗吉尼亚州东区检察官办公室和美国特勤局的协调。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE SEPTEMBER 10, 2020 Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) sanctioned four Kremlin-linked individuals for their efforts to interfere in United States elections. Treasury designated Andrii Derkach pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13848, for his efforts to influence the 2020 U.S. presidential election.  Derkach maintains close ties to Russian intelligence and sought to influence the views of American voters through a Russian-directed covert influence campaign centered on manipulating the American political process to advance Russia’s malign interests in Ukraine.  This operation was designed to culminate prior to Election Day. Treasury also designated three Russian nationals linked to the troll farm Internet Research Agency (also known as Lakhta Internet Research), owned and operated by Kremlin-linked oligarch Yevgeniy Prigozhin.  Artem Lifshits, Anton Andreyev, and Darya Aslanova supported the Internet Research Agency’s cryptocurrency accounts, facilitating the Internet Research Agency’s malign influence campaigns targeting the American people. This action sends a clear signal: the United States will not hesitate to use all tools of national power to respond to foreign actors that seek to interfere in or otherwise influence our elections by any means. Treasury Sanctions Russia-Linked Election Interference Actors Today’s action against the Internet Research Agency was coordinated with the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of Virginia and the United States Secret Service.

U.S. Department of State Seal 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 5月28 日   新闻简报 关于香港的联合声明   以下是美利坚合众国、澳大利亚、加拿大和英国政府发表的声明（译文）。 正文开始：   本声明各签署方重申我们高度关注北京对香港强行实施国家安全法的决定。 香港作为自由的堡垒得到蓬勃发展。香港的繁荣和稳定对国际社会具有重大和长远的利害关系。北京当局对香港直接强行实施国家安全法，不按《基本法》（Basic Law）第23条的规定通过香港本身的各项机制，将导致香港人民的自由受到破坏。这种做法极大地侵蚀了香港的自治地位及促使香港如此繁荣的体制。 中国决定对香港强行实施新的国家安全法直接违背了中国按具有法律约束力并在联合国（UN）存档的《中英联合声明》（Sino-British Joint Declaration）有关原则所承担的国际义务。拟议的法律将破坏“一国两制”的框架。该法律还提高了香港对政治犯罪进行惩处的可能性，同时损害了目前保护香港人民权利的各项承诺，其中包括纳入《公民和政治权利国际公约》（International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights）和《经济、社会和文化权利国际公约》（International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights）的各项权利。 我们还对这项行动将加剧香港社会现有的严重分歧表示极为严重的关注；该项法律对香港内部增进相互理解及推动和解没有任何举措。为了使香港恢复正常状态，缓解过去一年紧张和动荡的局势，唯一的途径是重建香港社会各界的信任，允许香港人民享有已得到承诺的权利和自由。 全世界在集中关注全球疫情之际，需要增强政府间的信任，促进国际合作。北京采取的前所未闻的行动可能造成相反的效果。 鉴于新强加的法律破坏了香港的稳定与繁荣，我们呼吁中国政府与香港特别行政区政府和香港人民一起寻求共同接受的解决办法，履行中国在联合国存档的《中英联合声明》中承担的国际义务。

May 28, 2020 Joint Statement on Hong Kong The text of the following statement was released by the Governments of the United States of America, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Begin Text: Signatories to this statement reiterate our deep concern regarding Beijing’s decision to impose a national security law in Hong Kong. Hong Kong has flourished as a bastion of freedom. The international community has a significant and long-standing stake in Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. Direct imposition of national security legislation on Hong Kong by the Beijing authorities, rather than through Hong Kong’s own institutions as provided for under Article 23 of the Basic Law, would curtail the Hong Kong people’s liberties, and in doing so, dramatically erode Hong Kong’s autonomy and the system that made it so prosperous. China’s decision to impose a new national security law on Hong Kong lies in direct conflict with its international obligations under the principles of the legally-binding, UN-registered Sino-British Joint Declaration. The proposed law would undermine the One Country, Two Systems framework. It also raises the prospect of prosecution in Hong Kong for political crimes, and undermines existing commitments to protect the rights of Hong Kong people – including those set out in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. We are also extremely concerned that this action will exacerbate the existing deep divisions in Hong Kong society; the law does nothing to build mutual understanding and foster reconciliation within Hong Kong. Rebuilding trust across Hong Kong society by allowing the people of Hong Kong to enjoy the rights and freedoms they were promised can be the only way back from the tensions and unrest that the territory has seen over the last year. The world’s focus on a global pandemic requires enhanced trust in governments and international cooperation. Beijing’s unprecedented move risks having the opposite effect. As Hong Kong’s stability and prosperity are jeopardized by the new imposition, we call on the Government of China to work with the Hong Kong SAR Government and the people of Hong Kong to find a mutually acceptable accommodation that will honor China’s international obligations under the UN-filed Sino-British Joint Declaration.

华盛顿特区——美国农业部长桑尼·珀杜（Sonny Perdue）和美国贸易代表罗伯特·莱特希泽（Robert Lighthizer）今天宣布，中国已经采取多项行动，开始落实基于具有里程碑意义的《美中第一阶段经贸协议》（U.S.-China Phase One Economic and Trade Agreement）时间表作出的与农业相关的承诺。这项协议于2020年2月14日生效。 这些行动包括： 此外，中国开始宣布，对受制于报复性关税的进口美国农产品给予关税排除（“排除关税程序公告”[Tariff Exclusion Process Announcement]），并宣布对某些美国农产品降低报复性关税税率（“关税税率调整公告”[Tariff Rate Adjustment Announcement]）。这类行动将有助于中国向兑现其《第一阶段》采购承诺推进。 珀杜部长说，“特朗普（Trump）总统和本届政府与中国谈判达成一项强有力的贸易协议，它将给美国农业带来重大收益”。他说，“我们期待今年实现这些收益，上星期的进展令人鼓舞。我们充分期待协议的所有各项内容得到遵守。” 莱特希泽大使说，“特朗普总统在一个月稍多一点以前签署《第一阶段》协议，而我们已经在看到积极成果。在特朗普总统领导下，我们将确保协议得到严格执行，让我们的工人、农民、牧民和工商业受益。”

Washington, DC – U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Sonny Perdue and United States Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer announced today that China has taken numerous actions to begin implementing its agriculture-related commitments under the landmark U.S.-China Phase One Economic and Trade Agreement on schedule. The agreement entered into force on February 14, 2020. These actions include: In addition, China has begun announcing tariff exclusions for imports of U.S. agricultural products subject to its retaliatory tariffs (Tariff Exclusion Process Announcement), and it announced a reduction in retaliatory tariff rates on certain U.S. agricultural goods (Tariff Rate Adjustment Announcement). These types of actions will facilitate China’s progress toward meeting its Phase One purchase commitments. “President Trump and this Administration negotiated a strong trade agreement with China that promises significant benefits for American agriculture,” Secretary Perdue said. “We look forward to realizing these benefits this year and are encouraged by progress made last week. We fully expect compliance with all elements of the deal.”  Ambassador Lighthizer said, “President Trump signed the Phase One agreement a little more than a month ago and we are already seeing positive results. Under the President’s leadership, we will ensure the agreement is strictly enforced for the benefit of our workers, farmers, ranchers and businesses.”

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年5月23日 简报：2022 年四方伙伴关系（Quad）领导人东京峰会 在东京，拜登总统、澳大利亚总理安东尼·阿尔巴尼斯、印度总理莫迪和日本首相岸田将推进雄心勃勃和多样化的四方议程，包括通过一项旨在提高整个印太地区海域意识的重大新举措。 四方伙伴关系国家（澳大利亚、印度、日本和美国）的领导人将于 2022 年 5 月 24 日在东京举行第四次会议，也是第二次面对面会议。四方伙伴关系在 2004 年印度洋海啸之后组建，旨在协调人道主义援助和救灾工作，迄今已成为一个主要的区域伙伴关系，致力于通过针对 21 世纪各种挑战的切实可行的合作来推进自由开放的印太地区的共同愿景。四方伙伴关系拥有六个国家领导人一级的工作组，分别侧重于新冠肺炎疫情应对和全球卫生安全、气候、关键和新兴技术、网络空间、太空和基础设施等领域。该伙伴关系正在促进四个国家之间的常规性合作，借此支持一个更加和平与繁荣的印太地区。拜登总统和四方其他领导人对东京峰会的以下声明表示欢迎： 印太海域意识伙伴关系 在东京峰会上，四方领导人将欢迎一项重大的海事倡议：印太海域意识伙伴关系（IPMDA）。在与地区合作伙伴密切协商后，IPMDA 将提供接近实时、集成且具有成本效益的海域意识图。该倡议将改变太平洋岛屿、东南亚和印度洋地区合作伙伴全面监测其海域的能力，进而维护自由和开放的印太地区。四方致力于通过在五年内对 IPMDA 的投资为该地区的海域意识做出贡献——这种意识是和平、稳定与繁荣的基本要求。该伙伴关系将在现有海域意识工作的基础上创新，迅速将新兴技术应用于促进印太社区的更大利益。 使用现有技术利用商用数据。通过自动识别系统和射频技术的结合，四方合作伙伴可以提供前所未有的活动“共同主线”。由于其商业来源，这些数据将是公开的，因此四方可以将其提供给希望从中受益的广泛合作伙伴。 扩展对现有区域融合中心（fusion center）信息共享的支持，例如位于印度的印度洋地区信息融合中心、位于新加坡的信息融合中心；位于所罗门群岛的太平洋岛屿论坛渔业局和设在瓦努阿图的太平洋融合中心，后二者得到澳大利亚的支持。 四方奖学金计划 四方领导人自豪地宣布四方奖学金计划正式启动，该奖学金将每年资助 100 名美、澳、印、日留学生在美国攻读科学、技术、工程和数学 (STEM) 领域的研究生学位。 四方奖学金计划有助于杰出的 STEM 研究生在其整个职业生涯中推进研究和创新，发挥积极的社会影响力。它通过提供奖学金、有益于社会的浸入式和启发式STEM活动、指导和职业发展计划以及跨文化交流机会来实现这一目标。 四方疫苗伙伴关系和全球卫生安全 四方致力于保持其在应对新冠疫情和加强全球卫生安全方面的全球领导地位。迄今为止，四方合作伙伴已共同向印太地区提供了 2.57 亿剂安全有效的疫苗。在我们继续捐赠疫苗之际，我们也将调整我们的集体方法并为新的病毒变种做好准备，包括为风险最高的人口提供疫苗、检测、治疗和其他医疗产品。 气候 气候危机直接威胁到我们每个国家和印太地区。太平洋岛屿特别脆弱；正如太平洋岛国论坛的《波伊区域安全宣言》所说：“气候变化仍然是对太平洋人民生计、安全和福祉的最大威胁。2021 年 3 月，在我们的首次峰会上成立气候工作组后，我们四个国家在应对气候危机方面实质性地深化了我们的合作并使之常规化。四方领导人将在绿色航运、能源供应链、减少灾害风险和气候信息交换服务方面启动进一步措施。 关键和新兴技术 四方致力于在关键和新兴技术方面进行负责任的创新。自 2021 年 3 月在首次四方领导人峰会上启动关键和新兴技术工作组以来，四方合作伙伴已经对全球半导体供应链中的集体能力和薄弱环节进行了全面摸底，并发布了“关键技术供应链原则共同声明“，这将为增强该地区的供应链复原力提供合作基础。与此同时，四方合作伙伴正在探索在该地区部署开放和安全电信技术的合作方式，通过开放无线接入网（Open RAN）Track 1.5 对话与行业合作。 网络安全 四方网络安全伙伴关系寻求在我们四个国家建立复原力，以应对网络安全漏洞和网络威胁。其重点领域包括：关键基础设施保护，由澳大利亚领导；供应链复原力和安全，由印度领导；劳动力开发和人才，由日本领导；软件安全标准，由美国领导。其工作将以新联合网络原则为指导，以在快速变化的威胁环境中增强网络复原力。这些原则旨在预防网络事件，针对可能发生的网络事件建设国家和国际能力，和/或在网络事件万一发生时快速有效地应对。 太空 作为太空领域的领导者，我们四国正在加强合作并汇集我们的集体专业知识，以交换卫星数据，促进能力建设，并就规范和指南进行磋商。 基础设施 为了帮助满足印太地区巨大的基础设施需求，四方领导人成立了四方基础设施协调小组，该小组将深化合作并采取互补行动，包括在数字连通性、交通运输基础设施、清洁能源和气候复原力等方面。 人道主义援助和救灾 四方伙伴关系是在 2004 年印度洋海啸之后组建。鉴于这段历史和当今的威胁，四方建立了一个新的人道主义援助和救灾 (HADR) 机制。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/05/23/fact-sheet-quad-leaders-tokyo-summit-2022/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

FACT SHEET: Quad Leaders’ Tokyo Summit 2022 MAY 23, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES In Tokyo, President Biden, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of Australia, Prime Minister Modi of India, and Prime Minister Kishida of Japan will advance the Quad’s ambitious and diverse agenda, including through a major new initiative to improve maritime domain awareness across the Indo-Pacific. The leaders of the Quad nations—Australia, India, Japan, and the United States—will meet on May 24, 2022 in Tokyo for the fourth time and the second time in person. Established in the wake of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami to coordinate humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, the Quad has since become a leading regional partnership dedicated to advancing a common vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific through practical cooperation on diverse 21st-century challenges. With six leader-level working groups—on COVID-19 Response and Global Health Security, Climate, Critical and Emerging Technologies, Cyber, Space, and Infrastructure—the Quad is building habits of cooperation among our four countries that will support a more peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific. President Biden and his fellow Quad leaders welcome the following announcements from the Tokyo Summit: The Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness   At the Tokyo Summit, the Quad leaders will welcome a major maritime initiative: the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA). In close consultations with regional partners, IPMDA will offer a near-real-time, integrated, and cost-effective maritime domain awareness picture. This initiative will transform the ability of partners in the Pacific Islands, Southeast Asia, and the Indian Ocean region to fully monitor the waters on their shores and, in turn, to uphold a free and open Indo-Pacific. Quad countries are committed to contributing to the region’s maritime domain awareness—a fundamental requirement for peace, stability, and prosperity—through an investment in IPMDA over five years. The partnership will innovate upon existing maritime domain awareness efforts, rapidly bringing emerging technologies to bear for the greater good of the Indo-Pacific community. Harnessing commercially-available data using existing technologies. Through a combination of Automatic Identification System and radio-frequency technologies, Quad partners can provide an unprecedented “common thread” of activities. Because of its commercial origin, this data will be unclassified, allowing the Quad to provide it to a wide range of partners who wish to benefit. Extending support for information-sharing across existing regional fusion centers, such as the Information Fusion Center-Indian Ocean Region, based in India; the Information Fusion Center, based in Singapore; the Pacific Islands Forum Fisheries Agency, based in the Solomon Islands, and the Pacific Fusion Center, based in Vanuatu, both of which receive support from Australia. The Quad Fellowship Quad leaders are proud to open applications for the Quad Fellowship, which will sponsor 100 American, Australian, Indian, and Japanese students to study in the United States each year for graduate degrees in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. The Quad Fellowship empowers exceptional STEM graduate students to advance research and innovation throughout their careers with a lens of positive social impact. It does so by providing scholarships, immersive and inspiring events at the nexus of STEM and society, mentorship and career-advancing programming, and cross-cultural exchange opportunities. The Quad Vaccine Partnership and Global Health Security The Quad is committed to maintaining its global leadership in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic and bolstering global health security. To date, Quad partners have collectively provided 257 million safe and effective doses to the Indo-Pacific. Even as we continue to donate vaccines, we will adapt our collective approaches to and prepare for new variants, including by getting vaccines, tests, treatments, and other medical products to those at highest risk. Climate The climate crisis is existential for each of our countries and for the Indo-Pacific. The Pacific Islands are particularly vulnerable; as the Pacific Island Forum’s Boe Declaration on Regional Security states, “climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of the peoples of the Pacific.” After inaugurating a Climate Working Group at our first-ever leader summit, in March 2021, our four countries have meaningfully deepened and regularized our cooperation on meeting the climate crisis. The Quad leaders will launch further efforts on green shipping, energy supply chains, disaster risk reduction, and the exchange of climate information services. Critical and Emerging Technologies Our four countries are committed to responsible innovation in critical and emerging technologies. Since launching the Critical and Emerging Technologies Working Group at the first-ever leader-level summit of the Quad, in March 2021, Quad partners have mapped collective capacity and vulnerabilities in global semiconductor supply chains, and launched the Common Statement of Principles on Critical Technology Supply Chains, which will provide a cooperative foundation for enhancing supply-chain resilience in the region. At the same time, Quad partners are exploring ways to collaborate on the deployment of open and secure telecommunications technologies in the region, working with industry through Open RAN Track 1.5 dialogues. Cybersecurity The Quad Cybersecurity Partnership seeks to build resilience across our four countries in response to cybersecurity vulnerabilities and cyber threats. Its areas of focus are critical-infrastructure protection, led by Australia; supply-chain resilience and security, led by India; workforce development and talent, led by Japan; and software security standards, led by the United States. Its work is guided by new joint cyber principles to improve cyber resilience in a rapidly changing threat environment. These principles aim to prevent cyber incidents, prepare national and international capabilities for potential cyber incidents, and/or respond quickly and effectively to a cyber incident, when or should one occur. Space As leaders in space, Quad countries are strengthening cooperation and pooling our collective expertise to exchange satellite data, enable capacity-building, and consult on norms and guidelines. Infrastructure To help meet the Indo-Pacific’s enormous infrastructure needs, Quad leaders launched the Quad Infrastructure Coordination Group, which will deepen collaboration and pursue complementary actions, including in digital connectivity, transportation infrastructure, clean energy and climate resilience. Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief The Quad was forged in the wake of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. In recognition of that history and of present-day threats, the Quad established a new humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) mechanism.  ###