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changed to lessen the differences in treatment between men and women. Women no longer are required to covenant to obey their husbands, but instead must covenant only to follow their husbands as their husbands follow God. Also, Eve is no longer explicitly blamed for the Fall, and several references to Adam were replaced with references to Adam and Eve. (See below about 2019). The lecture at the veil was also cut, and some repetition was eliminated. In the temple endowment, women were previously urged to be a priestess "unto her husband," while men were promised they will be priests to
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God. In January 2019, that topic was removed from the endowment process, in accordance with other changes that included more lines for Eve in their ritual performance of the Book of Genesis. Also in 2019, a letter from the church's First Presidency stated that "Veiling an endowed woman's face prior to burial is optional." It had previously been required. The letter went on to say that such veiling, "may be done if the sister expressed such a desire while she was living. In cases where the wishes of the deceased sister on this matter are not known, her
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family should be consulted." A 1996 estimate by Richard Cowan states that around 150 million endowments have been performed, most of which were in behalf of deceased persons. Modern endowment as practiced by the LDS Church. The most well-known Mormon endowment ceremony is that performed by the LDS Church in its temples. This ceremony is open only to members of the church deemed worthy and given a "temple recommend" by their ecclesiastical leaders after one or more personal interviews. It comprises four parts: The initiatory. The "initiatory" is a prelude to the endowment proper, similar to Chrismation, and consists
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of (1) instruction, (2) multiple symbolic washing and anointing ordinances, (3) being clothed in the temple garment, and (4) receiving a "new name" in preparation for the endowment. Washing and anointing are perhaps the earliest practiced temple ordinances for the living since the organization of the LDS Church. There is evidence that these ordinances have been performed since 1832. They were first practiced in the Whitney Store as part of the School of the Prophets and were part of the Kirtland endowment. As part of the endowment ceremony, the ordinance of washing and anointing symbolizes the ritual cleansing of priests
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that took place at Israel's Tabernacle, Solomon's Temple, and the Second Temple, later known as Herod's Temple. The washing symbolizes being "cleansed from the blood of this generation," and being anointed to become "clean from the blood and sins of this generation." After the washing and anointing, the patron is given the temple garment, formally called the "Garment of the Holy Priesthood". This garment represents the "coats of skins" given to Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. Similar ordinances are performed for the living and the dead in LDS temples, where men are: Women receive
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the same ordinances, except for the ordination. As the final part of the initiatory, the patron is given a new name, which is a key word used during the ceremony. In general, this name is only known to the person to whom it is given; however, an endowed LDS woman reveals her name to her endowed husband (but not vice versa). In support of this practice, the LDS church cites Book of Revelation 2:17 and 3:12, referring to a "white stone" with "a new name written" thereon. The instructional portion. The endowment focuses heavily on LDS belief in a plan
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of salvation and centered around the atonement of Jesus Christ on behalf of humanity's sins. Parts of the doctrine of the plan of salvation explained include: The endowment is often thought of as a series of lectures where Latter-day Saints are taught about the creation of the world, the events in the Garden of Eden, what happened after Adam and Eve were cast out of the Garden into the "telestial world", and the progression of righteous individuals through "terrestrial" laws to one of the kingdoms of glory and exaltation. During the ceremony, Latter-day Saints are dressed in
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temple clothes or temple robes, are taught in ordinance rooms about various gospel laws (including obedience, chastity, sacrifice and consecration) and make covenants to obey these laws. The early Mormon leader Brigham Young taught that participants are given "signs and tokens" that "enable you to walk back to the presence of the Father, passing the angels who stand as sentinels" and gain eternal exaltation. At the end of the ceremony, the participant is "tested" on their knowledge of what he or she was taught and covenanted to do and then admitted into the celestial room, where he or she may
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meditate and pray. Covenant portion. The LDS Church defines a covenant as: The temple ceremony involves entering into solemn covenants. These covenants are to live, obey, and keep the laws of obedience, sacrifice, the gospel of Jesus Christ, chastity, and consecration. The promise given in the ceremony is that those who remain faithful will be endowed "with power from on high." Testing portion. At the end of the endowment ceremony the participant is tested at a physical veil by a man representing the Lord on the signs and tokens just learned. Before 1990 at the veil the participant also put
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their arm around and pressed their cheek, shoulders, knees and feet against the person through the veil in what was called "the five points of fellowship." Requirements for participation. The endowment is open only to Mormons who have a valid "temple recommend." To be eligible to receive a temple recommend, one must be deemed worthy by church leadership and have been a member of the LDS Church for at least one year. A male member of the church must hold the Melchizedek priesthood to participate in the endowment. A temple recommend is signed by the person receiving the recommend, a
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member of the person's bishopric and a member of the stake presidency, who each perform a personal, one-on-one "worthiness interview." Persons seeking a recommend to attend the temple for the first time and receive their endowment will generally meet with their bishop and stake president. These interviews cover what the church believes to be the most important factors of personal morality and worthiness, including whether the person has a basic belief in key church doctrines such as the divinity of Jesus and the restoration; whether the person attends church meetings and supports the leadership of the LDS
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Church; whether the person affiliates with Mormon fundamentalists or other people considered by the church to be apostate; whether the person is honest and lives the law of chastity and the Word of Wisdom; whether the person abuses family members; whether the person pays tithing and any applicable spousal or child support; and whether the person has confessed to serious past sins. Prior to participating in the endowment, members of the LDS Church frequently participate in a six-part temple preparation class which discusses temple-related topics but does not directly discuss the details of the ceremony. Secrecy. Official church
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publications state that temple ceremonies are confidential and not to be discussed outside the temple. B. H. Roberts declared that certain aspects of the endowment ceremony were intended to be "secret from the world". In this regard, facsimile no. 2 in the Book of Abraham (part of the LDS Church standard works) clarifies that there are things that "cannot be revealed unto the world; but is to be had in the Holy Temple of God." This information includes, in the initiation and instructional/testing phases of the endowment ceremony, certain "names" and symbolic gestures called "tokens" and "signs." Prior
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to revisions in 1990, the LDS Church's version of the endowment also included a gesture called a "penalty." The ceremony stated that the "representation of the execution of the penalties indicates different ways in which life may be taken". However, the LDS Church has removed the "penalty" portions of the ceremony, protecting the "names", "tokens," and "signs" by a simple "covenant and promise." Still, such information has been published in various sources, unauthorized by the LDS Church. Other than the ceremony's signs and tokens (and formerly penalties), which remain a central part of the ceremonies, the remainder of
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the ceremony carries with it no covenants of secrecy. However, most Latter-day Saints are generally unwilling to discuss the specific details of the ceremony. Latter-day Saints commonly state that the rituals are "sacred" but not "secret," and Latter-day Saint apostle Boyd K. Packer has encouraged members not to "discuss the temple ordinances outside the temples" as well as top leaders in 2019. In practice, Mormons keep silent about the ceremony for numerous reasons. Most Mormons hold the making of these covenants to be highly sacred. Most LDS Church members also believe that details of the ceremony should
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be kept from those who are not properly prepared. Many Mormons believe that Jesus often taught in parables for the same reason. Other Latter-day Saints remain silent about the ceremony because they believe that its meaning cannot be properly conveyed without the experience in the temple. Brigham Young stated: In addition, church members are instructed by top church leaders that the only place where the temple ceremonies should be discussed, even amongst faithful members, is within the temple. Some Mormons have suggested that the reluctance to discuss the endowment encourages attacks and unauthorized exposés by evangelical Christians and
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others, and therefore advocate a more transparent attitude toward the ceremony. Transparency has increased a little bit since such criticisms were levied. In the online versions of the General Handbook the specific covenants made during the endowment have been enumerated. This is the only new item that was not publicly discussed about the endowment that was added. Biblical references. Latter Day Saints cite multiple Old Testament passages detailing ancient Israelite temple practices that parallel the modern endowment ceremony. The initiatory ordinances are the most well-attested to in the Bible, with parallel ceremonies being described in several passages, such as
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those found in Exodus 29:4–9 and Exodus 28:2–43 and Leviticus 8:6–13. Exodus 40:12–15 is also a commonly cited reference to the initiatory ordinances: 12. And thou shalt bring Aaron and his sons unto the door of the tabernacle of the congregation, and wash them with water. 13. And thou shalt put upon Aaron the holy garments, and anoint him, and sanctify him; that he may minister unto me in the priest's office. 14. And thou shalt bring his sons, and clothe them with coats: 15. And thou shalt anoint them, as thou didst anoint their father, that they may
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minister unto me in the priest's office: for their anointing shall surely be an everlasting priesthood throughout their generations. In the New Testament, passages such as 1 John 2:20 speak of an anointing from the "Holy One" which leads the anointed to "know all things," and 1 John 2:27 reiterates this, stating that the anointed were taught by this anointing "all things." Revelation 1:6 describes the Saints as having been made priests and kings unto God, which is an essential theme in the Latter Day Saint temple endowment. Revelation 2:17 is often cited in relation to the endowment because
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of its references to "hidden manna" and the receipt of a "new name." In addition, Latter Day Saints interpret Luke 24:49 as instructing the apostles to wait for both the pouring out of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost and the endowment ceremony before going out to evangelize. The words "HOLINESS TO THE LORD" can be found on Latter-day Saint temples as referenced in Exodus 28:36. Latter Day Saint scholarship. The Latter Day Saint viewpoint is that the endowment is of ancient origin, revealed from the earliest time to the biblical Adam. Much research has been done by
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Latter Day Saints finding parallels between the endowment and ancient traditions. The LDS Church temple is referred to as a "house of learning" since it is a "kind of educational environment teaching by action and educating through ritual." The endowment ordinance, as presented in Latter-day Saint temples, has been referred to as a "ritual drama" that commemorates episodes of sacred history due to its “theatrical setting.” When viewed as a restoration of ancient rites, the ritual drama and aesthetic environment in which the endowment is presented are both rich in Judeo-Christian symbolism. Comparative studies of the art, architecture
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, and rituals found in Mormonism, such as the endowment, reveal parallels to early Catholic and Jewish traditions. Washing, anointing, and investiture in holy garments are described throughout the Hebrew Bible in the form of priestly and royal initiations. Exodus 28, Exodus 29, Exodus 40, and Leviticus 8 all detail this ancient practice. Many medieval and ancient apocryphal, pseudepigraphical, and other religious writings also provide further information about and references to ancient initiation ceremonies. The apocryphal book of 2 Enoch reads, "And the Lord said to Michael, 'Go, and extract Enoch from [his] earthly clothing. And anoint him with my delightful
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oil, and put him into the clothes of my glory.' And so Michael did, just as the Lord had said to him. He anointed me and he clothed me. And the appearance of that oil is greater than the greatest light, and its ointment is like sweet dew, and its fragrance like myrrh; and it is like rays of the glittering sun. And I looked at myself, and I have become like one of his glorious ones." The text is also important for its description of the ascension of Enoch through multiple heavens. In addition, the Testament of Levi 8:2
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-10 reads, "And I saw seven men in white clothing, who were saying to me, 'Arise, put on the vestments of the priesthood, the crown of righteousness, the oracle of understanding, the robe of truth, the breastplate of faith, the miter for the head, and the apron for prophetic power.' Each carried one of these and put them on me and said, 'From now on be a priest, you and all your posterity.' The first anointed me with holy oil and gave me a staff. The second washed me with pure water, fed me by hand with bread and holy
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wine, and put on me a holy and glorious vestment. The third put on me something made of linen, like an ephod. The fourth placed . . . around me a girdle which was like purple. The fifth gave me a branch of rich olive wood. The sixth placed a wreath on my head. The seventh placed the priestly diadem on me and filled my hands with incense, in order that I might serve as priest for the Lord God." Some scholars have suggested that Jewish temple initiation was later merged with early Christian baptismal initiation sometime after the destruction of the Second
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Temple. By the fourth century C.E., Christian baptism had adopted a much more dramatic and complex set of rituals accompanying it, including washing ceremonies, physical anointing with oil, being signed with a cross on the forehead, and receiving white garments and a new name, all which paralleled the Jewish initiation for priests and kings. St. Cyril of Jerusalem, in his Catechetical Lectures, related the anointing with oil at baptism with the anointing of a priest and king in the Old Testament, suggesting that the initiate actually became a priest and king in Christ. The general theme of ascension through multiple
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gates or veils of heaven is found all throughout early Jewish, Christian, Muslim, and other Near Eastern religious writings, as well as in the Bible. Early works often describe angels and other sentinels which are set at these points, and several of these state that the ascending individual would be required to give specific signs and names to the sentinels in order to pass through the veil. The descriptions of key words, signs, and tokens being presented to the sentinels of the veils of heaven are particularly prevalent in old Gnostic Christian and Mandaean writings, and in Jewish lore. In
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one of the Nag Hammadi texts, Jesus promises that those who accept him would pass by each of the gates of heaven without fear and would be perfected in the third heaven. The Coptic Book of 1 Jeu describes Jesus instructing the apostles in the hand-signs, names, and seals that they must use before the guardians of heaven would remove the veils of heaven to allow them passage. In Hekhalot Rabbati 17:1-20:3, an old Jewish esoteric text, the faithful pass through seven doors in order to enter the presence of God, passing by angels whose names they must
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give, while presenting a seal. 3 Enoch also describes the names and seals given to the angels. Similar concepts were found anciently all over the Near East. The ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead detailed various spells and names meant to assist the deceased in their ascension through the gates of the afterlife so they could eventually enter into the presence of the gods. Fragments of the Book of the Dead are, in fact, known to have been part of Joseph Smith's collection of Egyptian papyri, but, at the time, the Egyptian language was untranslatable by any scholarly means
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. The Latter Day Saint temple garment is usually identified by Mormon scholars with the sacred "linen breeches" (michnasayim/mikhnesei bahd) and the "coat of linen" (kuttoneth) that ancient Israelite priests were commanded to wear, as referenced in Exodus 28:39-43. The michnasayim were undergarments that reached from the hips to the thighs and served the purpose of hiding the wearer's "nakedness" and maintaining modesty. These garments symbolized the abolition of the distinction between the heavenly and mortal part of man, and, like the LDS temple garment, were worn by the Israelite priest even when he wasn't actually officiating
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in the temple. The kuttoneth was probably a white, tight-fitting, shirt-like undergarment worn in conjunction with the michnasayim. According to the Talmud, worn-out undergarments and priestly sashes were burned, being used as torch wicks in the temple. Additionally, the temple garment has been compared to the modern tallit katan, a sacred undershirt of Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Judaism. Both the Latter Day Saint temple garment and the tallit katan are meant to be worn all day under regular clothing as a constant reminder of the covenants, promises, and obligations the wearer is under. Endowment (Mormonism) In Mormonism
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Kikimora Kikimora Kikimora () is a legendary creature, a female house spirit in Slavic mythology. Her role in the house is usually juxtaposed with that of the domovoy, where one of them is considered a "bad" spirit, and the other, a "good" one. When the kikimora inhabits a house, she lives behind the stove or in the cellar, and usually produces noises similar to those made by the mice in order to obtain food. Kikimory (in plural) were the first traditional explanation for sleep paralysis in Russian folklore. Etymology. Most sources link the suffix -"mora" with the Proto-Slavic *"morà" ('nightly spirit
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, bad dream') and the Proto-Germanic *"marōn" ("id."), as in the modern English nightmare. In Polish folklore, mora are the souls of living people that leave the body during the night, and are seen as wisps of straw or hair or as moths. Accordingly, Polish "mora", Czech "můra" denote both a kind of elf or spirit as well as a "sphinx moth" or "night butterfly". Other Slavic languages with cognates that have the double meaning of moth are: Kashubian "mòra", and Slovak "mora". In Slovene, Croatian and Serbian, "mora" refers to a "nightmare". "Mora" or "Mara" is one of
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the spirits from ancient Slav mythology. Mara was a dark spirit that takes a form of a beautiful woman and then visits men in their dreams, torturing them with desire, and dragging life out of them. In Serbia, a mare is called "mora", or "noćnik/noćnica" ("night creature", masculine and feminine respectively). In Romania they were known as "Moroi". The word "kikimora" may have derived from the Udmurt (Finno-Ugric) word "kikka-murt", meaning "scarecrow" (literally "bag-made person"). Features and behaviours. It is a common belief that "mora" enters the room through the keyhole, sits on the chest of
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the sleepers and tries to strangle them (hence "moriti", "to torture", "to bother", "to strangle"). To repel "moras", children are advised to look at the window or to turn the pillow and make a sign of cross on it ("prekrstiti jastuk"); in the early 19th century, Vuk Karadžić mentions that people would repel "moras" by leaving a broom upside down behind the door, or putting their belt on top of their sheets, or saying an elaborate prayer poem before they go to sleep. There are two different kinds of Kikimoras. The one that comes from the forest is married to
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the Domovoi. The other one comes from the swamp () and is married to Leshy. It is said that she can be identified by her wet footprints. When home builders wanted to cause harm to someone buying a house, they would bring in Kikimora. Once she is inside, it is difficult to get her to leave. The swamp Kikimora was usually described as a small, ugly, hunchbacked, thin, and scruffy old woman with pointed nose and disheveled hair. She was said to use moss and grass as her clothes. It was believed that she frightens people, knocks travelers off the road
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or even drowns them. She also kidnaps children. There is a Russian bylichka about one swamp Kikimora, who loved to brew beer. Her name was Baba Bolotnitsa (). When she was brewing beer, fog rose over the river (or swamp). When the house is in order, Kikimora looks after the chickens and housework. If not, she whistles, breaks dishes, and makes noises at night. She also comes out at night to spin thread. The legend is the basis of "Kikimora" (op. 63), a tone poem for orchestra by Anatoly Lyadov. Lyadov wrote that she "grows up with a magician in the
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mountains. From dawn to sunset the magician’s cat regales Kikimora with fantastic tales of ancient times and faraway places, as Kikimora rocks in a cradle made of crystal. It takes her seven years to reach maturity, by which time her head is no larger than a thimble and her body no wider than a strand of straw. Kikimora spins flax from dusk and to dawn, with evil intentions for the world." The Kikimora is mentioned by Russian "New Age" writer Vladimir Megre in "The Space of Love", Book 3 of his "Ringing Cedars" series. Megre likens a man who
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marries unwisely based on looks and fashion to one who marries a Kikimora. A footnote in the English version describes the Kikimora as a malevolent female ghost said to attach itself to a particular house and disturb the inhabitants, males in particular. By extension, the term may also suggest an ugly woman in shabby clothing, ill-tempered and grumbling, striving to make the life of her husband (and men in general) unbearable. In 1988, Kirill Eskov discovered and described a new genus and species of sheetweaver spider, "Kikimora palustris" after this spirit. Kikimora Kikimora () is a legendary creature, a female
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Lakanica Lakanica Lakanica is a Polish spirit of fields. Lakanica Lakanica is a Polish spirit of fields.
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Leshy Leshy The Leshy (also Leshi; ; literally, "[he] from the forest", ) is a tutelary deity of the forests in pagan Slavic mythology. As the spirit rules over the forest and hunting, he may be related to the Slavic god Porewit. There is also a deity, named "Svyatibor" ("Svyatobor", "Svyatibog"), who is mentioned in the beliefs of the Eastern and Western Slavs as the god of forests and the lord of the leshies. His functions were identical to those of the god Veles. The Leshy is masculine and humanoid in shape, is able to assume any likeness and can change in size
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and height. In some accounts, Leshy is described as having a wife ("Leshachikha", "Leszachka", "Lesovikha" and also, sometimes, the "Kikimora" of the swamp) and children ("leshonki", "leszonky"). He is known by some to have a propensity to lead travelers astray and abduct children (which he shares with Chort, the "Black One"), which would lead some to believe he is an evil entity. He is, however, also known to have a more neutral disposition towards humans, dependent on the attitudes and behaviours of an individual person, or local population, towards the forest. Leshy could take children who were cursed by their
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relatives (in particular, parents) away to the forest people. Some would therefore describe him as more of a temperamental being, like a fairy. Names and etymology. The Leshy is known by a variety of names and spellings including the following: Main name variations: Euphemistic titles: Leshy The Leshy (also Leshi; ; literally, "[he] from the forest", ) is a tutelary deity of the forests in pagan Slavic mythology. As the spirit rules over the forest and hunting, he may be related to the Slavic god Porewit. There is also a deity, named "Svyatibor" ("Svyatobor", "Svyatibog"), who is mentioned in the beliefs of
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Tengboche Tengboche Tengboche (or Thyangboche) is a village in Khumbu Pasanglhamu rural municipality in the Khumbu subregion of Province No. 1 in Nepal, located at . In the village is an important Buddhist monastery, Tengboche Monastery, which is the largest gompa in the Khumbu region. The structure was built in 1923. In 1934, it was destroyed by an earthquake but subsequently rebuilt. It was destroyed again by a fire in 1989, and again rebuilt with the help of volunteers and the provision of foreign aid. Tengboche has a panoramic view of the Himalayan mountains, including the well-known peaks of Tawache, Everest
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, Nuptse, Lhotse, Ama Dablam, and Thamserku. Tenzing Norgay, the first man to reach the summit of Mount Everest with Sir Edmund Hillary, was born in the area in the village of Thani and was once sent to Tengboche Monastery to be a monk. History. The Khumbu valley, where Tengboche is located, came under the influence of Buddhism about 350 years ago. Ancient scriptures of Tibet refer to this valley along with Rowlang and Khanbalung valleys as sacred places. Lama Sangwa Dorje is referred to as the founder of the oldest monastery in Khumbu at Pangboche as well as many other
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small hermitages. His divine psychic knowledge and clairvoyant vision had prophesied suitability of establishing a monastery at Tengboche based on a foot print on a rock left by him while meditating. However, the actual establishment of the monastery happened only during Ngawang Tenzin Norbu's time; Norbu was considered to be Sangwa Dorje's fifth incarnation. He had established a monastery at Rongbuk in Tibet on the northern face of Mount Everest. He blessed Chatang Chotar, known as Lama Gulu, to found the Tengboche monastery at Tengboche village and as a result it got established at its present location in
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1916. It is the first celibate monastery under the Nyingmapa lineage of the Vajrayana Buddhism. However, many older village level monasteries also exist close by. Three wealthy inhabitants of the local Sherpa community are credited with funding building of the monastery. Among these three, Karma was the most influential and well known as he was a tax collector, and he also enjoyed the patronage of the Rana rulers of Nepal. It is also said that apart from Khumbu Sherpas, Sherung Sherpas have also been involved with building this monastery. Some of the village temples, chortens and smaller religious shrines are
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predated to 1880, particularly all the large chortens. The Mani wall, made of slabs of stone inscribed with prayers and sacred texts is dated to 1915. The monastery of Tengboche and other buildings were destroyed during the 1934 earthquake. Subsequently, Lama Gulu who had built it also died. His successor, Umze Gelden, took up the task of rebuilding the monastery, with strong support from Ngawang Tenzin Norbu. The monks and the local community, with support from a skilled carpenter from Lhasa, re-established the monastery. Exclusive murals were painted by Kappa Kalden, a renowned artist. With an influx of tourists
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to the Khumbu region, particularly for trekking by mountaineers, the monastery has received wide recognition. However, the monastery's precious old scriptures, statues, murals and wood carvings were destroyed in the devastating fire caused by an electrical short circuit on January 19, 1989. The monumental stone credited with Lama Sangwa Dorje's left footprint had also fractured. However, a few trekkers managed to salvage some books and paintings. It has since been completely rebuilt with money donated from all round the world. Following the destruction of the monastery by fire, its rebuilding was undertaken by the present Nawang Tenzing Jangpo
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who is considered as the incarnation of the founder Lama Gulu, an important spiritual leader of the Sherpas. He has established an equation with many trekkers and climbers of all denominations who visit the monastery, which has helped him in finding funds for restoration. With due diligence to the set religious practices, the monastery has been substantially rebuilt. Tibetan painter Tarke-la's wall paintings that display the Bodhisattvas or the Buddha decorate the sanctum. In addition, the monks and Sherpa community with help from the Sir Edmund Hillary and Himalayan Trust, the American Himalayan Foundation and many international well
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-wishers have put in their support in several ways. Hillary and Tenzing Norgay, an inhabitant of this village, were the first to reach the summit of Mount Everest on the and thereafter this monastery has acquired more international interest, as it is on the route to the base camp of Everest for routes made via the Khumbu icefall and west ridge. Everest expeditioners visit the monastery to light candles and seek the blessings of gods for good health and safe mountaineering. John Hunt, the leader of the 1953 expedition and one of the first mountaineers to visit the monastery (most
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, but not all, previous expeditions approached the mountain from the northern (Tibetan) side), offered the following description of Thengboche in "The Ascent of Everest": The rebuilt monastery was formally consecrated in 1993 and is considered as the gateway to Mount Everest. The religious room of the Guru Rimpoche in the monastery was fully restored in September 2008. The entrance gate has also been rebuilt with funds provided by the Greater Himalayas Foundation based in Washington, D.C., United States. The monastery is now said to be home to 60 monks, reflecting its financial prosperity. However, it is also said that fewer
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and fewer young boys join as monks as they prefer to work in mountaineering or trekking-related activities. English adventurer Charlie Boorman and Peter Hillary, son of Edmund Hillary visited the village in 2008. The footage was shown in Boorman's series "By Any Means". Geography and climate. Tengboche is located on a hill at the confluence of the Dudh Kosi and the Imja Khola rivers. It lies in Solukhumbu district to the north east of Kathmandu on the Nepal – Tibet border. It is inhabited by sherpas ('sherpa' literally means the "easterner") who migrated from Tibet six hundred years ago
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. It is approached by a mountain trail from Namche, the nearest airport in Lukla () connecting to Kathmandu. It is about two days of trekking from Lukla. However, considering acclimatization needs for the high altitude climbing, a four-day trekking is generally preferred. This trail crosses initially the Dudh Kosi () river and a further climb leads to the Tengboche monastery at altitude. However, a down hill trek leads to Devouche, the nunnery. During the winter, the snow peaks of Ama Dablam, the tip of the Everest that glows from the Nuptse ridge and several other peaks form a picturesque landscape. Tengboche
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is a midway station on the trail to the base camp for the mountain climbers of Mount Everest and other peaks of over elevation; all these areas form part of the entire Khumbu region up to Tibet border with an area of encompassing Sagarmatha National Park. In the Khumbu region of Nepal, the monastery is strategically placed on the way to Everest base camp and thus attracts large number of tourists from all parts of the world. During the spring season, hill slopes around Tengboche are covered with flowering rhododendrons. Climate. Tengboche has a Subtropical highland climate (Köppen classification Cwb
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). Summers are cool and wet, with significant rainfall, while winters are cold and dry. There is high diurnal temperature variation due to the high elevation. Culture. Monastery. The current monastery is constructed with stone masonry. The courtyard and storerooms are large to facilitate the monks' religious rites and activities. The main building has the mandatory Dokhang, the prayer hall, where a large statue of Shakyamuni Buddha is deified. The statue extends to two floors of the monastery and encompasses the Ser sang lha khang, the first floor shrine room. Sakyamuni Buddha is flanked by Manjushri, the deity of wisdom and
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Maitreya and of the future Buddha. The scriptures of the Kangyur, the original teachings of the Buddha translated into Tibetan are also part of the sanctum. The rebuilt monastery is large and an impressive structure with a camping area in its front and a number of lodges. Tengboche is surrounded by ancient mani stones (flat stones inscribed with the mantra, "Om Mane Padme Hum"), prayer flags flying atop the high peaks (flags are flown in 5 colours denoting the five Buddhist elements: earth, wind, fire, water and consciousness. Tengboche is also the terminus site of the "Sacred Sites Trail Project
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of the Sagarmatha National Park that attracts large number of tourists for trekking and mountaineering. It is a circular trail that covers 10 monasteries in a clockwise direction terminating in the Tengboche Monastery. A small nunnery, administered by the Tengboche, named Devoche or Debuche Nunnery is also located in the area. Mani Rimdu is one of the most fascinating Buddhist festival observed every year in Everest Region, usually in November (date fixed by lunar calendar) in Tengboche monastery. This is the festival of Sherpa people celebrated during the autumn at Tengboche Monastery in the Everest region. Lamas and Sherpa gather Tengboche 7903108 at the monastery for five days – ‘for the good of the world’. One can witness different kinds of acts, plays, masked dances, prayers and feasts. Demons are quelled and the pious are rewarded. The festival is very colorful and ideal to combine with a trekking expedition in the Everest region. Mani Rimdu is a re-creation of legendary events; the establishment of Buddhism in Tibet by the great saint, Guru Rimpoche (Padmasambhava). Through the dances, symbolic demons are conquered, dispelled, or converted to Dharma Protectors, as positive forces clash with those of chaos. The dances convey Buddhist teachings on many Tengboche 7903109 levels – from the simplest to the most profound – for those who do not have the opportunity to study and meditate extensively. Cultural centre. Tengboche and the Tengboche Monastery complex built around the village are considered the oldest Sherpa celibate monastery. Sherpas (Sherpas are Bhutias who migrated from Tibet and settled in this region of Nepal about 450 years ago) who form the main social community of the region were a pastoral, agricultural and trading community. However, with closing of the border with China in 1960 in response to a refugee influx, the trading activity with Nepal ceased resulting in changes Tengboche 7903110 in the living style of the Sherpas. They adapted to mountaineering and tourism activity as result of large influx of trekkers from various parts of the world. The Sherpas found it an economically attractive vocation. This forced them to remain away from their village and community for 8 months in year, changed their life styles resulting in erosion of their traditional arts and culture. The head lama of the Tengboche Monastery and other community members therefore established a 'Cultural Center' at Tengboche to strengthen the social and cultural values of the Sherpas. The Center, set up with community participation, was Tengboche 7903111 built in traditional Sherpa style. The Centre has a Museum/Library, which has rare sacred Buddhist texts and artefacts, crafts and clothing (donated by community members) and also the Monks' Residence. Economy. Tengboche has no road network, approach is only by trekking and consequently the living conditions in the village are abnormally expensive. Many tourists visit the village as part of their trekking route and it provides the main approach to the base camp for the national and international mountaineering community who trek to Mt. Everest and other mountains in the Kumbu region. It is reported that only 50 monks Tengboche 7903112 and five families permanently live in the Tengboche village. However, in the short span of 5 tourist months, thousands of tourists and trekkers visit (25,000 tourists were reported during 1999) the Sagarmatha National Park and village has numerous buildings of accommodation for guests. On their way to the high altitude trekking, it is recommended tourists spend two days in Tengboche for acclimatization before undertaking the High altitude trekking or mountaineering to the Himalayan peaks. Consequently, this puts heavy burden on the village community and on the Monastery administration, particularly on the meagre facilities of water, electricity, food and sanitation available Tengboche 7903113 in the village. To improve the economy of the village and the Tengboche Monastic community, a practical solution has been evolved by setting up the Tengboche Development Project, which concentrates on the services to be provided in Tengboche, more used by the tourists, such as water and sanitation. To sustain the economic conditions in the village, which largely caters to the trekkers from various parts of the world, tourists and trekkers have been urged to offer donations to the Tengboche Development Project. Funds made available would enable employing the local people in various development activities. However, help in respect of Tengboche 7903114 special skills such as in the Eco-Center or medical herb plantation activities would still be required. Sherpas (meaning the easterner"), form the majority community in the village and in the Kumbu region, and they are closely involved in the form of support services for mountaineering in the region following the first successful expedition of one of their community Tenzing Norgay to the Mt. Everest Peak along with Edmund Hillary. Tengboche Tengboche (or Thyangboche) is a village in Khumbu Pasanglhamu rural municipality in the Khumbu subregion of Province No. 1 in Nepal, located at . In the village is an important
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Mamona Mamona Mamona may refer to: Mamona Mamona may refer to:
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Mavka Mavka Mavka (, "mavka", , "navka", , "nyavka"; , "navi" (plural) – from ) is a type of female spirit in Ukrainian mythology. She is a long-haired figure, sometimes naked, who may be dangerous to young men. The spirits known by this term represented the souls of girls who had died unnatural tragic or premature deaths, particularly unchristened babies. Mavkas often appeared in the form of beautiful young girls who enticed and lured young men into the woods, where they "tickled" them to death. Mavkas had no reflection in water, did not cast shadows, and had "no back", meaning that their insides could be seen
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. (Those were more often called "Nyavka" and they were believed to live in Western Ukraine, which has more dangerous mountain rivers than Central Ukraine, while Mavkas, who were believed to live in Central Ukraine, had their backs.) In some accounts, they were also said to help farmers by looking after cattle and driving out wild animals. They were believed to live in groups in forests, mountain caves, or sheds, which they decorated with rugs. They made thread of stolen flax and wove thin transparent cloth for making clothes for themselves. They loved flowers, which they wore in their hair. In
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the spring they planted flowers in the mountains, to which they enticed young men, whom they tickled to death. On Pentecost (known as Mavka's Easter, ) they held games, dances, and orgies. A demon accompanied them on a flute or pipes. To save a dead unchristened baby's soul, one had to throw up a kerchief during Pentecost holidays, say a name and add "I baptise you". A rescued soul would then go to heaven. If a soul lived up to seven years and did not go to heaven, a baby would turn into a mavka and would haunt people
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. It is believed that the first mavka (or rusalka) was Kostroma. According to the legend, siblings Kostroma and Kupalo once ran into a field to listen to songs of bird Sirin, but Sirin stole Kupalo and carried him into the Nav. Many years later, one day, Kostroma walked the shore of the river and made a wreath. She boasted that the wind would not blow the wreath off her head. According to the belief, that meant that she would not marry. This boast was not approved of by the gods. The wind became stronger and eventually blew the wreath from
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Kostroma's head into the water, where it was later picked up by Kupalo, who was nearby in his boat. According to Slavic customs, the one who picks up the wreath must necessarily marry the girl who made it. Kupalo and Kostroma fell in love, and shortly after they were married, without any knowledge that they were brother and sister. After the wedding, the gods told them the truth. Because they could not be together, Kupalo and Kostroma committed suicide: Kupalo jumped into the fire and died, while Kostroma ran to the forest, threw herself into the forest lake and
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drowned. But she did not die, she became a mermaid (mavka). Walking around that lake, she seduced the men she met on her path and dragged them into the water abyss. She mistook them for Kupalo, and found out that the caught young man was not her lover only when he had already drowned. Seeing this, the gods realised that their revenge was too cruel and repented. But to give Kupala and Kostroma a human body again was impossible, so instead they turned them into the flower with yellow and blue petals, in which the fiery-yellow color was the
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color of Kupalo, and the blue one, like the waters of a forest lake, was the color of Kostroma. The Slavs gave the name Kupalo-da-Mavka to the flower. Later, in the time of the Christianization of Kyivan Rus', the flower was renamed to the Ivan-da-Marya. Mavkas are depicted in literature, most notably in Lesia Ukrainka's "The Forest Song" and Mykhailo Kotsiubynsky's "Shadows of Forgotten Ancestors". In modern culture the mavka image is developed and narrated by a Ukrainian music band Mavka Mavka Mavka (, "mavka", , "navka", , "nyavka"; , "navi" (plural) – from ) is a type of female
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Neuri Neuri The Neuri or Navari were a tribe described by Herodotus in the . Contemporary scholars equate this group with the Yotvingians, a Western Baltic people, and believe they lived near the river Narew in or Belarus. Primary sources. Herodotus's account. According to Herodotus the Neuri (Νευροί) were the furthest tribe beyond the Scythian farmers along the course of the river Hypanis. The river Tyras was the boundary between the Scythian and the Neuri, who followed Scythian customs. One generation before Darius I's campaign to Scythia (512 BC), the Neuri were driven from their land by an invasion of
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snakes, which forced them to live among the Budini. Herodotus also recounts the tale that, once a year, each of the Neuri became a wolf for a few days before returning to their previous form. Herodotus "himself does not believe the tale, but he says that those who tell the tale swears that it is true". This tale was later also mentioned by Pomponius Mela. Historical views. Olof von Dalin. The 18th century Swedish historian Olof von Dalin wrote that the Neuri were a mixture of races: Scythians, Greeks and Levantines who accompanied the Budini or "Shepherd Scythians", to the
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Swedish islands around 400 BC. This exodus was the result of pressure from the Macedonians. Dalin's theory is regarded as quaint by modern scholars of linguistics, who can find no connections between the Semitic languages and the Neuri. Contemporary scholarship. More and more scholars come to the conclusion that Neuri were a branch of Western Baltic people (specifically the Yotvingians who lived around the river Narew or as they called it "Naura" which gave the name Neuri) and best coincides with the spread of Jukhnovo culture or Plain Pottery group. Latvian linguist Pēteris Šmits also associates Neuri with Balts
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Nocnitsa Nocnitsa In Slavic mythology, the Notsnitsa is a nightmare spirit that also goes by the name kriksy, plaksy, plachky, plaksivicy, kriksy-varaksy, kriksy-plaksy, night hag, night maiden. She is referred to as Načnica in Belarusian , Nocnica or Płaczka in Polish, горска майка (gorska majka), ношно (nošno) in Bulgarian, Шумска маjка (Šumska majka), бабице (babice), ноћнице (noćnice) in Serbian, mrake, vidine in Croatian, nočne more in Slovene. The Notsnitsa is also present in Russian and Slovak folklore. She is known to torment children at night, and a stone with a hole in the center is said to be a protection
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from the Nocnitsa. Mothers in some regions will place a knife in their children's cradles or draw a circle around the cradles with a knife for protection. This is possibly based on the belief that supernatural beings cannot touch iron. Folklore. The Nocnitsa is known to sit on one's chest, drawing "life energy". Because of this, many refer to Nocnitsa as a type of vampire. The Nocnitsa will often continue visiting. According to some folklore, night hags visit when one sleeps on one's back, with the hands on the chest (a position allegedly called "sleeping with
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the dead"). According to some folklore, night hags are made of shadow. She might also have a horrible screeching voice. She might allegedly also smell of the moss and dirt from her forest of origin. The Nocnitsa is almost certainly linked to the common apparition seen during the hypnagogic state of sleep. Nocnitsa In Slavic mythology, the Notsnitsa is a nightmare spirit that also goes by the name kriksy, plaksy, plachky, plaksivicy, kriksy-varaksy, kriksy-plaksy, night hag, night maiden. She is referred to as Načnica in Belarusian , Nocnica or Płaczka in Polish, горска майка (gorska majka), ношно (nošno) in
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Psotnik Psotnik Psotnik is an elf, "mischief maker", in Polish mythology. It comes from the Polish word "psot", which means "mischief". Other translations of psotnik are "prankster," "jester," and "small soft-bodied insect with chewing mouthparts and either no wings or two pairs". Psotnik Psotnik is an elf, "mischief maker", in Polish mythology. It comes from the Polish word "psot", which means "mischief". Other translations of psotnik are "prankster," "jester," and "small soft-bodied insect with chewing mouthparts and either no wings or two pairs".
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Raróg Raróg In Slavic mythology (in particular Ukrainian, Czech and Slovak), the Raróg () or Raroh is a fire demon, often depicted as a fiery falcon. According to Czech folklore, a raroh can hatch from an egg that was incubated on a stove for nine days and nights, and can appear either as a fiery falcon or a dragon. In Polish folklore, the rarog is a tiny bird that can be held in a pocket, and can bring people happiness. A caldera on Jupiter's moon Io was named Rarog Patera, a massive eruption from which was recorded by the W. M.
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Keck Observatory and Japan's HISAKI (SPRINT-A) spacecraft on August 15, 2013. The leader of the Polish video game developer CD Projekt stated that the northern cardinal-shaped logo of the company symbolizes Raróg. Raróg In Slavic mythology (in particular Ukrainian, Czech and Slovak), the Raróg () or Raroh is a fire demon, often depicted as a fiery falcon. According to Czech folklore, a raroh can hatch from an egg that was incubated on a stove for nine days and nights, and can appear either as a fiery falcon or a dragon. In Polish folklore, the rarog is a tiny
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Strzyga Strzyga Strzyga (, plural: strzygi, masculine: strzygoń) is usually a female demon in Slavic mythology, which stems from the mythological Strix of Ancient Rome and Ancient Greece. The demon is somewhat similar to a vampire, and is predominantly found in Polish and Silesian folklore. Origin. According to Aleksander Brückner, the word is derived from Strix, Latin for owl and a bird-like creature which fed on human flesh and blood in Roman and Greek mythology. It is unclear how the word strzyga was adapted by the Polish people, though it might have been through the Balkan peoples. The term strzyga could
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also sometimes mean a vampire or "upiór". After the 18th century, there was a distinction between strzyga and upiór; the first one was more connected to witchcraft, while the latter was more of a flying, vampiric creature. Beliefs. A strzyga is a usually female demon somewhat similar to vampire in Slavic (and especially Polish) folklore. People who were born with two hearts and two souls, and two sets of teeth (the second one barely visible) were believed to be strzygi. Somnambulics or people without armpit hair could also be seen as ones. Furthermore, a newborn child with already developed teeth
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was also believed to be one. When a person was identified as a strzyga, they were chased away from human dwelling places. During epidemics, people were getting buried alive, and those who managed to get out of their graves, often weak, ill and with mutilated hands, were said to be strzygi by others. It is said that strzygi usually died at a young age, but, according to belief, only one of their two souls would pass to the afterlife; the other soul was believed to cause the deceased strzyga to come back to life and prey upon other living beings
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. These undead creatures were believed to fly at night in a form of an owl and attack night-time travelers and people who had wandered off into the woods at night, sucking out their blood and eating their insides. Strzyga were also believed to be satisfied with animal blood, for a short period of time. According to the other sources, strzygi were believed not to harm people but to herald someone's imminent death. In this, they resemble Banshees. Methods of protection. When a person believed to be a strzyga died, decapitating the corpse and burying the head separate from
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the rest of the body was believed to prevent the strzyga from rising from the dead; burying the body face down with a sickle around its head was believed to work as well. Other methods of protection from the strzyga (some similar to those from vampires) included: Strzyga Strzyga (, plural: strzygi, masculine: strzygoń) is usually a female demon in Slavic mythology, which stems from the mythological Strix of Ancient Rome and Ancient Greece. The demon is somewhat similar to a vampire, and is predominantly found in Polish and Silesian folklore. Origin. According to Aleksander Brückner, the word is derived from
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Topielec Topielec Utopiec (plural "Utopce"), Vodník or Topnik is a name applied to Slavic spirits of water. The "utopce" are spirits of human souls that died drowning, residing in the element of their own demise. They are responsible for sucking people into swamps and lakes as well as killing the animals standing near the still waters. One of examples of Utopiec in Polish popular culture is comic book series Lil and Put, where two titular character are constantly at odds with Utopiec living in a pond next to their village. He is never directly seen and poses magical powers. Utopiec is
Topielec
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official Polish translation of Drowned, monster, a hostile entity from Minecraft. Topielec Utopiec (plural "Utopce"), Vodník or Topnik is a name applied to Slavic spirits of water. The "utopce" are spirits of human souls that died drowning, residing in the element of their own demise. They are responsible for sucking people into swamps and lakes as well as killing the animals standing near the still waters. One of examples of Utopiec in Polish popular culture is comic book series Lil and Put, where two titular character are constantly at odds with Utopiec living in a pond next to their village
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Karzełek Karzełek The Karzełek (diminutive of "karzeł" – a small one, used for describing non-fantasy dwarfs) or Skarbnik, Kladenets (Russian: Скарбник, Кладенец) (the Treasurer) or Dzedka (Belarusian: Дзедка) in Slavic mythology live in mines and underground workings and are the guardians of gems, crystals, and precious metals. It is said that they will protect miners from danger and lead them back when they are lost. They will also lead them to veins of ore. To people who are evil or insult them they are deadly, pushing them into dark chasms or send tunnels crashing down upon them. Hurling rocks, whistling, or
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covering one's head are actions that are offensive to Skarbnik, who will warn the offender with handfuls of pelted soil in their direction before taking serious action. Karzełek The Karzełek (diminutive of "karzeł" – a small one, used for describing non-fantasy dwarfs) or Skarbnik, Kladenets (Russian: Скарбник, Кладенец) (the Treasurer) or Dzedka (Belarusian: Дзедка) in Slavic mythology live in mines and underground workings and are the guardians of gems, crystals, and precious metals. It is said that they will protect miners from danger and lead them back when they are lost. They will also lead them to veins of
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Vodyanoy Vodyanoy In Slavic mythology, vodyanoy or vodyanoi (; lit. '[he] from the water' or 'watery') is a water spirit. In Czech and Slovak fairy tales, it is called "vodník" (or in Germanized form: Hastrman), and it is considered to be the equivalent creature as the Wassermann or nix of German fairy tales. Vodyanoy is said to appear as a naked old man with a frog-like face, greenish beard, and long hair, with his body covered in algae and muck, usually covered in black fish scales; сonsequently, he is often dubbed "grandfather" or "forefather" by the local people. He has webbed
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paws instead of hands, a fish's tail, and eyes that burn like red-hot coals. He usually rides along his river on a half-sunken log, making loud splashes. Local drownings are said to be the work of the vodyanoy (or rusalkas). When angered, the vodyanoy breaks dams, washes down water mills, and drowns people and animals. Consequently, fishermen, millers, and also bee-keepers make sacrifices to appease him. The vodyanoy would sometimes drag people down to his underwater dwelling to serve him as slaves. In the Russian North, it is believed that vodyanoys have a ruler: the Tsar
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Vodyanik, or the Vodyan Tsar. He is described as an old man armed with a club, who can rise to the sky sitting on a black cloud and create new rivers and lakes. Section::::"Vodník" in other folklores. In Czech, Slovene, and Slovak folklore, the features of the vodník are markedly different from the East Slavic conception; he has a completely human constitution and habits, except for few differences – vodníci (plural of vodník) have gills, webbed membrane between their fingers, and their skin is algae-green in colour (as well as their hair, which is typically of pale green tone). Their
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overall dress and appearance is bizarre, sometimes even resembling a vagrant; patchy shirts and (by modern standards) odd hats — often boaters with long speckled ribbons — are commonplace. They can withstand lingering for hours outside their ponds. When they do so, one can easily discern them by their coattails, which are always dripping wet. The vodník's face is usually unshaven and it is not uncommon for a vodník to have a large, wet, tangled beard. Czech, Slovenian and Slovak tales have both evil and good vodyanoys (relative to human beings) who do (or don't, respectively) try to drown people
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when they happen to swim in their territory. Vodníci would store the souls of the drowned in porcelain teapots. They consider their teapots their most valuable heritage and display their "work", using the number of teapots to represent their wealth and/or status among other vodníci. When the lid of such a pot is removed, the soul within (in the form of a bubble) will escape and be liberated. Except for fish (or perhaps fish spirits), they do not have servants. Otherwise, vodníci spend their time running their territory or – in their spare time – playing cards, smoking pipes or just sitting
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at the water surface (on rocks or willows nearby) and loitering. Fishermen ask the vodník for help by placing a pinch of tobacco in the water and saying, "Here's your tobacco, Lord Vodník, now give me a fish." In Czech, Slovak and Slovene tales vodníci live in ponds or rivers; there is no mention of a particular dwelling and the "half-sunken log" does not appear. There are almost no references to vodníci in connection with seawater, implying this would be dangerous or even deadly for them. Companion spirits. Bolotnik. Bolotnik () is the owner of the swamp. He is
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often considered a relative of the vodyanoy and the leshy. There are many descriptions of him, but most often he was imagined as an old man with long green beard and his body covered in fish scales and algae. The bolotnik is dangerous, and he would pose an especially huge threat to those who play shepherd's pipe at night. In order to lure the person to the swamp, he would parody the sounds of various animals, create wandering lights and grow intoxicating plants. This spirit is often said to be a loner, although in some beliefs he has a
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wife, a bolotnitsa. Vodyanitsa. Vodyanitsa () is a beautiful green-haired water maiden, and she is often said to be the wife of a vodyanoy. This spirit sometimes appears in the form of a golden-finned fish or a white swan. Vodyanitsy (plural) prefer forested lakes, mill ponds, wells and (less commonly) seas as their habitat. They are considered harmless spirits, although sometimes they tear the nets and spoil the millstones; the sea vodyanitsy are more aggressive than freshwater ones and are dangerous to ships. According to some beliefs, the main difference between the vodyanitsa and other water spirits is that
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she is a baptized drowned girl. The term is often used synonymously for "rusalka". Vodyanoy In Slavic mythology, vodyanoy or vodyanoi (; lit. '[he] from the water' or 'watery') is a water spirit. In Czech and Slovak fairy tales, it is called "vodník" (or in Germanized form: Hastrman), and it is considered to be the equivalent creature as the Wassermann or nix of German fairy tales. Vodyanoy is said to appear as a naked old man with a frog-like face, greenish beard, and long hair, with his body covered in algae and muck, usually covered in black fish scales; сonsequently
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Floro Dery Floro Dery Floro Dery (Born : 18 June 1958) is a Filipino illustrator best known for his work as design supervisor of the 1980s "The Transformers" TV series and was the visual creator of "". He modified the 1984 character models originally designed by Shōhei Kohara and created the 1985 models, all of which became the visual guidelines both for the comic book and the animated cartoon appearances of those characters. He was also charged with designing all the characters introduced in the movie: Galvatron, Cyclonus, Scourge, Unicron, Ultra Magnus, Hot Rod/Rodimus Prime, Junkions, Quintessons, Springer, Blurr, Wheelie, Kup, and Arcee
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. Finally, he designed sets including Unicron (interior and exterior), Autobot City, Cybertron's moons, Hall of Heroes, the Planet of Junk, Quintessa, etc. Floro Dery is also known for illustrating the Sunday edition of the syndicated "The Amazing Spider-Man" comic strip from 1982 to 1992. Design supervisor for the 1986 animated series "Wildfire", he was responsible for character design. Dery worked alongside fellow Filipino, Alex Niño, as a storyboard artist for Sunbow Productions on "". He was the character designer for the 1987 animated film "". He went on to be the production designer for "Pirates of Dark Water" and a
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storyboard artist for "Spider-Man: The Animated Series". Floro Dery Floro Dery (Born : 18 June 1958) is a Filipino illustrator best known for his work as design supervisor of the 1980s "The Transformers" TV series and was the visual creator of "". He modified the 1984 character models originally designed by Shōhei Kohara and created the 1985 models, all of which became the visual guidelines both for the comic book and the animated cartoon appearances of those characters. He was also charged with designing all the characters introduced in the movie: Galvatron, Cyclonus, Scourge, Unicron, Ultra Magnus, Hot Rod/Rodimus Prime
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Mat Zemlya Mat Zemlya Mat Zemlya (Matka Ziemia or Matushka Zeml'ja) is the Earth Mother and is probably the oldest deity in Slavic mythology. She is also called Mati Syra Zemlya meaning "Damp Mother Earth" or "Moist Mother Earth". Her identity later blended into that of Mokosh. Mythology. In the early Middle Ages, Mati Syra Zemlya was one of the most important deities in the Slavic world. Slavs made oaths by touching the Earth, and sins were confessed into a hole in the Earth before death. She was worshipped in her natural form and was not given a human personage or likeness
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. Since the adoption of Christianity in all Slavic lands, she has been identified with Mary, the mother of Jesus. An example of her importance is seen in this traditional invocation to Matka Ziema, made with a jar of hemp oil: Old Slavic beliefs seem to attest some awareness of an ambivalent nature of the Earth: it was considered men's cradle and nurturer during one's lifetime, and, when the time of death came, it would open up to receive their bones, as if it were a "return to the womb". The imagery of the "terre humide" ("moist earth") also
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appears in funeral lamentations either as a geographical feature (as in Lithuanian and Ukrainian lamentations) or invoked as "Mère-Terre humide" ("Mother Moist Earth"). Cultic practices. Up until World War I and the fall of the Russian Empire, peasant women would perform a rite to prevent against plague by plowing a furrow around the village and calling on the protection of the Earth spirits by shrieking. Related characters. The Slavic "bogatyr" Mikula Selyaninovich, or Mikula the Villager, is closely connected with Mat Zemlya. Mat Zemlya Mat Zemlya (Matka Ziemia or Matushka Zeml'ja) is the Earth Mother and is probably the
Mat Zemlya
7,870,999
Pysanka Pysanka A pysanka (, plural: "pysanky") is a Ukrainian Easter egg, decorated with traditional folk designs using a wax-resist method. The word "pysanka" comes from the verb "pysaty", "to write" or "to inscribe," as the designs are written (inscribed) with beeswax, not painted. Many other Central and Eastern European ethnic groups decorate eggs using wax resist for Easter. These include the Belarusians (пісанка, "pisanka"), Bulgarians (писано яйце, "pisano yaytse"), Carpatho-Rusyns (писанкы, "pysankŷ"), Croats ("pisanica"), Czechs ("kraslice"), Hungarians ("hímestojás"), Lithuanians ("margutis"), Poles (pisanka), Romanians ("ouă vopsite", "încondeiate" or "împistrite"), Serbs ("pisanica"), Slovaks ("kraslica"), Slovenes ("pirhi", "pisanice," or "remenke") and Sorbs
Pysanka