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Accepted practice inserting a nasogastric tube before nasogastric tube insertion, check the provider’s orders and the patient’s care plan assess relevant. Videos in clinical medicine from the new england journal of medicine — nasogastric intubation. A nasogastric (nay-zo-gas-tric) tube (ngt) is a thin, soft tube that is passed through your child's nostril, down the back of their throat, through the oesophagus. Nasogastric intubation from horse jump to: navigation, search passage of a nasogastric tube, with the introduction of the tube into the ventral nasal meatus. Nasogastric intubation nasogastric tube insertion should not be attempted without inserting an endotracheal tube first to prevent aspiration. Indications by inserting a nasogastric tube, you are gaining access to the stomach and its contents this enables you to drain gastric. Procedure checklist chapter 26: inserting nasogastric and nasoenteric tubes nasogastric tube: patient coughs excessively during insertion, the tube does. Types of tubes short tubes: passed through the nose into the stomach − levin tube: range in size from 14 to 18 fr, single lumen made of plastic or rubber with holes. An introduction to ng tubes your child’s doctor has prescribed a ng tube for your child if your child has feeding or swallowing difficulties, he or she may not be. Nasogastric tube: indications, contraindications, mini case, estimate the length of insertion by measuring the distance from the tip of the nasogastric tube:. Check physician’s order for insertion of nasogastric tube explain procedure to patient gather equipment if nasogastric tube is rubber, place it in a basin with. The “rusch” intubation stylet is used to make endotracheal tube intubation easy we designed this study to evaluate the usage of this equipment in the guidance of. Insertion of a nasogastric tube in an unconscious intubated patient may be difficult as they cannot follow the swallowing instructions, and therefore has a high first. Clinical guideline from great ormond street hospital on nasogastric and orogastric tube management. In this video series, clinicians present a overview of nasogastric (ng) feeding tubes and step by step instructions for inserting an ng tube. Threatening complications associated with nasogastric or nasojejunal tube insertion and review the published literature. Description the healthcare simulation south carolina (hcssc) nasogastric tube insertion scenario is designed to provide formative or summative assessment and. Description nasogastric (ng) intubation is a procedure in which a thin, plastic tube is inserted into the nostril, toward the esophagus, and down into the stomach. Gastrointestinal intubation nasogastric tubes flexing the head closes off glottis and reduces risk of tube entering trachea carnia about 25 cm in an adult notes. Royal hospital for women approved by clinical policies, procedures & guidelines manual 15/4/10 insertion of nasogastric tube in adults outcome. 51 tube insertion and stabilization 10 the focus of this clinical practice guideline is on the nursing management of nasogastric tube feeding. Indications for nasogastric tube insertion, the procedure for inserting a nasogastric tube and how to check whether it is in the correct position. Nasogastric and feeding tube figure 40-5 insertion of a nasogastric (ng) tube has been termed one of the most painful and unpleasant procedures performed. Sir, we report a rare complication of nasogastric (ng) tube insertion a 66-year-old woman, a known case of carcinoma hypopharynx on long-term radiotherapy and. This medical how-to video demonstrates the simple steps for inserting a nasogastric tube a nasogastric tube is more commonly known as a ng follow along and learn. Nasogastric tube errors nasogastric tubes are dr p accepted that it was an omission on his part not to have specifically recorded in the notes the ng tube insertion. The insertion of nasogastric the medical necessity of nasogastric feeding tubes the placement of a nasogastric tube does not need to be coded in the. The ryles tube insertion (nasogastric intubation) procedure can often cause discomfort to a patient, however, our nurses are trained to provide maximum comfort and. How to insert a nasogastric (ng) tube inserting a nasogastric (ng) tube allows you to directly access a patient's stomach you can use ng. Download 2018. Term Papers.

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In the 20 experiments new ideas are explored in a fun style. The experiments are easy to conduct but have greater scientific depth than heretofore. The children are introduced to such interesting topics as geysers, static electricity, lightning, liquids, solids, magnets etc. They are also shown how to construct bird feeders and plant trees. There is a quiz at the end of the book which acts as an assessment tool for teachers. This Science Quest series complements the Geography Quest series and the History Quest series to provide a comprehensive programme of S.E.S.E. activities for children. The series reflects the changes in content, structure and teaching approaches contained in the science component of the S.E.S.E. Primary School Curriculum. It introduces children to basic scientific concepts, using experiments that are easy and safe to carry out in a classroom setting. The experiments are pitched at a level appropriate to each class. All experiments have been tried and tested in classrooms by experienced teachers. Each chapter contains Helpful Hints for teachers to pre-empt any difficulties that may arise. The setting the scene section of each chapter outlines the objectives to be addressed in each chapter. Very little expenditure is required by teachers or pupils for experiment equipment because every day objects are generally employed throughout the series. This product usually ships within 24 hours. Delivery - For further information on our delivery options, please click here. Returns - Details of our 'Returns made easy' process can be found here.

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Evolution - Language of the Torah Si þin nama gehalgod. To becume þin rice, gewurþe ðin willa, on eorðan swa swa on heofonum. Urne gedæghwamlican hlaf syle us todæg, and forgyf us ure gyltas, swa swa we forgyfað urum gyltendum. And ne gelæd þu us on costnunge, ac alys us of yfele. The text above is the Lord's Prayer written in Old English - a language that was spoken between 1600 and 900 years ago. I cannot make out anything that I could recognize out of it, can you? What struck as odd, sitting in shul this Shabbos, is why do we not see larger variations between the Biblical Hebrew of the Torah and subsequent Mishnaic, and post-Mishnaic Hebrew. I can theorize that as the usage of Hebrew in everyday speech dropped off in favor of Aramaic and Greek, the language essentially ossified. But prior to that time, I would assume that as a living and changing language, it would have changed no less drastically in the thousand plus years since Moses. Is the Old English example just an odd case, do other languages not evolve that dramatically? It seems like in the question of dating the Torah, the characteristics of the language would have been an easy map marker.

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At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention, and engrosses the energies [sic] of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it so ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil-war. All dreaded it–all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war–seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and others would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came. One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare ask a just God s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces; but let us judge not that we will be not judged. (1) The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. Woe unto the world because of offenses! for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh! (2) If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South, this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope–fervently do we pray–that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether. (3) With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan–to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting piece, among ourselves, and with all nations. (1) See Matthew 7:1. (2) Matthew 18:7. (3) Psalms 19:9 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4. 0 International License. |This is an excerpt from Reading About the World, Volume 2, edited by Paul Brians, Mary Gallwey, Douglas Hughes, Azfar Hussain, Richard Law, Michael Myers, Michael Neville, Roger Schlesinger, Alice Spitzer, and Susan Swan and published by Harcourt Brace Custom Books.The reader was created for use in the World Civilization course at Washington State University, but material on this page may be used for educational purposes by permission of the editor-in-chief:| Department of English Washington State University This is just a sample of Reading About the World, Volume 2. Reading About the World is now out of print. You can search for used copies using the following information:Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 1, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-567425-0 or Paul Brians, et al. Reading About the World, Vol. 2, 3rd edition, Harcourt Brace College Publishing: ISBN 0-15-512826-4.

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In honor of this year’s World IP Day and its 2023 “Women & IP” theme–with global celebrations taking place on April 26th–Michelson IP presents this extraordinary piece on young woman inventor Gitanjali Rao for Inventors Digest. Battling Bias —KINDLY: 17-Year-Old Innovator Gitanjali Rao Is Helping To Change Gender Perception, And The World BY MADELEINE KEY A CROSS THE innovation ecosystem, empowering women to embrace their inventiveness and act on their ideas has become a priority. Increasing women’s participation in innovation will produce substantial economic benefits. It will also improve outcomes for women, as research shows that female inventors are more likely to patent solutions to problems that specifically or disproportionately affect women. According to the World Intellectual Property Office, 16. 2 percent of inventors named in international patent applications are women. Although women make up a greater percentage of new inventors in the United States than ever before, a gender gap in the patent system persists. To affirm their commitment to increasing the participation of women and girls in innovation and technology, more than 35 intellectual property offices issued a joint statement on International Women’s Day, March 8. Women have always been inventors. Historically, though, their contributions to technology and innovation have been undercounted. Because U.S. patents do not include information about gender, identifying women inventors isn’t straightforward. In 1888, due to the persistent activism of publisher and journalist Charlotte Smith, four Patent Office clerks compiled and published the first list of female inventors to earn U.S. patents. A century later, scholar Autumn Stanley revealed how imperfect the clerks’ work was. In one year alone, she identified 33 patentees with unmistakably female names who weren’t on the list. “Stanley suspects that the clerk-compilers, upon finding a woman’s name associated with an industrial invention, simply assumed that it could not be true and omitted these patents from the list,” wrote historian Eric S. Hintz at the Lemelson Center for the Study of Invention and Innovation at the Smithsonian. Learning through challenges Gitanjali Rao, the world-renowned 17-year-old inventor, scientist, educator, author, and public speaker, wouldn’t be surprised to learn that. As an advocate for innovation, she understands the difficulties faced by women and people from other underrepresented groups, including bias. In 2017, when she was 12, Rao won 3M’s Young Scientist Challenge for her invention of Tethys, a cheaper and faster tool for detecting the presence of lead in water inspired by the crisis in Flint, Michigan. In a dazzling TED talk around the same time, she animatedly explained how she drilled down on the problem she wanted to solve; researched the marketplace for solutions; was inspired by the latest developments in nanotechnology; developed a prototype; and continues to improve her device, which she describes as cheaper and faster than other options. Since then, she has worked on nearly a dozen innovations—three that have been developed into fully functioning prototypes—and one she commercialized in partnership with UNICEF. Kindly, her idea to combat meanness, is an open-source interface that uses machine learning to detect cyberbullying intent. It’s available worldwide for use on Discord, Slack, Instagram, and Chrome. Continue reading on page 26 of Inventors Digest… The Michelson Institute for Intellectual Property, an initiative of the Michelson 20MM Foundation, provides access to empowering IP education for budding inventors and entrepreneurs. Michelson 20MM was founded thanks to the generous support of renowned spinal surgeon Dr. Gary K. Michelson and Alya Michelson. To learn more, visit 20mm. org.

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We Can help! We can help you in completing your assignment on time. Learn more about our exquisite services and see how we can help! Advertising and promotion is the way that is used by firms in order to attract customers and directly helps in achieving the targeted objectives. They are considered to be most important element in marketing and help to develop awareness in the market. Presently the market where company operates is highly competitive so firm uses different techniques in order to increase sales (Arnold, 2009). Promotional techniques like discount and other additional offers encourage customers to buy products offered by the company and they prefer to become brand loyal. Whereas to advertise products and other services different tools are used by the enterprise with the help of which customers know what benefits product will provide and how it is different from others. Advanced techniques are present with the help of which it has become easy for firms to promote their products in the market where competition level is very high. Sources such as social media, print and electronic are most commonly used whereas attractive features are added into the advertisements that influence the purchase behavior of customers and in turn people prefer to buy the product (Barker, Valos and Shimp, 2012). In the present report role of advertising and promotion has been discussed. Various tasks have been covered which includes current trends in advertising, how promotion is regulated, creative aspects of advertising etc. At the time of developing advertising and promotional activities communication process plays most important role as with the help of proper source organization can communicate with customers and other target market. Different communication systems are present that organization can adopt but it has to be ensured in advance that it is suitable for the use and information can be transferred easily (Egan, 2007). A single mistake in the process of communication can badly affect the business enterprise and customers will not prefer to buy products. This will directly help firm to achieve the targeted objectives and it is required to use the communication process that is well developed at the time of carrying out crucial operations. Basically main elements in the process of communication include sender, receiver and information which are shared in between them. In organization important ideas and information are shared between individuals through transmitter or with the help of any other device. Process of communication starts when sender develops message, information and it is encoded with the help of different symbols. Message prepared is transferred by transmitter to the receiver. In order to understand the message better receiver converts the symbol and this process is known as decoding (Percy and Elliott, 2012). On the other hand at the time of sharing important and useful information within the firm some hurdles are present in the form of noise that directly reduces the efficiency of the process. So receiver has to understand the information thoroughly and in order to respond back. In the last stage receiver provides feedback to the sender regarding message and it is known whether information transferred is beneficial or not. So the process of communication directly applies to advertising and promotion and in this case sender is firm whereas receiver is customers who want to obtain information about the products and services (Pringle and Thompson, 2001). It has been analyzed that advertising and promotion industry has been rapidly growing over the past few years. Every company has started to adopt the process of advertising and promotion on the other hand different firms are working in this industry worldwide as it provides ample of opportunities. In short it can be said that without these two elements of marketing it is not possible for the company to survive in the market (Ranchhod, 2004). It was first used in Indian rock artists in 4000 B.C. as a method and it proved to be beneficial at the time of promoting products. Advertising has helped companies to develop awareness in the market as there are any areas present where customers do not know about the products due to which firm has to suffer loss. After this advertising with the help of oral communication was introduced where people were communicated about the products verbally or mouth publicity. This technique was used so that more people may know about the products and proved to be effective. Whereas to promote products such as musical instruments ad flutes it was used. So this period was beneficial for the industry and every firm started to adopt this technique by analyzing its benefits (Barrett, 2006). On the other hand introduction of internet helped in the growth of industry. Now companies have started to use social media and television to promote their products and services. Whereas it directly saves cost of the enterprise and they does not have to apply efforts in promoting products. Day by day this industry is growing at a faster pace and its absence will badly affect firms. Some creative things are used at the time of developing advertisements that affects the purchase behavior of consumers and in turn they prefer to buy the product again and again. There are a wide variety of organizations and business houses that are involved in advertising and promotions industry. These are as follows: One of them are the advertising companies, i. e the ones which produce different kinds of ads and are tasked with responsibility to launch them in market, thus helping client(s), another player or component of advertising and promotions industry. In addition to the advertising agencies and companies, the clients or those firms that want to advertise and promote themselves as well as their products and/or services. These are the ones which want to gain a substantial share of market that they may be operating in, along with cementing their position in the industry. Other than this, regulatory agencies are other major players of this sector. There are many bodies and firms that monitor the work being carried out in the industry, with a view to make sure that only the best practices are followed & also ethicality in such operations are maintained. Media organizations are also considered to be major players of this sector. These organizations are tasked with the responsibility to help advertising companies to send their message across to the target customers and thus aid in attracting them in large numbers, thus making the advertising campaign highly successful. In country like UK promotion and advertising industry is highly regulated and various laws have been introduced by the government that companies have to follow and it is necessary to comply with the guidelines issued. Firms have to follow rules especially at the time of promoting products (Blas, 2013). Various laws have been developed by advertising codes of UK which states that companies advertising their products must ensure that they may not adopt any wrong practices in order to promote products and beat its competitors. In the era of perfect competition sometimes company adopt unethical practices so as to increase sales and profitability. This rule is also applicable when firm uses newspaper and other source such as cinema, video etc to promote its products. Assignment Prime is an online assignment writing service provider which caters the academic need of students. Essay Writing Service Assignment Writing Service Free Samples Email : email@example. com Apart from this advertising standard authority is another body whose main purpose for existence is to ensure that companies are adopting fair methods at the time of advertising and promoting their products. So it directly helps in developing ethical environment in the country where no company is allowed to follow wrong practice. Whereas it is the duty of management to ensure that its marketing department is not following any unfair practices to attract more customers and to increase sales and profitability (Danaher and Rossiter, 2011). It is necessary for every firm to company with the guidelines issued by regulatory authorities and if any company does not follow ten government has right to take strict action against firms. All the advertisers have to engage themselves as the laws developed by state and local authorities. So these are some of the regulations in promotion industry that companies have to follow strictly and it is required to promote the products in a fair manner. It will directly benefit business enterprise as consumers will prefer to buy products due to fair practices are adopted and will help in development. There are many bodies and organizations that operate in the industry, with a view to regulate the sector, control and monitor its working. One of the, is the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA, UK). It has developed a variety of codes of practices that must be followed by those companies which operate in the advertising industry. Main function and role of this body is to keep a stern eye on and regulate contents involved in an advertising campaign, sales promotions and activities of direct marketing carried out in the country. It also works to ensure that marketing communications used for same purpose are not misleading and do not negatively publicize a rival firm to the client. Committee for Advertising Practices (CAP) is another regulatory body regulates working of this industry. It writes and develops all codes of practices that are implemented by ASA in the market, thus making the task of regulating this industry a lot simpler and yet effective. Through these codes, both CAP and ASA look to ensure that highest standards are developed and maintained in the industry, eventually making sure ethicality and righteousness of advertising campaigns. In this sense, it may not be wrong to say that both these bodies have a very crucial role to play in the process of monitoring and controlling working of the industry. Ofcom (Office of Communications) is a government approved regulatory body for broadcasting, telecommunications and postal industries of UK, thus keeping a stern eye on advertising and promotional campaigns being run in the country. Advertising and promotion industry is rapidly growing and changes are taking place at a faster pace. It has directly benefitted business enterprise and helped to face challenges present in the market. In past main problem linked with advertising was that lack of coverage and the sources adopted by firm were not able to develop awareness in the market. But due to development in this industry it has become possible for company to meet expectations of every consumer. This industry is flexible and has capability to adopt new changes taking place in the market (Fine, 2014). Best example is QR and it is popular worldwide. It refers to quick response codes and other one is emergence. It is the most advanced technique and is the digital code examined by QR code reader and scanned in order to get appropriate data. Presently every company has started to adopt this technique and is an effective source of advertising and promotion. It is the rage among young generation and they can easily get important information linked with the product and services. By scanning the code it is possible to get data the customers want about the product and it is directly benefiting the business enterprise and is leading to increase in sales and profitability. Code reader is usually present in Smart phones and this facility encourages people to access more information (Griffin, 2002). Apart from this online methods are most commonly used in order to gain information like offers on the products and it helps companies who are not well known in the market. Every company is promoting and marketing products with the help of social networking sites like facebook and twitter. Main advantage is that they are having wide coverage and customers can obtain important information on the basis of which they buy products. On the other hand it is considered one of the most effective way to face competition present in the market. It is required for fast food business to understand the role of advertising within integrated strategy of promotion. Firstly management has to understand what channels can be used in order to advertise and promote products (Melewar and Vemmervik, 2004). Advertising can be done through different source which directly shows the targeted objectives of the firm and directly helps in promoting products. Considering burger king as the fast food firm role of advertising can be formulated in a way that can highlight the promotional strategies linked with fast food business. It is required by firm to use integrated approach that helps in promoting the brand and provides same look, brand and quality of delivering services. Media source such as print, social media etc must carry same message which forms the basis of marketing strategy of Burger king. So in this manner promotional strategy can be linked with advertising to represent the brand in unique manner. With the help of advertising in promotional strategy burger king can easily aware customers and it will directly help in increasing sales as more customers will know about the products manufactured by the enterprise. Whereas it will have positive impact on the brand image as offers and other benefits on the products can be highlighted easily (Menon, 2000). Branding refers to effective brand strategy that directly helps in distinguishing brand form those of competitors. Brand is represented in the form of logo and directly helps customers in knowing about the products. In the present era branding is done by every enterprise in order to retain its employees and helps in attracting new one. It shows what kind of products and services are provided by company and helps in analyzing its quality. Establishing and maintaining brand plays important part and company has to develop various strategies so as to develop unique identity in the market (Nyilasy, Canniford and Kreshel, 2013). In case if any company wants to strength its brand image then it is necessary to follow the process of branding. Most commonly used methods of branding are discussed below: Developing logo: It is the first stage where company has to develop its own logo so that customers can know about the firm. It is necessary to design attractive logo that provides customers some message and encourage them to buy products. Blog writing: It is another way of branding which can be considered when company has developed its logo. It involves use of simple and creative words which shows the amin objective of firm. Quality: It is highly concerned with brand and highlights the business. So it is necessary for every company to improve and maintain quality of its products (Parsons and Ballantine, 2004). Creativity is the centre of attraction and directly encourages customers to buy products of the enterprise. It is the process of transforming ideas into reality in order to communicate with target audience efficiently. Creativity is necessarily required in advertising and directly helps in attracting large number of customers (Arnold, 2009). Whereas it is the capability of company to generate unique ideas and they can be used to provide solution to the problem of customers. There are three different stages in creativity which are: Create: It is the process of bringing something into existence and developing new ideas. Creation: This stage starts after introduction of new idea and new product is developed by using the idea. Creativity: It involves introduction of different ideas for the benefit of organization. So these three elements must be considered at the time of developing plan linked with advertising. Whereas company has to consider three aspects like creative person, process and situation that directly influences the purchase behavior of consumers and in turn they prefer to buy the products and services (Egan, 2007). Creative aspects in recent times have evolved to become one of the most important parts of advertising campaigns. There are many benefits and drawbacks that are associated with it. It’s one of the primary advantages is that in helps in attracting clients with far more ease and comfort, in comparison to that of the traditional methods. Main goal of an advertising campaign is to lure in the target customers in large numbers, so that sales of the company can be increased. But on the other hand, sometimes a lot of costs and time is incurred into it. Different media and methods are used in order to deliver the advertisement to target customers, but they all have different kinds of appeals and impacts associated with them. One of them is fear. Usually, to deliver creative ads to target market, print media is not a very good and effective source, thus it leads to generation of fear among both advertising companies or agencies and the clients. In contrast to it, use of social media leads to two kinds of results or appeal – humor and rational thinking. This can be supported through fact that use of social media marketing to develop and launch creative ads, sometimes can create a lot of humor because of their content or style of presentation, or even development of rational thinking among them, again due to content or presentation style. Many studies have shown that both electronic and print media may lead to development of sexual appeal in the market. Bandwagon propaganda is another appeal that can be generated through help of all media of advertising and promotions. Different advertising agencies are present but it is difficult for company to decide which agency to choose that can help in satisfying marketing objectives. Selection of appropriate agency is most important and it is required to develop long term relationship so as to get full value of the money paid to the advertising agency. Company has to consider following points in order to strengthen its working its ad agency: Setting an advertising budget: Firstly it is required to set budget for the advertising campaign which will help advertising agency in knowing employees required to carry out the activities in the campaign. It will consider all the expenses and funds that company has to invest (Ranchhod, 2004). Measuring effectiveness: Company has to determine along with advertising agency in advance how it will measure effectiveness of the activities performed. Effectiveness can be measured on the basis of value of money, customer satisfaction, increase in sales etc. Agreeing objectives: Objectives set by enterprise has to be communicated with the agency so that they can integrate their own objectives set. Setting terms of payment: This involves setting terms of payment regarding services and management has to make payment in different stages in order to know the outcomes of campaign developed (Blas, 2013). Promotion is one of the most important aspects of business operations which have to be given utmost attention from management as well as the marketing team. It is a completely opposite strategy than that of the above the line promotion, where mass audience is targeted. In BTL promotion, company markets and promotes itself through niche marketing strategy, where the product is targeted to a niche audience (Baker, 2004). Through BTL tactic, marketer gets the ability to tailor the message according to the market that is being targeted. This way, effectiveness of marketing campaign can be ensured. There are a lot of techniques of BTL strategy which can be used so as to market products and services of the Cosmetics organization. One of them is Direct Mail Marketing. It is one the most effective techniques which can be used by relevant authorities and also one of the oldest forms of marketing and promotions. Herein the firm would get an opportunity to reach out to customers directly, affect and influence their buying decisions as well as behaviors to a great extent. For the same purpose, methods such as SMS marketing, email, online display ads, interactive websites, etc can be used. Another very useful method that can be used by cosmetics firm is Outdoor marketing (Parsons and MacLaren, 2009). To use this approach, a small team of employees will have to establish a kiosk at places relevant to organizational functions, and then make them advertise for the products and/or services provided. In this regard, it can be suggested to authorities of the company that to be able to effectively use methods of BTL, they have will have to be integrated with normal marketing and promotions tactics of the company. BTL promotional strategies are very crucial part of marketing campaigns for the company, mainly because of reason that they help business firms to reach out to a lot of customers, attract and retain them as well (Allred and et. al, 2010). One of them is Door-to-Door selling technique. Considering nature of operations of the company, this would help the organization to generate awareness about their products in a very effective manner. Herein, management will have to employ such individuals in the company, who would have to go to many houses, interact and convince customers to buy their product(s). Other than this, discount coupons can also be used by the organization for same purpose. To use this strategy, the cosmetics company will be required to distribute some coupons through which customers can get discounts when they buy a particular product of the organization. Loyalty program is another very effective technique that can be used by the company. It states that the organization would give some kind of discounts and benefits to customers of the firm who have been loyal to them for a considerable period of time. This can prove to be a very effective BTL technique for the company, as it would help organization in satisfying and thus retaining their old customers for an even longer period of time. It would be useful in retaining not only the old clients, but also in attracting new customers (Schepers and Berg, 2007). Through this method, the firm can be sure that its most loyal customers are benefited in some or the other way. Promotional pricing is another method that can be used by management of company for same purpose. It entails that authorities will be required to reduce prices of their products for a small or definitive period of time, thus enabling firm to magnetize even more customers. Promotional budget is often considered as a critical factor for a company in case when it has to decide on the strategy to be pursued (Marsh, 2013). There are various methods that can be design for the same and one of which is simplest method which is applied for determining percentage of last year’s ales or the sales of projected year. On the basis of the same, promotional budget can be developed. Another method is known as affordable method which is often used by smaller and new firms. It can be used in case when company feels that promotional and advertising expenses may be going out of budget (Passemard and Kleiner, 2000). For example, a few advertising sources can be employed within this such as distribution of fliers, giving ad in newspaper, and sending sales persons to promote business in markets. Competitive parity is another method in which a company may try to spend only that much amount on advertising and promotion which can be as same as compared to those of its competitors. This method is used more often during economic recession when companies would feel like spending considerable amount on promotions. Another approach for budget formation is known as objective and task method in which managers of company identifies actual goals and objectives to be achieved through advertising and promotion. On the basis of these goals and objectives, managers decide on the overall activities to be performed regarding sales promotion, commercials etc which are essential for attaining the same (Gilmore, 2003). This is followed by carrying out of research that tells overall cost of activities for the purpose of formulating budget. Once approbation process or strategy of promotional budget is selected, a company can decide as to how much resource can be allocated to each media channel for achieving integrated promotional objectives. Promoting a brand of product in market is one of the most crucial tasks that have to be carried out by management of an organization (Hooley, Saunders and Piercy, 2009). For the same purpose in subsequent points a marketing plan for the same brand has been developed: Identifying prospective customers: This is the very first requirement for development of an effective plan. It is a very crucial element in development of a promotions mix. Without identifying target customers, there is no way that the company can market the product. Herein management of the car company will have to do a thorough research of the market and then identify those individuals who could buy the car (Buckley, 2002). In this case it can be suggested to the authorities that they should look to target young people living in the region. Deciding on a promotions budget: It is the next step in development of an effective marketing plan. If a promotions budget is not developed then the marketing department cannot function properly and thus there are chances that the marketing effort may not succeed (Lim, Acito and Rusetski, 2006). Here the company along with its marketing department will have to decide on a marketing and promotions budget. Considering the present case, the company can take a budget of £ 15,000. Selecting promotional mix: This is the last step in this process. This stage requires that decisions be taken so as to develop an appropriate promotional mix. There are various elements of a promotions mix. In this regard it can be said that the company should integrate social marketing strategy with that of the traditional methods of marketing and promotions. For the purpose of promoting the car in market, variety of techniques can be used by the management. One of them that can be used in the context is sales promotions. It can prove to be a very efficient and effective method of promoting car in the target market. Through this technique, a large number of customers can be attracted, that eventually would help in promoting the car and also attracting prospective customers in large numbers. Other than this, discounts can also be a very good option for management, so as to lure the customers and also to promote the car in market. A very important and crucial aspect of making a promotional strategy is the various promotional techniques (Charles, 2000). Without putting to use such techniques and methods, there are very slim chances for the organization to make their promotional strategy successful and thus fulfill the goal that they were initially looking to achieve through the marketing function. In this context, many authors and industry academicians have said that management of an organization need to be very careful when they are looking to select promotional techniques, because every such method has its own merits and de-merits (Beller, Weiss and Patler, 2007). And if any kind of mistake is done is selecting these techniques, then there are very slim chances for the firm to make their marketing effort a great success. In this regard, it can also be said that in absence of promotional techniques, the firm cannot use its marketing strategy to a great effect and also that it may fail miserably, putting the organization in a very dangerous position. Furthermore, according to many studies, it would also be important for the firm that its promotional plan is integrated with that of other methods of promotions as well. For integrating the promotional techniques with that of promotional strategies of the firm, it can be suggested to management that they should use them simultaneously with one another. For instance they can look to merge different tactics with one another such as techniques of internet marketing with that of regular advertising and promotional strategies (Benson and Barclay, 2000). Continuing with the same process, internet marketing or digital marketing can be used very effectively with the likes of personal selling, door-to-door selling, or the likes of it. Herein the management of the car company would have to ensure that there is a smooth link and transition between these techniques and strategies. In addition to it, aspects such as print media and print advertising can also be used by the firm for the same reason. Door-to-door marketing may also seem to be a very effective and good option, as it would help the firm to expand its reach to customers and increase the clientele base while ensuring that there various needs and wants are fulfilled to a great extent (Hoffman and Bateson, 2010). For the purpose of promoting chocolate bar in the market, it can be suggested to authorities that they should use techniques of above the line promotions. Herein, promotions and advertisements would be carried out at mass scale that will help the company to reach out to all of its target customers and thus interact as well as attract them in large numbers. The likes of social media marketing should be used, because it will help in reaching out to masses. Furthermore, both electronic and print media such as television, radio, ads in magazines, newspapers, etc can be used. Furthermore, appropriate amount of attention will also have to be paid on what kind of wrapper for chocolate is used. It will have a very crucial role to play in the process of promoting the good to target customers. Further, company will have to use a variety of communication methods and channels that will help in interacting with target customers in a much efficient and effective manner. But for the same, appropriate amount of attention will have to be paid to making sure that all communication channels and methods are linked and integrated with one another. It is crucial that an assessment and evaluation be done so as to measure how effective the marketing campaign has been for the company. It entails on part of the company that they use these measures, tools and scales properly and very carefully, as any mistake on this front can prove to be very dangerous for the company. This is because of reason that it such an aspect of marketing that needs utmost attention to be paid on behalf of management. There are various techniques which can be used by the management in this regard (Evans, Jamal and Foxall, 2009). One of them is customer awareness. This is one of the most effective scales on which effectiveness and success of a marketing campaign can be calculated and evaluated. One of the main purposes of a marketing effort is to create and generate awareness among target customers for the product and/or service which the firm may be offering in market. If the audience is satisfied, then it can be said that the marketing campaign has been successful and that it has proved to be effective for company (Dawson, 2001). Other than this, improvement in sales can also be used as another tool for calculating the same phenomena. Another major goal of a marketing campaign is to increase sales of the company, and if that happens, then management of the car company can believe that their marketing effort has paid off. There is another way to say this as well, where in the company can measure success of their marketing campaign by evaluating performance of other firms in the market, i. e. the rival organizations (Lin, 2002). By using these techniques for measuring success of marketing campaigns, it can be said that the management would be able to make sure that their promotional efforts are not wasted and also desired results can be obtained. Advertising and promotion, over the years has emerged to be one of the crucial elements of marketing efforts and campaigns. There was a time when this aspect of marketing was not given any kind of importance by companies. But now it is the most crucial function, because without it there is no chance that the organization can fulfill its goals and objectives through its marketing campaign. During the study it was seen that advertising and promotions, over the years have emerged to be some of the most crucial functions of an organization’s marketing campaign, as in its absence, there is no chance that the organization can attain its goals and objectives and also survive for a great length in the market. In addition to it, in the report, researcher identified that there are a wide variety of below the line marketing tactics, which is a very effective way through which a niche can be created in the market. It was suggested to the cosmetics company that they can use techniques such as door-to-door marketing for the purpose of promoting their goods in the market and also for attracting a large number of customers as well as to retain them with the firm. It’s time to get online assignment writing services from expert writers in Australia.

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Thomas Cole is often considered the founder of the Hudson River School, and therefore the "father” of American landscape painting. Born in England, he emigrated to Ohio with his family when he was 17, and after a brief and unsuccessful career as a portraitist he began to show interest in the landscape of his adopted country, especially that of the Hudson River. Cole’s works inspired many famous American landscape painters of the following decades, such as Asher Brown Durand or Frederick Edwin Church. In the mid 1830's, Thomas Cole was given the important commission of painting " The Course of Empire”, a large series of five canvases for his patron Luman Reed. The second work in the series, "Pastoral State" or "Arcadian State", was enthusiastically received by Reed, who encouraged Cole to create a second version of the painting, but based on real landscapes known by the artist. Thomas Cole agreed, and told Reed that he had already commenced a view from Mt. Holyoke, the finest scene he has in his sketchbook. The painting places the viewer on a high point of Mount Holyoke, enjoying a panoramic view of "The Oxbow", an extension of the Connecticut River. The left side of the composition shows the mountainside, with its wild vegetation under threatening storm clouds. The right side of the painting shows the cultivated land on the banks of the river, a peaceful American Arcadia where man and nature coexist in harmony. The artist has depicted himself painting the scene, sitting quietly on a rock. Gabriel Fernández - theartwolf. com

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Corporate social responsibility is a good thing, not just for the environment, society, and the world at large, but for your company’s reputation. Companies that practice good corporate social responsibility stand to gain great value in reputation, including trust, more willing recommendations, a buffer against scandals and other reputation busters, as well as a greater likelihood for consumers to use their products and services. And as consumers, employees, and other stakeholders continue to place more importance on social and environmental causes, it will only become more important to develop a good corporate social responsibility reputation. What Corporate Social Responsibility Is — And What it Isn’t When companies go above and beyond what they’re expected to do environmentally or socially, they’re engaging in corporate social responsibility. While companies may be required by regulations to limit pollution or engage in certain human resources standards, companies that go the extra mile in this regard are practicing corporate social responsibility. Examples of effective corporate social responsibility include: - Reducing corporate carbon footprint - Improving labor policies such as vacation time, parental leave, and/or working conditions - Donating to or volunteering with charities - Charitable giving, such as giving products to the needy - Providing services to charitable causes - Participating in environmental cleanups - Changing corporate policies to develop greater efficiency and environmental savings - Making investments that are socially and/or environmentally conscious And while many corporations participate in corporate social responsibility to genuinely give back and use their considerable resources to have a positive impact on the world, there are some that engage in corporate social responsibility simply for the marketing benefits. This disingenuous brand of “giving back” is what’s known as greenwashing. Rather than actually engaging in social or environmental improvements, corporations may simply spin their advertising and marketing to make it seem as if they’re doing a good thing. Greenwashing takes many forms, but it could be, for example, a bank that’s “green” because they offer online banking (even though that’s been an industry standard for years), or an energy company touting its new clean technology — when 98% of their fuel is still dirty. Greenwashing may fool some consumers, even temporarily, but ultimately, it’s a bad idea from a reputation standpoint. Authenticity is essential to building trust, and consumers who feel they’ve been misled by a company’s advertising will not trust or think highly of the organization. Why Corporate Social Responsibility Matters Corporate social responsibility matters to the world because companies typically have great resources to enact positive change. But beyond the satisfaction of knowing they’re making a positive impact, what’s in it for the companies? Quite a bit — and a lot of it has to do with building a great reputation. An excellent corporate responsibility offers a number of benefits, but the most important of these is trust. Simply put, if a company does the right thing (environmentally, socially), then consumers feel they can trust them to do the right thing in all situations. That’s why the Reputation Institute has found that with a higher corporate social responsibility ranking, more supportive consumer behaviors are delivered. With an excellent corporate social responsibility reputation, companies enjoy these benefits: - 89% would recommend the company to others - 91% would say something positive about the company - 90% would trust the company to do the right thing - 89% would buy the company’s products and/or services These benefits require a serious commitment to corporate social responsibility, however. It’s clear that being average is simply not enough. For companies with an average corporate social responsibility score, less than half of consumers would take the same positive actions that most wouldn’t hesitate to take with companies that have an excellent corporate social responsibility score: - 36% would recommend the company to others - 38% would say something positive about the company - 36% would trust the company to do the right thing - 41% would buy the company’s products and/or services Corporate Social Responsibility Offers Protection Against Most Scandals — And Builds Reliability While building trust and positive recommendations from consumers, companies with good corporate social responsibility will also offer protection for their overall reputation. Research indicates that with strong corporate social responsibility comes a buffer against scandals and better resilience against negative actions or information. But perhaps more importantly, it creates a reputation of a reliable and honest company, which is valuable whether you’re facing scandals or not. Research from the University of Dayton and Virginia Tech indicates that a good reputation for corporate social responsibility will give companies a buffer from scandal revelations. The research looked at the reactions to firm choices in a stock option backdating scandal, and found that corporate social responsibility initiatives can serve as a buffer for companies against general wrong doings. However, there is one important caveat: any violations that occur specifically pertaining to governance elicit a more harsh reaction and are more harshly sanctioned, as they may be considered hypocritical. Research from Boston University and Baruch College suggests that with good corporate social responsibility, companies can build a “reservoir of goodwill. ” This goodwill will increase customer motivations to minimize any negative information they may be presented with. Further research from the University of California, Berkeley finds that corporate social responsibility can essentially serve as reputation insurance, protecting firms against lost reputation even following adverse events. The Berkeley team performed an analysis of stock price responses for S&P 500 companies after product recalls. The research found that firms with better corporate social responsibility ratings maintained better stock prices than firms that did not have a more positive corporate social responsibility rating. And ultimately, companies that are able to do good in an exceptional manner, as well as avoid harm, will suffer virtually no reputational damage following adverse events. A Good Corporate Social Responsibility Reputation is Essential to Attracting the Best New Talent Need another reason to develop a good reputation for corporate social responsibility? Think of your human resources department. Many employees will value a company with a good reputation, and especially one with a reputation for corporate social responsibility. Millenials in particular find it to be very important. Giving back is good not just for making an impact and improving reputation and trust: it’s essential for recruitment and retention of top talent. Good corporate citizens often find that they are able to attract top talent, raise productivity, and keep employees engaged. The Corporate Social Responsibility Rankings In corporate social responsibility, it’s a good idea to look to the leaders to see who is doing well, as well as what they’re doing. The Reputation Institute publishes a number of annual rankings for reputation, including the Most Reputable Companies in the United States as well as the Corporate Social Responsibility RepTrak rankings. These rankings highlight the companies who are leading the pack with not just their reputation, but a reputation for doing good. These companies top the list of the 2015 Most Reputable Companies in the United States: - Fruit of the Loom - Levi Strauss & Co - Panera Bread - Briggs & Statton Citizenship, which means the company is a good corporate citizen, supporting good causes and protecting the environment, accounts for 14% of the Reputation Institute’s scoring in this ranking. Other factors including governance, workplace, innovation, performance, leadership, and products/services. The leader of this ranking, Amazon, earned a reputation for good citizenship with a number of initiatives: - Environmentally friendly packaging and packaging fedback - Amazon Web Services research grants for climate change - The Amazon Kaizen program, which encourages employees to implement environmental and energy initiatives to the company - Sustainable building design at the Amazon corporate headquarters and selected other properties These companies led the way on the Corporate Social Responsibility RepTrak rankings: - The Walt Disney Company According to the Reputation Institute, 89% of consumers are willing to recommend companies with excellent CSR RepTrak scores — but only 6% would recommend companies with poor scores. Google earned the Reputation Institute’s highest CSR score, 72. 7, by implementing the following reductions in environmental impact: - Google data centers use less power, with 50% less energy than other comparable data centers - Google contributes to renewable energy, committing more than $1 billion to renewable energy projects - Google enables businesses to decrease their own environmental impact by using Gmail Maximizing the Benefits of Corporate Social Responsibility Many companies are doing a great job of realizing the benefits and maintaining a good repuation for corporate social responsibility and environmental support, but they could be doing more. Namely, many companies need to better communicate their performance to the general public. The Reputation Institute found that 51% of companies in the United States struggle to communicate their corporate social responsibility performance. Sharing your company’s corporate social responsibility isn’t just a marketing ploy: it can have a positive ripple effect. Advertising your company’s good deeds can encourage consumers to see your corporate reputation in a more positive light while also sparking interest in social and environmental causes. Consider these ideas when choosing and marketing your efforts for corporate social responsibility: - Align your efforts with your brand: When choosing initiatives for corporate social responsibility, consider those that work authentically with your established brand. For example, a health care company that provides medical care to children in need. - Take a local focus: Global initiatives are needed, but don’t neglect what’s right in your backyard. Focusing on local initiatives can help to increase the relevance of your efforts for customers. - Work on the long term: Take on initiatives that can make a difference not just for months, but for years. - Be more interactive: Encourage word of mouth sharing with activities that are easy to interact with on social media. Activities that can be photographed and posted online, or video announcements that can be shared will be more readily accepted. - Encourage further giving: You don’t have to do it alone. Ask consumers and other stakeholders to join you in your missing for giving. Allow them to contribute their time, money, and other resources to the causes and initiatives that you highlight.

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Medical Waste Management By Margaret Milner TREN 3P14 Medical Waste • defined as A discarded biologic product, such as blood or tissues, removed from operating rooms, morgues, laboratories, or other medical facilities. The term may also be applied to bedding, bandages, syringes, and similar materials that have been used in treating patients, as well as animal carcasses or body parts used in research Health care is considered one of the most complex waste streams of any industry. Waste includes solid (trash), biohazards (sharps, red bag wastes), hazardous (chemicals, solvents, mercury), recyclables (such as paper and cardboard), compostable (good and organic wastes), and radioactive waste. On average, hospitals generate more than 5 million tons of waste each year. • Medical waste treatment and waste disposal are part of a multibillion dollar industry, however most hospitals are unaware of the large amounts of waste they generate, or how much they spend annually on disposal or of the environmental impacts that are created with the disposal A 1993 study by the Ontario Ministry of the Environment found that 10% of the 150 000 tonnes of waste produced by the province's hospitals each year was handled as biomedical waste. Another study revealed that 39% of it was ordinary waste that did not need special treatment. Stericycle Canada • only company in Canada that offers medical waste service nationally • the largest provider of biomedical waste management in North America, providing medical waste collection, transportation, treatment and disposal. • operates a network of over 105 collection and transfer sites along with 45 processing facilities. 7 of which are located in Canada Waste Process • http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HmE7Kqc3_zY All Stericyclepickups are performed by employees who are trained in responsible handling of biomedical waste • All material that is picked up can be traced from starting point until incineration using a tracking system called “BioTrack” Programs • Canada Green Building Council, distinguishes buildings that demonstrate a commitment to sustainability, and meet high performance standards. • Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) certificate is rewarded to buildings that meet these standards. • Green Seal can also be acquired. Initatives • Hospitals can be built to follow the Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) guidelines, allowing them to become more energy efficient • Energy-efficiency upgrades such as switching to fluorescent lights, implementing waste management, energy and heat conservation programs, and using a laundry system that uses cold instead of hot water will help to lower costs and become more sustainable. The Royal Victoria Hospital located in Barrie Ontario is also committed to reducing waste and being environmentally responsible. • They do this through the education of staff, patients, volunteers and physicians about an improved recycling program. Discussion • What do you think that hospitals could do to lower their waste output?

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Surah At Teen: By the fig, and the olive, And [by] Mount Sinai, And by this city of security (Makkah). (95:1-3) And [We brought forth] a tree issuing from Mount Sinai which produces oil and food for those who eat. (23:20) Allah swears by the fig and the olive, showing the importance of these two fruits. Fig juice is good for weight gain, throat infection, coughs and weakness of the chest, the kidney and the bladder. Figs are good for the liver, and those who have liver problems. Figs are considered one of the most important fruits for women who are pregnant or are breastfeeding. They can also relieve constipation, mood swings, blood problems and anaemia. Try mixing some milk, aniseed and honey, as a drink. Dry figs – these have to be rehydrated first. Try mixing with grape juice and as a digestive tool to decrease heaviness after eating.

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Statute of Limitations On Debt Statute of Limitations on Debtresearch paper due and don't know how to start it? How about like this? The statute of limitations on debt varies depending on state and the kind of debt. The following characteristics of debt involve consideration of the statute of limitations: - Once a debt surpasses the statute of limitations, debt collectors no longer have the right to attempt to sue an individual for what is owed. - Should a debt collector continue to pursue legal action over a debt that is beyond the statute of limitation in an individual's home state, he or she then violates the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act. - Depending on the type of agreement made, the time frame for the statue of limitations varies. Agreements Related to Debt The different types of agreements related to debt are: - Oral contracts - Written contracts - Promissory notes - Open-ended accounts Most consumers are unaware of the amount of time which has truly lapsed when reconciling unpaid debt. As such, many consumers end up paying a debt off in any event because it still appears on his or her credit report. Per the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act, the statute of limitations begins from the day the debt or payment on an open-ended account was due. Credit Reports and Debt It is important to note that this has very little to do with how long a negative credit item can remain on an individual's credit report. Further, simply because the statute of limitations has surpassed does not automatically mean that the debt diminishes after it expires. Lastly, the statute of limitations begins to run out once the terms of the original agreement has been breached which usually occurs when an individual fails to make payments as agreed, thus initiating the creditor to demand full payment or some form of restitution.

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Cells infected by the deadly Ebola virus may release viral proteins such as VP40 packaged in exosomes, which, as new research indicates, can affect immune cells throughout the body impairing their ability to combat the infection and to seek out and destroy hidden virus. The potential for exosomal VP40 to have a substantial impact on Ebola virus disease is examined in a review article published online on February 6, 2017 in DNA and Cell Biology, a peer-reviewed journal from Mary Ann Liebert, Inc., Publishers. The article is available free on the DNA and Cell Biology website until April 13, 2017 (http://online.liebertpub.com/doi/full/10.1089/dna.2017.3639). In the article, entitled "The Role of Exosomal VP40 in Ebola Virus Disease," Michelle Pleet, Catherine DeMarino, and Fatha Kashanchi, of George Mason University, Benjamin Lepene, of Ceres Nanosciences, Manassas, Virginia, and M. Javad Aman, Integrated BioTherapeutics, Gaithersburg, Maryland, discuss the latest research on the effects of the Ebola VP40 matrix protein on the immune system. The authors suggest that in addition to VP40, additional viral proteins may also be packaged in the membrane-bound exosomal vesicles, intensifying the damaging effects on immune cells. "Starting in December 2013, Ebola re-emerged in Western Africa and devastated the population of three countries, prompting an international response of physicians and of basic and translational scientists. This epidemic led to the development of new vaccines, therapeutics, and insights into disease pathogenesis and epidemiology," says Carol Shoshkes Reiss, Ph.D., Editor-in-Chief of DNA and Cell Biology and Professor, Departments of Biology and Neural Science, and Global Public Health at New York University, NY. Login Or Register To Read Full Story

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En Español (Spanish Version) Diagnosis of Preterm Labor and Delivery To diagnose preterm labor, your doctor will review your symptoms and medical history. Your doctor may do or recommend one or more of the following: The pelvic exam is done to see if your cervix has begun to dilate or to thin. If dilation has begun, you may be in preterm labor. Dilation is measured in centimeters from 0-10. Birth usually occurs after the cervix has dilated to 10 centimeters. Thinning of the cervix is called effacement. It is reported as a percent. If you are 50% effaced, your cervix has thinned to half of its original thickness. When you reach 100% effaced, the cervix is completely thinned and ready for a vaginal delivery. Sometimes, the length of the cervix is assessed by an ultrasound measurement. A tocometer is a machine that measures uterine contractions. A tocometer is a monitoring device that tracks the frequency and length of contractions. Over a short period of time, a pattern emerges that can help your doctor with a diagnosis. During the pelvic exam, your doctor may swab your cervix to test for fetal fibronectin (fFN). fFN acts as a glue to attach the amniotic sac to the lining of the uterus. It is normal for fFN to be in cervical secretions for the first 22 weeks of pregnancy. However, if fFN is present in the outer cervix beyond weeks 22-34, this glue may be breaking down earlier than it should. fFN may be a sign of impending preterm labor. The presence of fFN (positive test result) is not a good predictor of whether you are at risk of preterm birth. However, the absence of fFN (negative test result) is a good predictor that you are not at risk of a preterm birth at this time. Your pregnancy is likely to continue for at least another two weeks. An ultrasound may also be done. This test uses sound waves to create an image of your uterus, the fluid around the baby, and the baby. American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists. ACOG practice bulletin no. 127: Management of preterm labor. . 2012 Jun;119(6):1308-1317. How do health care providers diagnose preterm labor? National Institute of Child Health and Human Development website. Available at: . Updated November 30, 2012. Accessed April 23, 2013. Premature labor. American Pregnancy Association website. Available at: . Updated May 2007. Accessed April 23, 2013. Preterm labor. EBSCO DynaMed website. Available at: . Updated March 15, 2013 . Accessed April 23, 2013. Preterm labor and birth. March of Dimes website. Available at: . Updated September 2012. Accessed April 23, 2013. Preterm labor. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists website. Available at: . Accessed April 23, 2013. Uterine contractions. Center for Experiential Learning, Quillen College of Medicine, East Tennessee State University website. Available at: . Accessed April 23, 2013.

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I think that you’ll find these 10 Cool Facts will help you understand just how cool these majestic birds are. Snowy Owls hare stunning birds and make great subjects for photographers. I think that you’ll agree! Leave a comment if you know another cool fact about the Snowy Owl. Cool Snowy Owl Facts 1) Known by Many Names They’ve been called Snow Owl, Arctic Owl, Great White Owl, Ghost Owl, Ermine Owl, Tundra Ghost, Ookpik, Scandinavian Nightbird, White Terror of the North, Highland Tundra Owl, White Owls, Harfangs, American Snowy Owls. Famously one was called Hedwig! Whew! I am going to call them Most-beautiful Owl, Snowy photogenicus. 2) Loves the Daylight Snowy Owls are diurnal hunters and actually hunt mostly by day. Most owls that have yellow eyes are diurnal. Owls with orange eyes are mostly nocturnal. That is most helpful for our photography! 3) A Great Collective Noun Owls as a group have many collective nouns (the name given to a group of a species) such as a parliament, a wisdom, a sagaciousness, a stare, a study, a stoop and a bazaar. A parliament is the most often used collective noun. Some owls have their own collective noun like a stable of Barn Owls. That also brings this cool fact to its conclusion; a group of Snowy Owls is called a blizzard, or a drift; Perfect! 4) A Dual Purpose Beak The Snowy Owl’s beak has a hook that is used to grip and tear their prey. Even cooler, the beak is surrounded by bristles which help them locate their prey! 5) A Lemming Eating Machine The Snowy Owl’s favorite food is the lemming, and they can consume over 1500 of them per year. That is an amazing 375 lbs (170 kg)) of food! 6) White Feathers with a Purpose Snowy Owls white feathers have multiple purposes. They act as camouflage to hide the birds from predators while they are on their nests. An even cooler fact is that these white feathers lack pigment which leaves more room for air which in turn leave more room for air which in turn keeps the owl’s warmer! 7) Snow Owls are Big Snowy Owls are the heaviest of all of the North American Owls. Weighing in at 3. 5 to 6. 5 lbs (1. 6 kg to 3 kg) Their wingspan can exceed four ft (1. 2m) 8) Smart About their Eggs Snowy Owls lay between 4 and 11 eggs. That variation depends on how plentiful their food supply. The more food, the more eggs and therefore babies! Talk about supply and demand! 9) Unusual Feather Design Snowy Owls have unique feathers that have a slit like a comb that allows them to fly in virtual silence. 10) Patient but Fast Snowy Owls hunt by finding a perch with a view and then glide on their silent wings very low to the ground to snatch their prey. The cool thing about Snowy Owls is that they can also fly 50 mph (80 kph) when they have to. Snowy Owl Photography Workshop I suppose you already know, but it does not hurt to remind you that I do have a snowy owl photography workshop. If you are reading this you likely have some interest, so why not check it out? Snowy Owls are Cool! That’s my sales and pitch and my 10 cool snowy owl facts, do you know another one? Have a question about the workshop? Leave me a comment and share your knowledge!

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Good day all! There is little talk today regarding negative resistance passive components, Mostly because they where used mostly in the old days with the early radar detector technologies, "Tunnel Diode" Proved to be interesting in the day as they could be used as oscillators and amplifiers as well. And worked perfect on the microwave bands. But then semiconductors and transistors quickly took over. But negative resistance is still a rather interesting effect to study and experiment with. (Rumor has it. That negative resistance devices may even have anomalies dealing with the ohms law. ) It can amplify part of the negative AC current cycle where negative resistance takes place within this repetitive cycle. But in the case of a diode, needs some sort of DC bias voltage to work as an AC amplifier. It does not have to be very much at all! So where can you find negative resistance? -Tunnel and Microwave/Radar Didoes -Home made Cat Whisker Copper Oxide Didoes -High Voltage Spark Gap ( Tesla took advantage of the negative resistance of his spark gap so he could amplify the AC currents generated and received from his wireless from a distance, Given he had a great ground connection. ) As you know, All the above mentioned have several or more interesting oscillator and amplifier circuits if you want to search for them. For example, In the case of oscillation, Usually called "Relaxation Oscillator" As a result to the negative resistance properties of the circuit. So today I'm going to show you how to built the Words most simple and safe low voltage resistance amplifier that can amplify AC with the help of a half charged 1. 5 volt battery (DC bias) and light up an LED! Sounds cool right! So here goes. 1. Two or more identical LEDs 2. 1 or more diodes (Ge type preferred) 3. 1. 5 Volt Battery 4. Two or more clip jumper connection cables 5. FRS Radio or Similar (For providing nearby source of low power RF also known as a form of AC) Step 1: Cooking a LED Building our simple negative resistance diode First thing we need to do is slightly cook a LED until its light starts to change color by getting darker and tinted but not completely cooked and burnt out. This only takes a couple of seconds. I find it works best with a 6 volts battery pack. I connect the battery pack to the LED light for about 5 seconds as I watch the color change then quickly disconnect to not let the LED completely burn out and go dim. It may take a few tries to get it right so it is a good idea to have some spare LEDs on hand. This yellow LED turns dark orange after a few seconds of 6 volts! ! Congratulations, We just built our negative resistance device! Step 2: Putting It Together. The easy part! Take your partially cooked LED and connect the anode long side to the cathode "line" side of a regular diode and together with the help of the wire clips. Then connect the two remaining ends contacts together with another wire clip (the loose length instead of just connecting the two diodes together, The wire length between the two diodes act as a sort of crude loop antenna) Now take your 1. 5 volt battery and connect the + side of the battery to the plus side of the circuit( the longer LED pin) and do the same with the negative side on opposite end. You will notice you do not have enough power to turn on the LED light. This is normal. The DC battery will be our amplifier DC bias power source. Step 3: Testing the Circuit Experienced users may skip this part. If you have a regular LED and have never played with simple RF diode detector circuits. May I recommend that you take the extra step to first experiment with that. Simply connect a regular LED to the circuit instead of the cooked one. Place your FRS antenna 1 inch away from the LED. Press the transmit button and you will see the LED faintly light up. This is because LEDs are also diodes and this only diode circuit acts as a crude AC to DC power supply (rectifier circuit) energized by the nearby RF as a form of AC provided by the FRS radio or other nearby transmitter. Cool! Now run the circuit as intended with the cooked LED and you will notice much more brightness! As it behaves like an AC amplifier. read bellow. Now running the circuit. Make sure everything is connected as simple as a circuit this is. Connections may get loose. Now push on the talk button of your FRS radio or similar transmitter ( The 6 inch *give or take* connecting wires act as a good resonant antenna at the UHF frequencies) You will notice your cooked LED lights up nice and bright at normal color and you can pull the radio several inches away before it dims out once it is lit and starts amplifying! That is the LED is acting as a negative resistance diode amplifier and doing the job amplifying the RF/AC signals with the help of small DC bias supply and making it's own LED emit a bright light as a side effect. Cool! Step 4: Experiments to Try Some interesting experiments to consider Try adjusting and vary the low voltage DC bias to find the "sweet" spot where AC amplification (LED brightness) is at its best. Perhaps a variable resistor. Try replacing the battery with a small capacitor. Then the circuit becomes in part a DC power supply provided there is nearby RF/AC to energize it. What I'm getting at is you may be able to use the circuit's rectification properties and DC stored in capacitor as the source of DC bias and still get a very nice bright LED without actually needing the 1. 5 Volt DC bias battery at all! ! No it's not over unity I'm sorry but still very interesting stuff! And many more negative resistance experiments? Usually these kinds of experiments require much higher voltages in order to drive neon and spark gaps etc and can be dangerous and intimidating. This is a great introductory way to get into it without getting hurt and learning about negative resistance and or RF. Still not convinced? Food for thought. Florescence tubes need a ballast, That is an Induction coil acting as a current limiting filter to counter the effects of negative resistance within the tube. It takes more power to activate the tube then is needed to keep it bright. Without a protection ballast. The negative resistance would cause the AC currents inside To amplify to a point it would damage the tube. Even sudden fluctuations in input voltage could instantly destroy the florescence tube. With that logic let's experiment some more with our modified LED. Bring your radio antenna about once inch from your LED. turn and keep pressing the talk TX button, After a moment or two. The LED glows brightly, Slowly as your still holding the TX button, Bring your radio a few more inches away. Perhaps 6 inches. You will notice the LED remains very bright and can hold this brightness a short distance away from the RF source without flicking off. As we are then observing the negative amplifier properties of the LED quick in, Needing much less power to stay light up then it needs to activate. ( Acting very much like a Florence tube) Try again. Repeat with a regular LED and you will notice the effect to be greatly diminished or not noticeable at all! (Your LEDs can always react and flicker close by to RF without any modification such as turning it into a negative resistor as I describe in this article. ) The amplification properties of a negative resistance device is what is really interesting!

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Downing 800-calorie milkshakes is a great way to make the fat levels in your blood skyrocket. But a small proportion of Amish in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, are not so easily affected, researchers have found. These lucky few harbor a genetic mutation that keeps their levels of fat particles called triglycerides in check and possibly protects them from heart disease. Although their particular mutation doesn't show up very often in the general population, the gene itself could play an important role in heart disease. Researchers already know that people differ in their responses to fatty foods. The body converts unused calories from meals into triglycerides, which can cause heart disease and stroke, and some people amass far more triglycerides than other people do. Scientists have found that genetics plays a role, but not all of the players have been identified. University of Maryland School of Medicine geneticist Toni Pollin, endocrinologist Alan Shuldiner, and their colleagues turned to the Old Order Amish in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania--a group whose members marry each other and have little contact with the outside world. The genetic similarity among this group makes it easier to search for disease genes. The researchers were interested in how 800 of these Amish would respond to short exposures to environmental factors, such as a high-salt diet, linked to heart disease. The subjects were healthy adults, divided almost equally between men and women. One test involved drinking a high-fat milkshake that packed a whopping 782 calories, "primarily heavy whipping cream," says Pollin. Drinking just one of these won't trigger a heart attack in the long run, but in the short term, it causes changes in triglyceride levels, much like eating a candy bar can cause a spike in blood sugar. Researchers measured the Amish subjects' triglyceride levels just before the subjects drank the shake and every hour for 6 hours afterward. As expected, some participants saw their triglycerides soar, but for others, the increase was more modest. Then, the researchers performed a so-called genome-wide association study on the participants, searching for variations in a single DNA base correlated with these differences. That led them to a gene called APOC3; mice without this gene have low triglyceride levels. When Pollin and her colleagues sequenced the gene in their Amish volunteers, they found a mutation that matched with those who had lower triglycerides to start with and whose blood levels changed relatively little after drinking the milkshake. Five percent of the cohort had this mutation, and further study found that they had in their blood about half the amount of apoC-III, the protein produced by the gene APOC3. Having less of this protein means triglycerides get cleared from the blood more quickly (the protein decreases the liver's uptake of fatty particles), explaining the lower blood fat levels in the Amish subgroup. The APOC3 mutation carriers also had little calcification of their coronary arteries, a measure of early atherosclerosis, as compared with those who didn't carry the mutation, the researchers report in tomorrow's issue of Science. Anne Tybjærg-Hansen, who studies genetics and heart disease at Copenhagen University Hospital in Denmark, says the study convincingly demonstrates a link between this particular APOC3 mutation and how the body handles triglycerides. Because the Amish are so unique, however, "the mutation they found is probably not a mutation that you're going to find in other populations. " Indeed, Pollin notes that her group has failed to find it in a small sample of 200 healthy Caucasians. This is also not the first gene associated with triglyceride levels, Tybjærg-Hansen says. But the work provides clear proof that APOC3 is important for triglycerides and disease risk in some people, and there may well be other mutations in the gene out there, she says.

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In this lesson, you will learn the basics on spotting scams and fraud in the cryptocurrency space and what to watch out for. ICOs (Initial Coin Offerings) are an exciting new way of fundraising. They are even believed to have the potential to replace the established venture capital-driven funding for startups. However, there are also a couple of downsides to this development. Investing in ICOs is risky. Scams are frequent and sometimes it is really hard to spot dubious projects at first glance. Thus a few words of caution: To make sure you invest into worthwhile projects only, learn to be aware of certain red flags that indicate that you should proceed very carefully with your investment, if at all. You can ask yourself the following questions: Do you understand the project? Does the project have a real use case that you are also able to understand, or are they just using lots of buzzwords like AI, blockchain, decentralised, revolutionary, and such? If the whitepaper of a project conveys little information on what the real purpose of the project is and you are getting more and more confused as you dig deeper, then you should be on alert. Generally, it’s prudent not to invest in something that you can’t explain yourself. Will the project potentially provide real value? Does the project do anything of worth? If not, it probably won’t garner any traction. People will only buy something if it has value. Otherwise, what’s the point? If things look fishy, they probably are You have looked at the project website, checked out a video and read the whitepaper and yet you are still asking yourself what the whole project is really about. If you have doubts, then it’s always a good idea to put the good old duck test to use: “If it looks like a duck, swims like a duck, and quacks like a duck, then it probably is a duck. “ Sometimes, things aren’t more complicated than that. Does the project really need a blockchain? Can the project that the team is working on only be realised with blockchain? Or could the project easily be done without employing the technology? Make sure the project’s whitepaper clearly lays out why this specific project needs a blockchain and the actual part the blockchain plays in the development of whatever its future product is. You want to look for projects to be truly disruptive in nature and directly applying the respective token with a unique service immediately after the ICO. Who is the team behind the project? Of course, people popping up out of nowhere with no track record in the industry can have ingenious ideas and could be busy with starting the next big thing everyone is talking about. However, it is also much more likely that you will be scammed by people you didn’t even know existed, rather than by well-known crypto entrepreneurs and developers. The best news is if the founders are business-oriented and already successful in the industry - they have won awards, they run reputable and established businesses - you get the idea. You see their pictures and bios on the team section of the website and so on. The only exception to this warning of anonymous actors is Bitcoin itself, which was created by Satoshi Nakamoto, who is still pseudonymous. Do your own research Don’t just believe random people on the internet, but do your own research on a project you are interested in. Read the whitepaper, read the posts on Medium, join official discussions on Telegram or Discord. Find out what you want to know. Are there "dark periods" in the roadmap? Regardless of how grand a project sounds and in which stages of development it is, a serious project should always have an up-to-date cohesive plan, clearly outlining all the stages of a project, including past and future objectives and milestones. If a road map seems shady or fuzzy, something’s probably amiss. Once again, make sure you do your research. Are the founders engaging with the community? We all know that project founders are usually very busy people. In turn, a passionate and engaged founder knows that authentic engagement with the people they serve is essential. Professional founders of reputable projects will make sure to keep the information flow going. If you can contact the founders directly via Telegram or another social channel, even better. Professional founders tune in at regular intervals to inform the community about the latest project developments, changes and so forth. In other words, they take valid community engagement seriously. If the founders keep themselves covered and there is no sign of them, there is probably a reason for this. Keep in mind that despite a project meeting all important criteria, unfortunately there is still no guarantee that it will be successful. However, being careful does make it a lot easier to avoid most of the shady ICOs built on hype and to recognise scams on time. By recognising scams before you fall for them, you are much more likely to invest into an ICO worth your time and investment. Watch this Bitpanda Academy lesson as videoWatch on YouTube New to Bitpanda? Get started today! Sign up here Are you ready to buy cryptocurrencies? Get started now - Marvin Neuefeind - Cryptocurrency: A Trader's Handbook: A Complete Guide On How To Trade Bitcoin And Altcoins - Stephen Satoshi - Cryptocurrency: FAQ - Answering 53 of Your Burning Questions about Bitcoin, Investing, Scams, ICOs and Trading - Mitchell Zuckoff - Ponzi’s Scheme: The True Story of a Financial Legend This article does not constitute investment advice, nor is it an offer or invitation to purchase any crypto assets. This article is for general purposes of information only and no representation or warranty, either expressed or implied, is made as to, and no reliance should be placed on, the fairness, accuracy, completeness or correctness of this article or opinions contained herein. Some statements contained in this article may be of future expectations that are based on our current views and assumptions and involve uncertainties that could cause actual results, performance or events which differ from those statements. None of the Bitpanda GmbH nor any of its affiliates, advisors or representatives shall have any liability whatsoever arising in connection with this article. Please note that an investment in crypto assets carries risks in addition to the opportunities described above.

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Monday, January 18th, an independent panel of experts concluded that Chinese officials could have applied public health measures more forcefully last January to curb the initial COVID-19 outbreak. Experts reviewing the global handling of the pandemic, led by former New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark and former Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, criticized the World Health Organization (WHO) for not declaring an international emergency for the COVID-19 outbreak until January 30, 2020, as explained by NBC News. Specifically, the panel questioned the WHO’s Emergency Committee, which didn’t gather until January 22, 2020. The WHO reportedly didn’t declare COVID-19 as an international emergency until its second meeting on January 30th. Different countries have been calling for the WHO’s review due to the grave unwinding of COVID-19 throughout this past year. Under President Trump, the U.S. accused the WHO of being “China-centric. ” In addition to this, European countries led by Germany and France have been pushing the WHO, to address their shortcomings on funding, governance, and legal powers. In conclusion, the panel ended up calling for a “global reset” and decided that they will be making recommendations in a final report to health ministers from the WHO’s member states in May. According to the report as explained by The India Express, “What is clear to the Panel is that public health measures could have been applied more forcefully by local and national health authorities in China in January,” referring to the initial outbreak of the disease in the city of Wuhan. The report continued to explain how despite the evidence of human to human transmission emerging, countries ignored this signal for far too long until it was too late. In more detail, the report continued to explain that “Although the term pandemic is neither used nor defined in the International Health Regulations 2005, its use does serve to focus attention on the gravity of a health event. It was not until 11 March that WHO used the term. ” Overall, they concluded that “The global pandemic alert system is not fit for purpose. The WHO has been underpowered to do the job. ” Considering how devastating the pandemic is today, a full year later, it can be easy to keep looking back at the past and wondering what could we have done differently. Although it is crucial to do so, in order to avoid making the same mistakes in the future, it is also important to accept the state of the world as it is today and work in the now rather than dread how the past turned out. This pandemic has the potential to bring our world together since, for the first time in years, all citizens of Earth are fighting against the same enemy: coronavirus. The intentions behind this panel’s meetings were to fix problems that came to the surface throughout the past year and how the pandemic was handled. It is clear that it could have been handled better, and with this kind of review, we can ensure that our world is better equipped next time. The virus was discovered in late 2019 before it managed to seep beyond China into different countries all over the world. Since then, the virus has infiltrated every countries’ borders and continued to “wreak global havoc, costing more than two million lives and eviscerating economies,” as expressed by Al Jazeera. Throughout the entire pandemic, the WHO has been a central figure leading the response efforts. The WHO is a specialized agency within the United Nations, governed by member states through the World Health Assembly. Their responsibilities include coordinating responses for emergencies, monitoring health risks, and promoting health. However, over the past year, the WHO has fallen under an increased amount of criticism and even had funding halted, as explained by the Global Observatory. There have been many different areas where their work has been critiqued, especially since their budget is so low. The World Health Organization is a major and influential aspect of our world, especially now with the pandemic in full swing for the past year. We have seen millions of lives lost, economies crumbling, and a whole new state of the world. The purpose of this panel meeting was to help ensure that the WHO is better equipped for the future. We were hit with the unexpected with COVID-19 and now that there has been a review, we can feel more secure with how the WHO will handle a situation like this in the future. In simpler terms, the best way to grow and learn is to analyze the past and learn from our mistakes. With this security in the future, our world will feel more at peace. - Three Protestors Killed In South Yemen - September 24, 2021 - Twitter’s Free Speech But India’s National Security - March 18, 2021 - São Paulo’s New Lockdown: COVID-19 Variant Devastates Brazil - March 10, 2021

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We should all observe good raptor viewing etiquette, not only during the nesting season, but also during migration and the winter months when many raptors will gather together in good hunting areas. SOAR is hearing reports of snowy owls visiting Iowa again this winter. Rough-legged hawks and saw-whet owls have returned to Iowa as well. Even though we do have pockets of northern harriers, short-eared owls, and long-eared owls in Iowa, many northern birds of these species spend the winter in Iowa. A snowy owl’s breeding territory is tundra. On the tundra, snowy owls will perch on “high” spots in the landscape (remember that landscape is very different from the lower 48) and sit motionless for hours. When snowy owls have migrated to the Midwest, the Great Lakes Region, or the coast of New England, these owls must conserve energy while here. Energy conservation is THE most important survival technique migrating birds’ use. During a snowy owl’s winter in Iowa, you can see them on fence posts, rock outcroppings, round bales, and even the ground. This behavior is normal. Our mere presence can alter an animal’s natural behavior. Always keep the mantra “do no harm” in mind whenever you unintentionally come upon wild animals doing their thing or when intentionally wanting to photograph an animal in their habitat. Do no harm. Prolonged exposure to humans at close range prevents all owls from relaxing and resting and gaining the much needed energy for hunting. These photos were taken from a vehicle with a telephoto lens to minimize disturbance. These photos have been cropped to focus on the owl. What can happen: If your presence causes that raptor (or any wild animal) to move and / or act in a way that animal would not if you weren’t there, you are too close. Birds will communicate with body language, including showing signs of stress! Here are a couple you might see in a wild bird: - Raised hackles (feathers on the top of head and back of the neck) - Droopy or outstretched wings, almost like they want to take off - Change in posture (i. e. was comfortably resting with one foot tucked, then suddenly puts that foot down and looks around) Remember that raptors are protected under the Migratory Bird Treaty Act and bald and golden eagles have additional protections under the Bald and Golden Eagle Protection Act. - Respect landowners and do not trespass. - If you see raptors on the ground, do not approach or feed. - USFWS mandates safe viewing of bald eagle nests of at least 330 ft away. Read up on viewing and photography ethics:

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“The notations of the Celtic year belong to the Christian period, old style. If there are any traces of Pagan times they are only such as are to be gathered from a few names and ceremonies. The four seasons are known as earrach, spring, samhradh, summer, fogharadh, harvest, and geamhradh, winter…. There can be no doubt the origins of the names belong to a period anterior to Christianity.” ~John Gregorson Campbell~Indeed earrach is derived from ear, meaning the head or front, also the east. Samhradh is from samh, the sun. Fogharadh is from fogh, meaning hospitality and abundance. Geamhradh is connected to geamhtach, meaning stiff, thick, binding, and thus sees tied-in with the idea of snow and ice. With the Scottish Quarter Days differing from the English Quarter Days, F. Marian McNeill concludes that “Scotland follows the ancient customs of the Celtic peoples, and England that of non-Celtic peoples of Europe.” The Scottish Quarter Days are as follows: FEBRUARY 2 – CANDLEMAS MAY 15 – WHITSUN or OLD BHEALLTAINN AUGUST 1 – LAMMAS NOVEMBER 11 – MARTINMAS, or OLD HALLOWMAS The ancient Celtic year started on the eve of November 1. Then in 527 C.E., this was changed and New Year’s Day was declared to be March 25. Almost a thousand years later this was changed again to January 1. In Scotland it wasn’t until 1600 that New Year’s Day was first celebrated on January 1. The PectiWita, in common with many Witches, still celebrate the start of the year at Samhuinn, though their Samhuinn is November 11 rather than November 1. The calendar, festivals, customs, and celebrations can become very complicated, especially when you start studying the changes that have taken place over the centuries. But the PectiWita celebrated only on those festivals/dates which were important to them. These were: SAMHUINN – NOVEMBER 11 YULE – DECEMBER 22 (Feill Fionnain) BEALLTAINN – MAY 15 MIDSUMMER – JULY 5 (Feill-Sheathain) I would like to point out here that there are rituals described for each of these festivals and celebrations, but do to the length and amount of space it would take, I have omitted them. I am sure the “Old Ones” would understand if you read about it and improvised. Make your own rituals. Be creative and keep them in mind. To read this rest of this article please click on this link: Scottish Festivals

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For more than a century, Claiborne Avenue served as a center of New Orleans’ Black economic and cultural life. Then, in the late 1960s, a federal infrastructure initiative brought the bustling street’s dominance to an abrupt end, with an elevated freeway replacing the oak trees and buildings that had once lined the avenue. “This was THE street,” Raynard Sanders, co-founder of the Claiborne Avenue History Project (CAHP), tells Rebecca Santana of the Associated Press (AP). “This is where everything happened. This is where African Americans were welcomed and wanted. ” Today, a provision in President Joe Biden’s infrastructure proposal is drawing attention to the historic street—and people like Sanders, who are working to document its history and plan for its future. Sanders, an education and community development specialist, and filmmaker Katherine Cecil created CAHP in 2014 to tell Claiborne Avenue’s story. Their project uses city records, old newspapers and other documents, as well as oral history interviews, to preserve Black life in a 22-block stretch of the street that runs through the Tremé neighborhood. The pair’s plan is to create an interactive website that allows visitors to click on street addresses and learn what once stood there. As Richard Campanella reports for NOLA. com, Claiborne Avenue got its start in the 1820s, when city planners were working to make room for the area’s growing population. Named after William C.C. Claiborne, the first elected governor of the State of Louisiana, its early population included free French-speaking Black Creoles, enslaved Black Americans, Haitian refugees and white Creoles. By the middle of the 20th century, CAHP explains, the avenue was the central street of the city’s Black neighborhoods, connecting uptown to downtown. It held theaters and bars where iconic New Orleans musicians performed and hosted celebrations like Black Mardi Gras. As a mixed-use street, Claiborne was also home to residences, shops and enormous oak trees. Per NOLA, when the Federal Highway Act of 1956 earmarked billions of dollars for interstates across the country, New Orleans officials advanced two projects proposed by planning official Robert Moses. One targeted the French Quarter, then a mostly white neighborhood that was already famous as a historic part of the city. The other focused on Claiborne Avenue. While well-connected local boosters managed to block the French Quarter plan, many in the Tremé neighborhood weren’t even aware of the plan for Claiborne, as no public hearing process existed yet, and officials didn’t bother consulting with local residents. “There were no discussions about it or anything like [that], and they just showed up and started tearing up oak trees in 1966,” Sanders tells Paul Dudley of WWL-TV. According to the Congress for the New Urbanism, construction of the Interstate 10 Claiborne Expressway led to the destruction of 500 homes. It divided local neighborhoods, causing a drop in activity in the business district and a declining quality of life. “[S]teel reinforcing rods now occupy the spaces where the roots of live oaks once spread, concrete pillars replaced their trunks, and the shadow of the interstate highway now towers above the neutral ground where generations of families used to walk to work, interact, picnic, and socialize,” notes CAHP on its website. The Claiborne Expressway was just one of many projects carried out under the Federal-Aid Highway Act, which routed interstates through Black and Latino communities across the country, as Noel King reports for NPR. In some cases, the government seized homes that were in its way by eminent domain. Deborah Archer, a legal scholar at New York University, tells NPR that the projects arrived just as courts were declaring many segregation schemes illegal. Highways could physically enforce the same racial divisions. “Sometimes community members asked the highway builders to create a barrier between their community and encroaching Black communities,” Archer says. Biden’s American Jobs Plan, announced March 31, includes funding to reconnect neighborhoods divided by previous transportation initiatives, specifically calling out the Claiborne Expressway. WWL-TV reports that New Orleans has investigated potential projects to reduce the expressway’s impact since the 1970s, including removing some off-ramps or taking down the expressway and diverting traffic. But the ideas are expensive, and so far, they haven’t gained much traction. Sanders says he hopes such a plan will still move forward. As he tells WWL-TV, “We would just hope that, from the Claiborne History Project’s perspective, that something significant is done to address all of the damage that has been done to this community. ”

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Commonly referred to as a “pinched nerve,” cervical radiculopathy refers to damage or irritation of the nerve roots that exit the cervical spine. At each vertebral level in the neck, a nerve exits the spinal cord and travels to the skin and muscles of the arms. Nerves are responsible for three functions: pain, sensation, and strength. Pain is usually the first sign of nerve irritation and can be felt in many different ways. Pain can be deep, dull, and achy or sharp and shooting along the affected nerve. Sensations tend to occur first as “pins and needles” or tingling and may progress to numbness. You may have changes in muscle groups and strength. Because the nerves are responsible for pain, sensation, and strength, compression of a nerve could result in pain, sensation changes, or weakness in different areas of your arms. A variety of things can cause a pinched nerve. A couple of common reasons people get pinched nerves are disc herniation or bone spurs. Disc herniation occurs when the central material inside a vertebral disc squeezes through a tear in the annulus (or outer ring). Bone spurs reduce the amount of space available for the nerve root to live, causing irritation to the nerve. In many cases, treatment for a pinched nerve can be achieved at home. These conservative methods can help alleviate pain and restore function to the affected area. Some people need more advanced treatments. Your Ogden Clinic spine doctor might suggest injections of steroid medicine in the area where a disk is herniated. Additionally, some people might benefit from surgery. During a surgical procedure called a discectomy, wherein the surgeon removes all or part of the disc that is pressing on a nerve root. Along with this procedure, the surgeon may need to remove parts of some vertebrae or fuse vertebrae together. If you suspect a pinched nerve or experience changes in the strength or sensation of your upper body, contact our office for a consultation with one of our northern Utah spine specialists.

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posted by Anonymous . Diane works at a public university. She contributes $625 at the end of each month to her retirement fund. For the past 10 years, this fund has returned 3. 84% a year, compounded monthly. a. Assuming the 3. 84% rate continues, how much will she have in her retirement account after 15 years? b. Assume the economy has gotten better and that the fund now has a return of 7. 72% compounded monthly. Since Diane’s salary has risen over the first 15 years, she can now contribute $1000 per month. At the end of the next 15 years, how much is her account worth? Calculate the present value of the investments using the compound interest formula over the past 10 years, or n=120 periods (t) at interest rate of i=0. 0384/12=0. 0032 per period. The monthly payment P=$625 per period, and therefore PV = present value FV = (i. e. future value from 10 years ago) =P((1+i)^(n-1)) / (i) . . . . . . (1) =P(1. 0032^(120-1)) / (0. 0032) = $285657. 30 (after 10 years) Use equation (1) to calculate how much the accumulated amount after 15 years. (b) Split the investment into two parts, the old and the new. The future value FV from the previous investment can be calculated using the compound interest formula where PV=present value calculated above, n=12*15years=180 i=7. 72% p. a. (need to convert to per month) Then there is the new savings of 1000$ per month. Using the same parameters of n, i, and monthly payment of $1000, apply to equation (1) to get the amount of the new investment after 15 years. Add the values of the old and the new investments to get the total.

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In the paper, a research on effects of baking temperature on chromite sand base of moulding sands bonded with sodium silicate is presented. Pure chromite sand and its chromite-based moulding sand prepared with use of sodium silicate were subjected to heating within 100 to 1200 °C. After cooling-down, changes of base grains under thermal action were determined. Chromite moulding sand was prepared with use of 0. 5 wt% of domestic made, unmodified sodium silicate (water-glass) grade 145. After baking at elevated temperatures, creation of rough layer was observed on grain surfaces, of both pure chromite sand and that used as base of a moulding sand. Changes of sand grains were evaluated by scanning microscopy and EDS analyses. It was found that changes on grain surfaces are of laminar nature. The observed layer is composed of iron oxide (II) that is one of main structural components of chromite sand. In order to identify changes in internal structure of chromite sand grains, polished sections were prepared of moulding sand hardened with microwaves and baked at elevated temperatures. Microscopic observations revealed changes in grains structure in form of characteristically crystallised acicular particles with limited magnesium content, intersecting at various angles. EDS analysis showed that these particles are composed mostly of chromium oxide (III) and iron oxide (II). The temperature above that the a. m. changes are observed in both chromite-based moulding sand and in pure chromite sand. The observed phenomena were linked with hardness values and mass of this sand. Railway buffers during the operation are staying in almost permanent contact with each other, creating friction node in the point of contact of two railway buffer heads. In consequence of overcoming track curves, turnouts and unevenness of track, the railway buffer heads moves relative to each other causing friction, which results in its wear. When the wear is excessive, it might be a reason to withdrawn vehicle from service, it causes flattening of buffer head, and in consequence its abnormal cooperation. To avoid this phenomenon the buffer heads should be covered with graphitized grease, but this method has many disadvantages. Accordingly, it was found that it would be beneficial to cover the buffer head with bronze using laser cladding. In this article the metallographic and mechanical analysis of the newly created top layer of railway buffer head are presented. In article the results from tribological tests conducted on Amsler test bench are also presented. Based on test results described in article concluded that the layer of bronze coat on working surface of railway buffer head can be beneficial from operational point of view. The aim of research was creation of a furnace for aluminum alloys smelting “in a liquid bath” in order to reduce metal loss. In the paper, the author demonstrates the results of research on smelting of aluminum alloys in a shaft-reverberatory furnace designed by the author. It has been shown that smelting aluminum alloy in a liquid bath was able to significantly reduce aluminum loss and that shaft-reverberatory design provided high efficiency and productivity along with lower energy costs. Ensuring continuous operation of the liquid bath and superheating chamber, which tapped alloy with the required texture, was achieved by means of the optimal design of partition between them. The optimum section of the connecting channels between the liquid bath of smelting and the superheating chamber has been theoretically substantiated and experimentally confirmed. The author proposed a workable shaft-reverberatory furnace for aluminum alloys smelting, providing solid charge melting in a liquid bath. The paper presents the research results of horizontal continuous casting of ingots of aluminium alloy containing 2% wt. silicon (AlSi2). Together with the casting velocity (velocity of ingot movement) we considered the influence of electromagnetic stirring in the area of the continuous casting mould on refinement of the ingot’s primary structure and their selected mechanical properties, i. e. tensile strength, yield strength, hardness and elongation. The effect of primary structure refinement and mechanical properties obtained by electromagnetic stirring was compared with refinement obtained by using traditional inoculation, which consists in introducing additives, i. e. Ti, B and Sr, to the metal bath. On the basis of the obtained results we confirmed that inoculation done by electromagnetic stirring in the range of the continuous casting mould guarantees improved mechanical properties and also decreases the negative influence of casting velocity, thus increasing the structure of AlSi2 continuous ingots. The article deals with ultrasonic testing possibilities of the copper alloy centrifugal casts. It focused on the problems that arise when testing of castings is made of non-ferrous materials. Most common types of casting defects is dedicated in theoretical introduction of article. Ultrasonic testing technique by conventional ultrasound system is described in the theoretical part too. Practical ultrasonic testing of centrifugal copper alloy cast - brass is in experimental part. The experimental sample was part of centrifugally cast brass ring with dimensions of Ø1200x34 mm. The influence of microstructure on ultrasonic attenuation and limitations in testing due to attenuation is describes in experimental part. Conventional direct single element contact ultrasound probe with frequencies of 5 MHz, 3. 5 MHz and 2 MHz were used for all experimental measurements. The results of experimental part of article are recommendations for selecting equipment and accessories for casting testing made of non-ferrous metals. Within the research, selected multilayer technological systems created as combinations of water-glass containing moulding sand with foundry tooling, were characterised on the grounds of their electrical properties. By measuring resonance frequency and quality factor of a waveguide resonance cavity, real component of permittivity εr′ and loss tangent tgδ were determined for multilayer foundry systems with various qualitative and quantitative compositions. It was demonstrated that combination of a sandmix and foundry tooling with known dielectric properties results in a system with different physico-chemical properties, whose relation to the parameters of individual components of the system is undefined at this research stage. On the grounds of measurement results, theoretical value of microwave heating power, dissipated in unit volume of the selected multilayer foundry system, was determined. Knowledge of theoretical heating power and evaluation of physical, chemical and structural changes occurring in moulding sands exposed to microwaves in such a technological system makes a ground for empirical modelling of the process of microwave heating of foundry moulds and cores. The rebuilding technologies are used to develop surface of ladle. Among many welding methods currently used to obtain surface layer without defects one of the most effective way of rebuilding is using metal arc welding. This additional material gives more possibilities to make expected quality of rebuild surface. Chemical composition, property and economic factors allow to use metal wire. Because of these reasons, solid wire gives opportunity to be wildly used as material to rebuild or repair the surface in different sectors of industry. The paper shows a few ways to rebuild the surface in the massive cast with the use of metal active gas welding for repair. The work presents studies of defect in the massive cast. It contains the pictures of microstructures and defects. The method of removing defects and the results of checking by visual and penetrant testing methods are shown. The paper describes the methodology of repair the ladle with metal active gas welding, preheating process and standards nondestructive testing method. The paper deals with the impact of technological parameters on the heat transfer coefficient and microstructure in AlSi12 alloy using squeeze casting technology. The casting with crystallization under pressure was used, specifically direct squeeze casting method. The goal was to affect crystallization by pressure with a value 100 and 150 MPa. The pressure applied to the melt causes a significant increase of the coefficient of heat transfer between the melt and the mold. There is an increase in heat flow by approximately 50% and the heat transfer coefficient of up to 100-fold, depending on the casting conditions. The change in cooling rate influences the morphology of the silicon particles and intermetallic phases. A change of excluded needles to a rod-shaped geometry with significantly shorter length occurs when used gravity casting method. By using the pressure of 150 MPa during the crystallization process, in the structure can be observed an irregular silica particles, but the size does not exceed 25 microns. The paper presents the production problems related to casting using precision casting methods. The essential adverse effect of the casting process is the presence of burrs understood as oversize material necessary to remove the next finishing operations. In addition, the surfaces of the cast often characterized by a porous structure. One of the methods to improve the smoothness of the area proposed by the authors is the use of vibro-abrasive finishing. This type of treatment is widely used in the treatment of finishing small objects as well as complex shapes. Objects in the form of casting in the first step was treated with aggressive deburring polyester matrix abrasive media. The second stage was polishing, with using smoothing porcelain media. The study evaluated the effect of vibro-abrasive machining typical cast on the basic parameters of the geometric structure of the surface. Observations using optical microscope Nicon Eclipse MA 200 compared changes in surface microstructure and the effect of deburring. Clearly we can say that vibro-abrasive machining an effective way of reducing the size of burrs, smoothing and lightening the surface of objects made by casting. It is well-known that the better the control of the liquid aluminium allows obtaining of better properties. One of the most important defects that is held responsible for lower properties has been the presence of porosity. Porosity has always been associated with the amount of dissolved hydrogen in the liquid. However, it was shown that hydrogen was not the major source but only a contributor the porosity. The most important defect that causes porosity is the presence of bifilms. These defects are surface entrained mainly due to turbulence and uncontrolled melt transfer. In this work, a cylindrical mould was designed (Ø30 x 300 mm) both from sand and die. Moulds were produced both from sand and die. Water cooled copper chill was placed at the bottom of the mould in order to generate a directional solidification. After the melt was prepared, prior to casting of the DC cast samples, reduced pressure test sample was taken to measure the melt quality (i. e. bifilm index). The cast parts were then sectioned into regions and longitudinal and transverse areas were investigated metallographically. Pore size, shape and distribution was measured by image analysis. The formation of porosity was evaluated by means of bifilm content, size and distribution in A356 alloy. The article presents crystallization process of silicon molybdenum ductile cast iron (SiMo). The alloy with 5% silicon content and with variable amounts of Mo in a range of 0-1% was chosen for the research. The carbon content in the analysed alloys did not exceed 3,1%. The studies of crystallization process were based on thermal – derivative analysis (TDA). Chemical composition of all examined samples was analysed with the use of LECO spectrometer. Additionally, the carbon and the sulphur content was determined basing on carbon and sulphur LECO analyser. For metallographic examination, the scanning electron microscopy (SEM) with EDS analyser was used. Disclosed phases have been also tested with the use of X-ray diffraction. The results allowed the description of crystallization processes of silicon molybdenum ductile cast iron using thermal – derivative analysis (TDA). Conducted studies did not allow for the clear identification of all complex phases containing molybdenum, occurring at the grain boundaries. Therefore, the further stages of the research could include the use of a transmission electron microscope to specify the description of complex compounds present in the alloy. Wear resistance of TiC-cast steel metal matrix composite has been investigated. Composites were obtained with SHSB method known as SHS synthesis during casting. It has been shown the differences in wear between composite and base cast steel. The Miller slurry machine test were used to determine wear loss of the specimens. The slurry was composed of SiC and water. The worn surface of specimens after test, were studied by SEM. Experimental observation has shown that surface of composite zone is not homogenous and consist the matrix lakes. Microscopic observations revealed the long grooves with SiC particles indented in the base alloy area, and spalling pits in the composite area. Due to the presence of TiC carbides on composite layer, specimens with TiC reinforced cast steel exhibited higher abrasion resistance. The wear of TiC reinforced cast steel mechanism was initially by wearing of soft matrix and in second stage by polishing and spalling of TiC. Summary weight loss after 16hr test was 0,14÷0,23 g for composite specimens and 0,90 g for base steel The paper presents an analysis of the effect of shape of primary silicon crystals on the sizes of stresses and deformations in a surface layer of A390. 0 alloy by Finite Elements Method (FEM). Analysis of stereological characteristics of the studied alloy, performed based on a quantitative metallographic analysis in combination with a statistical analysis, was used for this purpose. The presented simulation tests showed not only the deposition depth of maximum stresses and strains, but also allowed for determining the aforementioned values depending on the shape of the silicon crystals. The studied material is intended for pistons of internal combustion engines, therefore the analysis of the surface layer corresponded to conditions during friction in a piston-cylinder system of an internal combustion engine having power of up to 100 kW. The obtained results showed important differences in the values of stresses and strains up to 15% between various shape of the silicon crystals. Crystals with sharp edges caused higher stresses and deformation locally than those with rounded shapes. This paper focuses on mechanical properties of self hardening moulding sands with furfuryl and alkyd binders. Elasticity as a new parameter of moulding sands is investigated. With the use of presented testing equipment, it is possible to determine force kinetics and deformation of moulding sand in real time. The need for this kind of study comes from the modern casting industry. New foundries can be characterized with high intensity of production which is correlated with high level of mechanization and automatization of foundry processes. The increasingly common use of manipulators in production of moulds and cores can lead to generation of new types of flaws, caused by breakage in moulds and cores which could occur during mould assembly. Hence it is required that moulds and cores have high resistance to those kinds of factors, attributing it with the phenomenon of elasticity. The article describes the theoretical basis of this property, presents methods of measuring and continues earlier research. This paper deals with computer modelling of the retention of a synthetic diamond particle in a metallic matrix produced by powder metallurgy. The analyzed sintered powders can be used as matrices for diamond impregnated tools. First, the behaviour of sintered cobalt powder was analyzed. The model of a diamond particle embedded in a metallic matrix was created using Abaqus software. The preliminary analysis was performed to determine the mechanical parameters that are independent of the shape of the crystal. The calculation results were compared with the experimental data. Next, sintered specimens obtained from two commercially available powder mixtures were studied. The aim of the investigations was to determine the influence of the mechanical and thermal parameters of the matrix materials on their retentive properties. The analysis indicated the mechanical parameters that are responsible for the retention of diamond particles in a matrix. These mechanical variables have been: the elastic energy of particle, the elastic energy of matrix and the radius of plastic zone around particle. Paper presents the results of ATD and DSC analysis of two superalloys used in casting of aircraft engine parts. The main aim of the research was to obtain the solidification parameters, especially Tsol and Tliq, knowledge of which is important for proper selection of casting and heat treatment parameters. Assessment of the metallurgical quality (presence of impurities) of the feed ingots is also a very important step in production of castings. It was found that some of the feed ingots delivered by the superalloy producers are contaminated by oxides located in shrinkage defects. The ATD analysis allows for quite precise interpretation of first stages of solidification at which solid phases with low values of latent heat of solidification are formed from the liquid. Using DSC analysis it is possible to measure precisely the heat values accompanying the phase changes during cooling and heating which, with knowledge of phase composition, permits to calculate the enthalpy of formation of specific phases like γ or γ′. In order for the working status of the aluminum alloyed hydraulic valve body to be controlled in actual conditions, a new friction and wear design device was designed for the cast iron and aluminum alloyed valve bodies comparison under the same conditions. The results displayed that: (1) The oil leakage of the aluminum alloyed hydraulic valve body was higher than the corresponding oil leakage of the iron body during the initial running stage. Besides during a later running stage, the oil leakage of the aluminum alloyed body was lower than corresponding oil leakage of the iron body; (2) The actual oil leakage of different materials consisted of two parts: the foundation leakage that was the leakage of the valve without wear and wear leakage that was caused by the worn valve body; (3) The aluminum alloyed valve could rely on the dust filling furrow and melting mechanism that led the body surface to retain dynamic balance, resulting in the valve leakage preservation at a low level. The aluminum alloy modified valve body can meet the requirements of hydraulic leakage under pressure, possibly constituting this alloy suitable for hydraulic valve body manufacturing. The results of investigations of the rheological properties of typical ceramic slurries used in the investment casting technology – the lost wax technology are presented in the paper. Flow curves in the wide range of shear velocity were made. Moreover, viscosity of ceramic slurries depending on shearing stresses was specified. Tests were performed under conditions of three different temperatures 25, 30 and 35oC, which are typical and important in the viewpoint of making ceramic slurries in the investment casting technology. In the light of the performed investigations can be said that the belonging in group of Newtonian or Non – Newtonian fluid is dependent on content of solid phase (addition of aluminum oxide) in the whole composition of liquid ceramic slurries. Defects affect the properties and behavior of the casting during its service life. Since the defects can occur due to different reasons, they must be correctly identified and categorized, to enable applying the appropriate remedial measures. several different approaches for categorizing casting defects have been proposed in technical literature. They mainly rely on physical description, location, and formation of defects. There is a need for a systematic approach for classifying investment casting defects, considering appropriate attributes such as their size, location, identification stage, inspection method, consistency, appearance of defects. A systematic approach for categorization of investment casting defects considering multiple attributes: detection stage, size, shape, appearance, location, consistency and severity of occurrence. Information about the relevant attributes of major defects encountered in investment casting process has been collected from an industrial foundry. This has been implemented in a cloud-based system to make the system freely and widely accessible. The results of researches of sorption processes of surface layers of components of sand moulds covered by protective coatings are presented in the hereby paper. Investigations comprised various types of sand grains of moulding sands with furan resin: silica sand, reclaimed sand and calcined in temperature of 700oC silica sand. Two kinds of alcoholic protective coatings were used – zirconium and zirconium – graphite. Tests were performed under condition of a constant temperature within the range 30 – 35oC and high relative air humidity 75 - 80%. To analyze the role of sand grains in sorption processes quantitavie moisture sorption with use of gravimetric method and ultrasonic method were used in measurements. The tendency to moisture sorption of surface layers of sand moulds according to the different kinds of sand grains was specified. The effectiveness of protective action of coatings from moisture sorption was analyzed as well. Knowledge of the role of sand grains from the viewpoint of capacity for moisture sorption is important due to the surface casting defects occurrence. In particular, that are defects of a gaseous origin caused by too high moisture content of moulds, especially in surface layers. The article presents chosen aspects of foundry engineering of the settlement dwellers, including the archaeometric characteristics and metal science analysis of the artefacts, as well as an attempted reconstruction of the production organization. Discovered in Szczepidło (Greater Poland), the foundry workshop is unique in Central European Bronze Age. This workshop foundry operated roughly XIV-XII Century BC. Its production is evidenced by the presence of markers of the whole production cycle: semi-finished and finished products, production waste, fragments of crucibles and casting ladles with traces of usage, and tools. On this basis, the alloys and foundry technologies used have been described. The analysis of foundry technology of copper alloys in the settlement area was carried out by observing the surface and structure of the products, semi-finished artefacts and fragments of crucibles by applying optical microscopy (OM), confocal microscopy (CLSM) and Xray radiography (RT). The investigations of compositions were made by means of the energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (ED-XRF) and scanning electron microscopy (SEM) coupled with an energy dispersive X-ray analysis system (EDS). Measurements of the hardening process of the selected self-setting sands are presented in the hereby paper. Moulding sands were prepared on the matrix of „Szczakowa” sand of the Sibelco Company. Two resins: phenol-formaldehyde-furfuryl (FF/AF) and urea-formaldehydefurfuryl (MF/AF) were used for making moulding sands. – Methylbenzene-sulphonic acid was applied as a hardener for the moulding sand on FF/AF resin, while paratoluene-sulphonic acid for the moulding sand on MF/AF resin. Both hardeners were used in two concentrations: low – the so-called ‘slow’ hardener and high - ‘fast’ hardener. During investigations, the courses of the hardening process were determined, more accurately changes of the velocity of the ultrasound wave passage through the moulding sand cL = f(t) and changes of the moulding sand hardening degree versus time, Sx = f(t). In addition, the kinetics of the hardening process was determined. Measurements were performed on the research stand for ultrasound investigations. High-tin bronzes are used for church bells and concert bells (carillons). Therefore, beside their decorative value, they should also offer other functional properties, including their permanence and good quality of sound. The latter is highly influenced by the structure of bell material, i. e. mostly by the presence of internal porosity which interferes with vibration of the bell waist and rim, and therefore should be eliminated. The presented investigations concerning the influence of tin content ranging from 20 to 24 wt% on mechanical properties of high-tin bronzes allowed to prove the increase in hardness of these alloys with simultaneous decrease in the tensile and the impact strengths (Rm and KV, respectively) for the increased tin content. Fractures of examined specimens, their porosity and microstructures were also assessed to explain the observed regularities. A reason of the change in the values of mechanical properties was revealed to be the change in the shape of α-phase crystals from dendritic to acicular one, and generation of grain structure related to the increased Sn content in the alloy. An innovative method for determining the structural zones in the large static steel ingots has been described. It is based on the mathematical interpretation of some functions obtained due to simulation of temperature field and thermal gradient field for solidifying massive ingot. The method is associated with the extrema of an analyzed function and with its points of inflection. Particularly, the CET transformation is predicted as a time-consuming transition from the columnar- into equiaxed structure. The equations dealing with heat transfer balance for the continuous casting are presented and used for the simulation of temperature field in the solidifying virtual static brass ingot. The developed method for the prediction of structural zones formation is applied to determine these zones in the solidifying brass static ingot. Some differences / similarities between structure formation during solidification of the steel static ingot and virtual brass static ingot are studied. The developed method allows to predict the following structural zones: fine columnar grains zone, (FC), columnar grains zone, (C), equiaxed grains zone, (E). The FCCT-transformation and CET-transformation are forecast as sharp transitions of the analyzed structures. Similarities between steel static ingot morphology and that predicted for the virtual brass static ingot are described. This study characterizes the bronze jewellery recovered from the Lusatian culture urn-field in Mała Kępa (Chełmno land, Poland). Among many common ornaments (e. g. necklaces, rings, pins) the ones giving evidence of a steppe-styled inspiration (nail earrings) were also identified. With the dendritic microstructures revealed, the nail earrings prove the implementing of a lost-wax casting method, whereas some of the castings were further subjected to metalworking. The elemental composition indicates the application of two main types of bronze alloys: Cu-Sn and Cu-Sn-Pb. It has been established that the Lusatian metalworkers were familiar with re-melting the scrap bronze and made themselves capable of roasting the sulphide-rich ores. The collection from Mała Kępa has been described in terms of its structure and composition. The investigations were made by means of the energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (ED-XRF), scanning electron microscopy (SEM) coupled with an energy dispersive X - ray analysis system (EDS) and optical microscopy (OM). In order to fingerprint an alloy profile of the castings with a special emphasis on the nail earrings, the data-set (ED-XRF, EDS) was statistically evaluated using multidimensional analyses (FA, DA).

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(PhysOrg. com) -- "In 1981, a 37-year-old factory worker named Kenji Urada entered a restricted safety zone at a Kawasaki manufacturing plant to perform some maintenance on a robot. In his haste, he failed to completely turn it off. The robot’s powerful hydraulic arm pushed the engineer into some adjacent machinery, thus making Urada the first recorded victim to die at the hands of a robot. " In situations like this one, as described in a recent study published in the International Journal of Social Robotics, most people would not consider the accident to be the fault of the robot. But as robots are beginning to spread from industrial environments to the real world, human safety in the presence of robots has become an important social and technological issue. Currently, countries like Japan and South Korea are preparing for the “human-robot coexistence society,” which is predicted to emerge before 2030; South Korea predicts that every home in its country will include a robot by 2020. Unlike industrial robots that toil in structured settings performing repetitive tasks, these “Next Generation Robots” will have relative autonomy, working in ambiguous human-centered environments, such as nursing homes and offices. Before hordes of these robots hit the ground running, regulators are trying to figure out how to address the safety and legal issues that are expected to occur when an entity that is definitely not human but more than machine begins to infiltrate our everyday lives. In their study, authors Yueh-Hsuan Weng, a former staff of Taiwan’s Conscription Agency, Ministry of the Interior, and currently visiting at Yoshida, Kyoto, Japan, along with Chien-Hsun Chen and Chuen-Tsai Sun, both of the National Chiao Tung University in Hsinchu, Taiwan, have proposed a framework for a legal system focused on Next Generation Robot safety issues. Their goal is to help ensure safer robot design through “safety intelligence” and provide a method for dealing with accidents when they do inevitably occur. The authors have also analyzed Isaac Asimov’s Three Laws of Robotics, but (like most robotics specialists today) they doubt that the laws could provide an adequate foundation for ensuring that robots perform their work safely. One guiding principle of the proposed framework is categorizing robots as “third existence” entities, since Next Generation Robots are considered to be neither living/biological (first existence) or non-living/non-biological (second existence). A third existence entity will resemble living things in appearance and behavior, but will not be self-aware. While robots are currently legally classified as second existence (human property), the authors believe that a third existence classification would simplify dealing with accidents in terms of responsibility distribution. One important challenge involved in integrating robots into human society deals with “open texture risk” - risk occurring from unpredictable interactions in unstructured environments. An example of open texture risk is getting robots to understand the nuances of natural (human) language. While every word in natural language has a core definition, the open texture character of language allows for interpretations that vary due to outside factors. As part of their safety intelligence concept, the authors have proposed a “legal machine language,” in which ethics are embedded into robots through code, which is designed to resolve issues associated with open texture risk - something which Asimov’s Three Laws cannot specifically address. “During the past 2,000 years of legal history, we humans have used human legal language to communicate in legal affairs,” Weng told PhysOrg. com. “The rules and codes are made by natural language (for example, English, Chinese, Japanese, French, etc. ). When Asimov invented the notion of the Three Laws of Robotics, it was easy for him to apply the human legal language into his sci-fi plots directly. ” As Chen added, Asimov’s Three Laws were originally made for literary purposes, but the ambiguity in the laws makes the responsibilities of robots’ developers, robots’ owners, and governments unclear. “The legal machine language framework stands on legal and engineering perspectives of safety issues, which we face in the near future, by combining two basic ideas: ‘Code is Law’ and ‘Embedded Ethics,’” Chen said. “In this framework, the safety issues are not only based on the autonomous intelligence of robots as it is in Asimov’s Three Laws. Rather, the safety issues are divided into different levels with individual properties and approaches, such as the embedded safety intelligence of robots, the manners of operation between robots and humans, and the legal regulations to control the usage and the code of robots. Therefore, the safety issues of robots could be solved step by step in this framework in the future. ” Weng also noted that, by preventing robots from understanding human language, legal machine language could help maintain a distance between humans and robots in general. “If robots could interpret human legal language exactly someday, should we consider giving them a legal status and rights? ” he said. “Should the human legal system change into a human-robot legal system? There might be a robot lawyer, robot judge working with a human lawyer, or a human judge to deal with the lawsuits happening inter-human-robot. Robots might learn the kindness of humans, but they also might learn deceit, hypocrisy, and greed from humans. There are too many problems waiting for us; therefore we must consider if it is a better to let the robots keep a distance from the human legal system and not be too close to humans. ” In addition to using machine language to keep a distance between humans and robots, the researchers also consider limiting the abilities of robots in general. Another part of the authors’ proposal concerns “human-based intelligence robots,” which are robots with higher cognitive abilities that allow for abstract thought and for new ways of looking at one’s environment. However, since a universally accepted definition of human intelligence does not yet exist, there is little agreement on a definition for human-based intelligence. Nevertheless, most robotics researchers predict that human-based intelligence will inevitably become a reality following breakthroughs in computational artificial intelligence (in which robots learn and adapt to their environments in the absence of explicitly programmed rules). However, a growing number of researchers - as well as the authors of the current study - are leaning toward prohibiting human-based intelligence due to the potential problems and lack of need; after all, the original goal of robotics was to invent useful tools for human use, not to design pseudo-humans. In their study, the authors also highlight previous attempts to prepare for a human-robot coexistence society. For example, the European Robotics Research Network (EURON) is a private organization whose activities include investigating robot ethics, such as with its Roboethics Roadmap. The South Korean government has developed a Robot Ethics Charter, which serves as the world’s first official set of ethical guidelines for robots, including protecting them from human abuse. Similarly, the Japanese government investigates safety issues with its Robot Policy Committee. In 2003, Japan also established the Robot Development Empiricism Area, a “robot city” designed to allow researchers to test how robots act in realistic environments. Despite these investigations into robot safety, regulators still face many challenges, both technical and social. For instance, on the technical side, should robots be programmed with safety rules, or should they be created with the ability for safety-oriented reasoning? Should robot ethics be based on human-centered value systems, or a combination of human-centered value systems with the robot’s own value system? Or, legally, when a robot accident does occur, how should the responsibility be divided (for example, among the designer, manufacturer, user, or even the robot itself)? Weng also indicated that, as robots become more integrated into human society, the importance of a legal framework for social robotics will become more obvious. He predicted that determining how to maintain a balance between human-robot interaction (robot technology development) and social system design (a legal regulation framework) will present the biggest challenges in safety when the human-robot coexistence society emerges. “Toward the Human-Robot Co-Existence Society: On Safety Intelligence for Next Generation Robots.” Yueh-Hsuan Weng, Chien-Hsun Chen, and Chuen-Tsai Sun. International Journal of Social Robotics. DOI 10. 1007/s12369-009-0019-1. Copyright 2009 PhysOrg. com. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed in whole or part without the express written permission of PhysOrg. com. Explore further: Posture affects infants' capacity to identify objects, study finds

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The History of the Knights Templar, by Charles G. Addison, , at sacred-texts. com The Knights Templars, TEMPLE CHURCH, AND THE TEMPLE. BY CHARLES G. ADDISON, ESQ. OF THE INNER TEMPLE. Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans; London Scanned, proofed, and formatted at sacred-texts. com, May, 2006, by John Bruno Hare. This text is in the public domain in the United States because it was published prior to 1923. MASTERS OF THE BENCH OF THE HONOURABLE SOCIETIES Inner and Middle Temple The Antient Church of the Knights Templars The History of the Knights Templar, by Charles G. Addison, , at sacred-texts. com THE extraordinary and romantic career of the Knights Templars, their exploits and their misfortunes, render their history a subject of peculiar interest. Born during the first fervour of the Crusades, they were flattered and aggrandized as long as their great military power and religious fanaticism could be made available for the support of the Eastern church and the retention of the Holy Land, but when the crescent had ultimately triumphed over the cross, and the religio-military enthusiasm of Christendom had died away, they encountered the basest ingratitude in return for the services they had rendered to the christian faith, and were plundered, persecuted, and condemned to a cruel death, by those who ought in justice to have been their defenders and supporters. The memory of these holy warriors is embalmed in all our recollections of the wars of the cross; they were the bulwarks of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem during the short period of its existence, and were the last band of Europe’s host that contended for the possession of Palestine. To the vows of the monk and the austere life of the convent, the Templars added the discipline of the camp, and the stern duties of the military life, joining With the gross aims, and body-bending toil Of a poor brotherhood, who walk the earth The vulgar notion that the Templars were as wicked as they were fearless and brave, has not yet been entirely exploded; but it is hoped that the copious account of the proceedings against the order in this country, given in the ninth and tenth chapters of the ensuing volume, will tend to dispel many unfounded prejudices still entertained against the fraternity, and excite emotions of admiration for their constancy and courage, and of pity for their unmerited and cruel fate. Matthew Paris, who wrote at St. Albans, concerning events in Palestine, tells us that the emulation between the Templars and Hospitaliers frequently broke out into open warfare to the great scandal and prejudice of Christendom, and that, in a pitched battle fought between them, the Templars were slain to a man. The solitary testimony of Matthew Paris, who was no friend to the two orders, is invalidated by the silence of contemporary historians, who wrote on the spot; and it is quite evident from the letters of the pope, addressed to the Hospitaliers, the year after the date of the alleged battle, that such an occurrence never could have taken place. The accounts, even of the best of the antient writers, should not be adopted without examination, and a careful comparison with other sources of information. William of Tyre, for instance, tells us that Nassr-ed-deen, son of sultan Abbas, was taken prisoner by the Templars, and whilst in their hands became a convert to the Christian religion; that he had learned the rudiments of the Latin language, and earnestly sought to be baptized, but that the Templars were bribed with sixty thousand pieces of gold to surrender him to his enemies in Egypt, where certain death awaited him; and that they stood by to see him bound hand and foot with chains, and placed in an iron cage, to be conducted across the desert to Cairo. Now the Arabian historians of that period tell us that Nassr-ed-deen and his father murdered the caliph and threw his body into a well, and then fled with their retainers and treasure into Palestine; that the sister of the murdered caliph wrote immediately to the commandant at Gaza, which place was garrisoned by the Knights Templars, offering a handsome reward for the capture of the fugitives; that they were accordingly intercepted, and Nassr-ed-deen was sent to Cairo, where the female relations of the caliph caused his body to be cut into small pieces in the seraglio. The above act has constantly been made a matter of grave accusation against the Templars; but what a different complexion does the case assume on the testimony of the Arabian authorities! It must be remembered that William archbishop of Tyre was hostile to the order on account of its vast powers and privileges, and carried his complaints to a general council of the church at Rome. He is abandoned, in everything that he says to the prejudice of the fraternity, by James of Vitry, bishop of Acre, a learned and most talented prelate, who wrote in Palestine subsequently to William of Tyre, and has copied largely from the history of the latter. The bishop of Acre speaks of the Templars in the highest terms, and declares that they were universally loved by all men for their piety and humility. “Nulli molesti erant! ” says he, “sed ab omnibus propter humilitatem et religionem amabantur. ” The celebrated orientalist Von Hammer has recently brought forward various extraordinary and unfounded charges, destitute of all authority, against the Templars; and Wilcke, who has written a German history of the order, seems to have imbibed all the vulgar prejudices against the fraternity. I might have added to the interest of the ensuing work, by making the Templars horrible and atrocious villains; but I have endeavoured to write a fair and impartial account of the order, not slavishly adopting everything I find detailed in antient writers, but such matters only as I believe, after a careful examination of the best authorities, to be true. It is a subject of congratulation to us that we possess, in the Temple Church at London, the most beautiful and perfect memorial of the order of the Knights Templars now in existence. No one who has seen that building in its late dress of plaster and whitewash will recognize it when restored to its antient magnificence. This venerable structure was one of the chief ecclesiastical edifices of the Knights Templars in Europe, and stood next in rank to the Temple at Jerusalem. As I have performed the pilgrimage to the Holy City, and wandered amid the courts of the antient Temple of the Knights Templars on Mount Moriah, I could not but regard with more than ordinary interest the restoration by the societies of the Inner and the Middle Temple of their beautiful Temple Church. The greatest zeal and energy have been displayed by them in that praiseworthy undertaking, and no expense has been spared to repair the ravages of time, and to bring back the structure to what it was in the time of the Templars. In the summer I had the pleasure of accompanying one of the chief and most enthusiastic promoters of the restoration of the church (Mr. Burge, Q.C.) over the interesting fabric, and at his suggestion the present work was commenced. I am afraid that it will hardly answer his expectations, and am sorry that the interesting task has not been undertaken by an abler hand. Temple, Nov. 17, 1841. P.S. Mr. Willement, who is preparing some exquisitely stained glass windows for the Temple Church, has just drawn my attention to the nineteenth volume of the “MEMOIR ES DE LA SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DES ANTIQUAIRES DE FRANCE,” published last year. It contains a most curious and interesting account of the church of Brelevennez, in the department des Cotes-du-Nord, supposed to have formerly belonged to the order of the Temple, written by the Chevalier du FREMANVILLE. Amongst various curious devices, crosses, and symbols found upon the windows and the tombs of the church, is a copper medallion, which appears to have been suspended from the neck by a chain. This decoration consists of a small circle, within which are inscribed two equilateral triangles placed one upon the other, so as to form a six-pointed star. In the midst of the star is a second circle, containing within it the LAMB of the order of the Temple holding the banner in its fore-paw, similar to what we see on the antient seal of the order delineated in the title-page of this work. Mr. Willement has informed me that he has received an offer from a gentleman in Brittany to send over casts of the decorations and devices lately discovered in that church. He has kindly referred the letter to me for consideration, but I have not thought it advisable to delay the publication of the present work for the purpose of procuring them. Mr. Willement has also drawn my attention to a very distinct impression of the reverse of the seal of the Temple described in page 106, whereon I read very plainly the interesting motto, “TESTIS SVM AGNI. Origin of the Templars–The pilgrimages to Jerusalem–The dangers to which pilgrims were exposed–The formation of the brotherhood of the poor fellow-soldiers of Jesus Christ to protect them–Their location in the Temple–A description of the Temple–Origin of the name Templars–Hugh de Payens chosen Master of the Temple–Is sent to Europe by King Baldwin–Is introduced to the Pope–The assembling of the Council of Troyes–The formation of a rule for the government of the Templars Page 1 Regula Pauperum Commilitonum Christi et Templi Salomonis. The most curious parts of the rule displayed–The confirmation of the rule by the Pope–The visit of Hugh de Payens, the Master of the Temple, to England–His cordial reception–The foundation of the Order in this country–Lands and money granted to the Templars–Their popularity in Europe–The rapid increase of their fraternity–St. Bernard takes up the pen in their behalf–He displays their valour and piety 15 Hugh de Payens returns to Palestine–His death–Robert de Craon made Master–Success of the Infidels–The second Crusade–The Templars assume the Red Cross–Their gallant actions and high discipline–Lands, manors, and churches granted them in England–Bernard de Tremelay made Master–He is slain by the Infidels–Bertrand de Blanquefort made Master–He is taken prisoner, and sent in chains to Aleppo–The Pope writes letters in praise of the Templars–Their religious and military enthusiasm–Their war banner called Beauseant–The rise of the rival religio-military order of the Hospital of St. John 36 The contests between Saladin and the Templars–The vast privileges of the Templars–The publication of the bull, omne datum optimum–The Pope declares himself the immediate Bishop of the entire Order–The different classes of Templars–The knights–Priests–Serving brethren–The hired soldiers–The great officers of the Temple–Punishment of cowardice–The Master of the Temple is taken prisoner, and dies in a dungeon–Saladin’s great successes–The Christians purchase a truce–The Master of the Temple and the Patriarch Heraclius proceed to England for succour–The consecration of the TEMPLE CHURCH AT LONDON 60 The Temple at London–The vast possessions of the Templars in England–The territorial divisions of the order–The different preceptories in this country–The privileges conferred on the Templars by the kings of England–The Masters of the Temple at London–Their power and importance 81 The Patriarch Heraclius quarrels with the king of England–He returns to Palestine without succour–The disappointments and gloomy forebodings of the Templars–They prepare to resist Saladin–Their defeat and slaughter– [paragraph continues] The valiant deeds of the Marshal of the Temple–The fatal battle of Tiberias–The captivity of the Grand Master and the true Cross–The captive Templars are offered the Koran or death–They choose the latter, and are beheaded–The fall of Jerusalem–The Moslems take possession of the Temple–They purify it with rose-water, say prayers, and hear a sermon–The Templars retire to Antioch–Their letters to the king of England and the Master of the Temple at London–Their exploits at the siege of Acre 114 Richard Cœur de Lion joins the Templars before Acre–The city surrenders, and the Templars establish the chief house of their order within it–Cœur de Lion takes up his abode with them–He sells to them the island of Cyprus–The Templars form the van of his army–Their foraging expeditions and great exploits–Cœur de Lion quits the Holy Land in the disguise of a Knight Templar–The Templars build the Pilgrim’s Castle in Palestine–The state of the order in England–King John resides in the Temple at London–The barons come to him at that place, and demand MAGNA CHARTA–The exploits of the Templars in Egypt–The letters of the Grand Master to the Master of the Temple at London–The Templars reconquer Jerusalem 141 The conquest of Jerusalem by the Carizmians–The slaughter of the Templars, and the death of the Grand Master–The exploits of the Templars in Egypt–King Louis of France visits the Templars in Palestine-He assists them in putting the country into a defensible state–Henry IL, king of England, visits the Temple at Paris–The magnificent hospitality of the Templars in England and France–Benocdar, sultan of Egypt, invades Palestine–He defeats the Templars, takes their strong fortresses, and decapitates six hundred of their brethren–The Grand Master comes to England for succour–The renewal of the war–The fall of Acre, and the final extinction of the Templars in Palestine 165 The downfall of the Templars–The cause thereof–The Grand Master comes to Europe at the request of the Pope–He is imprisoned, with all the Templars in France, by command of king Philip–They are put to the torture, and confessions of the guilt of heresy and idolatry are extracted from them–Edward II. king of England stands up in defence of the Templars, but afterwards persecutes them at the instance of the Pope–The imprisonment of the Master of the Temple and all his brethren in England–Their examination upon eighty-seven horrible and ridiculous articles of accusation before foreign inquisitors appointed by the Pope–A council of the church assembles at London to pass sentence upon them–The curious evidence adduced as to the mode of admission into the order, and of the customs and observances of the fraternity. 193 The Templars in France revoke their rack-extorted confessions–They are tried as relapsed heretics, and burnt at the stake–The progress of the inquiry in England–The curious evidence adduced as to the mode of holding the chapters of the order–As to the penance enjoined therein, and the absolution pronounced by the Master–The Templars draw up a written defence, which they present to the ecclesiastical council–They are placed in separate dungeons, and put to the torture–Two serving brethren and a chaplain of the order then make confessions–Many other Templars acknowledge themselves guilty of heresy in respect of their belief in the religious authority of their Master–They make their recantations, and are reconciled to the church before the south door of Saint Paul’s cathedral–The order of the Temple is abolished by the Pope–The last of the Masters of the Temple in England dies in the Tower–The disposal of the property of the order–Observations on the downfall of the Templars. 239 THE TEMPLE CHURCH. The restoration of the Temple Church–The beauty and magnificence of the venerable building–The various styles of architecture displayed in it–The discoveries made during the recent restoration–The sacrarium–The marble piscina–The sacramental niches–The penitential cell–The ancient Chapel of St. Anne–Historical matters connected with the Temple Church–The holy relics anciently preserved therein–The interesting monumental remains 289 THE TEMPLE CHURCH. THE MONUMENTS OF THE CRUSADERS–The tomb and effigy of Sir Geoffrey de Magnaville, earl of Essex, and constable of the Tower–His life and death, and famous exploits–Of William Marshall, earl of Pembroke, Protector of England–Of the Lord de Ross–Of William and Gilbert Marshall, earls of Pembroke–Of William Plantagenet, fifth son of Henry the Third–The anxious desire manifested by king Henry the Third, queen Eleanor, and various persons of rank, to be buried in the Temple Church 309 Antiquities in the Temple–The history of the place subsequent to the dissolution of the order of the Knights Templars–The establishment of a society of lawyers in the Temple–The antiquity of this society–Its connexion with the antient society of the Knights Templars–An order of knights and serving brethren established in the law–The degree of frere serjen, or frater serviens, borrowed from the antient Templars–The modern Templars divide themselves into the two societies of the Inner and Middle Temple 342 The Temple Garden–The erection of new buildings in the Temple–The dissolution of the order of the Hospital of Saint John–The law societies become lessees of the crown–The erection of the magnificent Middle Temple Hall–The conversion of the old hall into chambers–The grant of the inheritance of the Temple to the two law societies–Their magnificent present to his Majesty–Their antient orders and customs, and antient hospitality–Their grand entertainments–Reader’s feasts–Grand Christmasses and Bevels–The fox-hunt in the hall–The dispute with the Lord Mayor–The quarrel with the custos of the Temple Church 373 In note, page 6, for infinitus, read infinitis.

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“common haircap moss” How to recognize common haircap moss: This moss is very distinctive when it is growing new capsules, since they are larger than many moss sporophytes and are covered with a hairy calyptra. After the calyptra falls off the rectangular box shape of the capsule is revealed; this 3-5 mm long capsule is almost square, with its 4-5 sharply angled corners and very noticeable hypophyses at the base which looks like a little round bulging cushion that the box rests on. The almost square capsule is a good field characteristic for the species. After the cap or operculum, which is flat with a short central proturberance, at the top end of the capsule falls off, the epiphragm (flat disk shaped cover) attached to the capsule with 64 little short teeth is seen. The spores escape from the capsule when the wind blows, through the little holes between these teeth. And the leaves are also distinctive. When moist they open out and the plants look like prickly green stars from above; when dry they hide this attractive appearance and appear as dried up almost dead vegetation. These leaves have 20-50 lamellae (stacks of thin ribbon-like strips attached along one side to the leaf in a lengthwide direction). These lamellae can best be seen by making thin cross sections of the leaf under a dissecting microscope with a razor blade, and also scraping some of them off the leaf to see the upper edge of the whole strip. Under the compound microscope the cross-section shows the cells along the top edge of the lamellae as larger than the cells below, and these larger cells have a small dent in the top edge. This plus the smooth edge to these cells, seen on the whole strips confirm that this is Polytrichum commune. Where to find common haircap moss: Polytrichum commune is found in both sun and shade on soil, and rocks and even logs, and in wet boggy places along streams and lakes.

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When it comes to Quality Assurance, there are two options to choose from: manual testing and automated testing. Both alternatives constitute a comparison of an actual product and a product that was to be developed (which, basically, what any testing is). So, simply put, software testing is a process aimed at setting the reality, i. e. what we have, against expectations or pre-defined requirements, i. e. what we should have. The difference between the two option is that the manual testing requires a person who physically checks if everything works properly; while the automated testing may be performed without human intervention. Before we jump right into the automated testing, let’s first look at some basics of software testing in general, so we can establish the common understanding of the process. Three layers of software testing Quality assurance is a complex process that includes many tasks performed at different stages of the software development. There are many types of tests that may be executed to verify a product, but the most common are the following: - Component testing. As the name suggests, these tests verify the functionality within a specific component in isolation (i. e. one section of a code). They do not deal with the interaction of such component with other components in a system. - Integration testing. These tests verify several dependent components. Simply put, they check how the functions of a component perform when such component is integrated into a system. - Regression testing. These tests verify the whole system. The goal is to ensure that newly added functions did not affect the existing functionality. Now, let’s talk about web automation testing, its types and benefits for a project. What is test automation: general overview As we already mentioned, automated testing allows for verification of software with the help of other software and without physical efforts put in the process. Speaking about its advantages, the first and, probably, the foremost is that automated tests are faster and, thus, less laborious than manual tests. The second reason why test automation is deemed more efficient than quality assurance procedures performed by humans is that it covers more features and makes it possible to have more cycles of test execution. Finally, the results received upon automated software testing are more reliable as the risk of human error is minimized. So when do we use automation testing? Well, as the main benefit it brings is the significant reduction of time needed to complete the quality assurance process, automated web tests are exceptionally useful for long-term and complex projects. The only prerequisite you need to have to implement test automation software is appropriate and accurate requirements to the functionality of a product which are possible to verify. This is because although automated software tests can be run unattended, meaning that test execution requires no human intervention, the testing programs are written by people. Hence, if the requirements are vague or ambiguous, it’s just impossible to “tell” the program what it should verify. Types of automated website testing Automated web testing makes quality assurance as simple as possible but it’s, of course, up to the development team to decide what to test and when to test. There are several types of automated tests, so let’s briefly discuss each of them so you can see the big picture. Unit tests. These tests are created by the developers who wrote a code to be tested. There are two layers of unit testing: component testing and integration testing. Basically, the main purpose of unit tests is programmers’ self-check. But what’s even more important is that a developer has to look at a code from a different perspective as unit testing requires an unconventional approach to the development process, namely: creating requirements -> writing tests -> development of a product -> code refactoring Hence, a programmer needs to think about the final result before the first line of a code is even written. This makes the further work more efficient, structured and, well, conscious. Besides, when “decomposing” a code to the smallest elements, a developer can be sure that the new section of a code doesn’t cause harm to the existing parts. In short, unit tests bring the following benefits to a project: - they decrease the time needed for regression testing - they decrease the time needed to find a problem (if such occurs) - they oblige to a certain level of a code quality and mandatory refactoring Speaking about testing tools, tests are written in the same programming language as a code to be tested and there are special frameworks for that. API tests. API testing is performed by the external team, i. e. the team that is not involved in the development process. It’s aimed at revealing any inconsistencies between the actual and expected features/functionality of a product and usually is run at three levels: - elementary (are there the methods that are supposed to be? ) - middle (do we have the features we expected to receive? ) - high: testing of positive scenarios (what do we receive if the input is correct? ) and testing of negative scenarios (what do we receive if the input is incorrect? ) Speaking about the main advantages of API tests, they allow for the greater control over the development process. This is especially applicable when different teams are working on separate parts of the same product. On top of this, API tests decrease the time needed to find bugs. As the quality of a final product is of the utmost importance, any additional processes that ensure such quality, especially if performed by an external team, is always beneficial. API testing doesn’t have any explicit downsides and, as a rule of thumb, it’s good to have it on any project. A test automation tool used for API tests is Codeception. Interface testing. These tests are basically the comparison of screenshots of a web page. The process is as follows: initial screenshots are made manually -> discrepancies between the initial and latest versions of a web page are covered by interface testing -> if discrepancies are correct, they are accepted as valid; if the discrepancies are incorrect, the errors are fixed. Interface testing decreases the time needed to create an interface. In addition, the great benefit of these tests is that they do not require any additional actions from HTML coders at the development stage. A software testing tool used for the interface testing is BackstopJS. Functional tests. Functional testing is aimed at verifying user’s interaction with a browser. The main benefit of the functional tests is that they cover a significant part of manual work so fewer testers are required for a project and the risk of human error is almost eliminated. There is also one downside, namely — the existing tools currently do not cover all browsers. But, as we see from the practice, the overall result is beneficial either way. Automated code review. This kind of tests is more about code appearance than about its performance. Automated code reviews verify whether a code complies with some internal standards a development team has. Why you need them for your project? Well, if the style is unified it will be much easier (and, thus, less time and money consuming) to work with a code in the future. And although an automated code review doesn’t replace a manual code review, it significantly reduces the time required to perform the later. Load testing. Load tests verify how a system performs when many users interact with it simultaneously. This kind of testing is a continuous process meaning that the tests are executed in parallel with software development. Load tests make it possible to predict the limits at which a website will need additional resources to function properly. In addition, they may help determine the maximum number of users a website can support. Best automation testing tool for load testing is JMeter. Automation testing in Agile methodology Since the object to be tested is constantly changing, the concept of test automation in Agile might seem counter-intuitive at the first sight. However, the truth is that a development team cannot efficiently work according to Agile methodology if the tests are not automated. The reason is that the new functionality is added in each sprint, so the number of test cases grows as well. As the old code has to be also covered by regression testing, it’s naturally that at some point it becomes just impossible to cover everything manually. You may wonder how it’s even possible to perform automated testing if the circumstances are always changing. Well, it’s indeed a quite complicated process, so a development team should have an excellent expertise to arrange quality assurance process properly (i. e. correctly determine what needs to be automated and in what sequence). Yet, the benefits are worth it, as you can save time and notably increase the quality of a final product. Automated software testing is especially beneficial for complex development projects: the longer a project lasts, the bigger gain automated tests can bring in the end. Automated tests obviously cannot solve all problems that may occur during the development process, but if executed properly, they make the work much more efficient and, thus, more cost-effective. As we can see from the practice, implementation of test automation in a project always pays off in the global perspective. Want to know if your software development project can benefit from automated testing?

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This is my third entry in my series on the notion of the ‘flipped classroom’. There are many other sources of information on the pedagogical benefits that this model may bring (and similarly there are many posts that counter these benefits), but in this post I want to look at one area that hasn’t been covered in as much detail, and that is using the idea of the flipped classroom to widen participation. I mentioned in my first post that this model of teaching does not reduce costs by reducing the teachers hours – however there is a potential time saving for the learners. Let’s think of a ‘possible’ taught session running from 9. 00am to 10. 00am in the morning. You get into the classroom, the students drift in, a few are late due to buses being held up, queues on the ring road, etc. You turn on the computer and projector – it takes a few minutes to warm up and login. You locate your PowerPoint presentation…. . 10 minutes into the lesson you take the register, you then start the teaching proper at 9. 15, but because so many missed last weeks session you have to recap more than planned…. During the session you set tasks and activities, and you have to give the students time to do these. Some students are quicker than others so finish and then get bored, others are slower so don’t get to finish in time…. . you spend time dealing with classroom management issues rather than the teaching and learning… and then start to wind up at 9. 50 so you can be out of the room in time to get to your next lesson across the campus that starts at 10. 00am! In my opinion, when you deliver face to face teaching, if you can get a ratio of more than 60% quality teaching and learning time you are doing well. If we then take into account the fact that students often have ‘wasted’ time in between lessons, and if they are reliant on public transport or lifts from others, they may have dead time at the start and of the day as well. All in all – if we look critically at the model of classroom based education – it isn’t a very efficient model. In the past this didn’t matter – but with the cost of education increasing, and the need for people to work alongside their study this is becoming an influencing factor. So where does the ‘flipped classroom’ come into this. I believe that the same 1 hour lecture that I described earlier could be repackaged so the delivery element of it, could probably be delivered in about 15 – 20 minutes. If the students accessed say 3 or 4 of these before coming into the organisation for a quality seminar type session, where the tutor could unpick some of the more complex issues, the skills could be applied, and managed discussion takes place – you then have a model that is far more time efficient for the learner, as well as making it cost effective for learners from further afield, who want to study at your organisation, but previously couldn’t because of the daily travel or accommodation costs. Another area where the flipped classroom could widen participation is for learners with disabilities – I will unpick this element in another blog post just on this topic. Many organisations that are seriously looking into the use of the ‘flipped classroom’ are going down the road of changing their current teaching models to this idea. There are 2 possibilities here (and excuse my gross over simplification here) - The organisation is already providing high quality provision – in which case why change, and is there a risk that the quality may drop? - The organisation is currently providing low quality provision, and they see this as a way of resolving these issues – in which case I would expect the quality of the flipped outcome to be equally low. So here is my idea. Rather than organisations completely changing the way that they deliver existing courses – instead take one of their courses that is currently being successfully run, and look to run an additional cohort via the ‘flipped classroom’ ideology alongside their existing provision, thus allowing learners to choose which model they want to follow. As well as potentially widening the customer base of ones provision, you also end up with potential lessons that can be used if there is an unforeseen closure of the building due to snow, flooding, swine flu, Icelandic volcanoes etc. You also would have a wider pool of resources that the face to face lecturer could call upon in their teaching, and if a learner misses a few weeks due to illness, then there is a potential catch up mechanism in place to get them back on track. The arguments that I am presenting here, sound very similar to the discussions that I have been having for the last 12 or so years around the benefits of e-learning – the difference is, that with e-learning, organisations seemed to get stuck with an ‘all or nothing’ mindset – in other words, the belief that if a learner chose to learn via e-learning they were doing so because they wanted all of their learning in that way with no or minimal face to face contact with the tutors. What the flipped classroom model is doing is creating a better mixed mode of delivery – which has always been my preferred methodology. To some the ‘flipped classroom’ is just a fancy new term for things that people have done before – and many think that it is a passing ‘fad’ that will soon to be replaced with the next big buzz word. Both options I think are possible – but whilst it does have currency and is being discussed by people, I hope that it creates an opportunity for organisations to look critically at what they do, to start to act more like businesses and think about their customer (and future customer) base and if we get it right, there is a huge potential that we can improve the quality of our provision, just by widening the participation. Filed under: CPD and reflective practice, e-learning, Resources Tagged: | Accessibility, classroom management issues, College, e-learning, flipped, flipped classroom, flipped learning, ILT, lecture, participation, pedagogical benefits, School, time, University, widening

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Education for Sustainability Learn and explore alongside our team unique ways to infuse creative, critical, and collaborative skills into your curriculum and classroom practices. These essential skills link to the foundations of science, society, and sustainability. Teaching young minds how to think about the world and their place in society is critical. Expand your influence and well of ideas by enrolling in one of our Professional Development courses or engaging with our free Pinterest or Youtube content. Earn valuable recertification hours from the comfort of your home by engaging with new content knowledge that connects to your existing curriculum. We’ve been hearing about it for years and now we are finally seeing it happen: climate change! Or is it global warming? Aren’t they the same thing? Well, not quite. So let’s take a closer look at some questions you and your students may want answers too. 1: Are Global Warming and Climate Change the Would you like to introduce a global element to your classroom? Climate Change may be an answer to your problems (surprise! ) Global Climate Change is happening now and will be a defining aspect of the childhood and adulthood of your students. Climate Change impacts are felt all over the world by a variety of people 2017 Best of Green Schools Honorees represent impressive environmental efforts in schools across the United States Arizona State University (ASU) extends its efforts in sustainability education through a variety of programs for middle and high school students, like the ASU Poly Garden, which leases three of its 48 campus community garden plots to ASU Preparatory Academy’s sixth and seventh grade classrooms and high school environmental science students each semester. To date, The team at SSE has produced a set of 24 grouping cards for K-3 classrooms. Download and print this free PDF to group students in pairs, 3’s, or 4’s, all while simultaneously reinforcing sustainability concepts. More cards for different grade levels are coming soon, so keep in touch with SSE! In the meantime, try them Online Professional Development Inside of our PD, you will explore award-winning digital stories that highlight real-world sustainability, science, and society topics, plus learn from other educators, their students, and experts from Arizona State University. Our PD is short and to the point – full of practical, actionable tips you can apply to your classroom the very next day. Beyond video content, there is an array of curated materials, activities, and insight for the educator who wants to learn about integrating new content into their curriculum or practice. Designed and curated by the Sustainability Science Education Project (SSE) at Arizona State University. The SSE team, led by Nobel Laureate Dr. Lee Hartwell, consists of 24 talented researchers, designers, student workers, and collaborators from diverse disciplines including education, sustainability, and the sciences.

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Cockroaches are known to lay eggs in areas that are convenient for them, particularly close to a food source so that they can easily access food. The kitchen is a common spot for cockroaches to lay eggs because it is usually a source of food for them. Cockroaches are omnivores, which means they can eat a variety of things, including things that humans do not consider as food, such as soap, hairs, and even their own species! If you have cockroaches and need to get rid of them, hire professionals from Exterminator Peterborough. These areas where cockroaches lay eggs are where the nymphs will grow into fully adult cockroaches due to the abundance of food that is available in homes. This can lead to an infestation of cockroaches in various parts of the house, including the basement, kitchen, garage, and even the bathroom. Cockroaches are known to be stealthy and will often hide under debris and clutter to avoid detection. They are attracted to grease and moisture and will do everything in their power to access these sources. Kitchens are particularly attractive to cockroaches because they provide an abundance of grease, water, and food. This is why cockroaches are commonly found in electrical appliances such as refrigerators, ovens, dishwashers, and even under microwaves in extreme cases. Cockroaches are so flexible that they can thrive in very little space, which is why they are often found in dishwashers and on dishes. Besides that, they can also be found in clothes. For this reason, it is important that you wash your clothes on the highest setting. The life cycle of a cockroach consists of three main stages: the egg, nymph, and adult. The egg stage begins when a cockroach lays an egg sack called an ootheca, which can contain up to 50 eggs. The nymph stage starts after the eggs hatch and the nymphs, which resemble translucent elongated worms, worm their way out of the egg sack. The nymphs will moult at least six times before reaching adulthood. After the final moult, the cockroach reaches adulthood and begins to reproduce. The average life span of a cockroach is about 100 days, after which the cycle will repeat itself. If you see a lot of small cockroaches or eggs in random spots, it is important to call a licensed and insured professional for help. These professionals have access to commercial-grade pesticides that can effectively get rid of the infestation once and for all. They will also be able to give you advice on how to prevent cockroaches from returning in the future. Professionals are in particular adept at conducting exterior and interior inspections no matter the pest involved and subsequently finding and executing a viable solution to the problem Professionals are licensed and insured individuals that have years of experience and exposure to various situations which is why they are so effective and can guarantee results, unlike over-the-counter-products. Call 705-535-0854

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Spring Street Bridge, 1867 The street also known as Wisconsin Ave. exemplified the conflict between dueling developers on each side of the river. Ever notice that most of the streets east and west of the Milwaukee River do not exactly line up? The story dates back to the 1830s. The east of the river was developed by Solomon Juneau and Morgan Martin, the west by Byron Kilbourn. Competition between the two sides was fierce. An early 1836 map of Milwaukee only shows Kilbourn’s plats, completely ignoring the older east side. In the 1840s bridges would become a hot button issue culminating in a “Bridge War” in 1845 when the west-siders vandalized some of the few bridges. But in 1846 calmer heads ruled and three bridges were officially constructed and more amateurish ones were dismantled. A good thing, too, as river traffic would dramatically increase when harbor improvements were added in the 1850s. Luckily in later years a rather elegant solution would be found to align the conflicting street path. This would be the Court of Honor, the section of Wisconsin Ave. between 9th and 11th Streets. This is the widest stretch of Wisconsin with a median that has landscaping and some notable statues. It also discretely redirects the traffic about 100 feet south, Notable buildings facing the Court of Honor include the Milwaukee Public Library and the Wisconsin Club (once the Alexander Mitchell mansion).

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Every year, hundreds of construction workers die on construction sites in New York City and across the country. Thousands more suffer serious, and in many cases, life-changing injuries. To give you an idea of how dangerous construction sites really are, among the many jobs there are, one in five work-related deaths occurs in the construction industry. Among construction workers, one in 200 will die on the job. In fact, some fatal construction-related accidents are so common that the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) has created a list of what it calls the “four deadly hazards. These four types of accidents account for more than half of the deaths on construction sites nationwide. Each of the four types of fatal accidents is preventable, and according to OSHA, “eliminating the four deadly hazards could save the lives of 508 workers in the United States each year. The four most common causes of death on construction sites So, what are the four deadly dangers? - Falls: Falls account for about 40% of all construction-related deaths, including falls from elevated places (for example, many of the buildings being constructed in New York City today) and falls from dangerous ladders and scaffolding. Construction companies and contractors have a responsibility to provide safe tools and workplaces for their employees. Unfortunately, many fail to meet this obligation. - Electrocution: According to OSHA, about 10% of construction-related deaths are caused by electrocution. Although many deadly electrocutions occur while working with electrical wiring, a large number of non-electrical workers also die from electrocution. Exposed wires during the construction and demolition stages, faulty wiring, and a variety of other electrical problems cause numerous deaths each year. - Falling or flying objects: Falling or flying objects are a dangerous (and often fatal) risk on all types of construction sites. All too often, tools, debris, and construction materials cause fatal injuries that should have been avoided. OSHA reports that flying and falling objects cause about 10% of fatalities on construction sites. - Entrapment: The fourth leading cause of fatal construction accidents is getting trapped inside or between objects. This includes accidents such as getting trapped behind a construction truck or under a load of materials. Although these causes account for less than 2% of deaths, they are often among the most tragic construction fatalities. What if my loved one died while working in construction? If you lost a loved one while he or she was working on a construction site in New York City, you may be entitled to significant monetary compensation. You may be entitled to death benefits through workers’ compensation insurance. In addition, in many cases, the family can file a wrongful death lawsuit to try to obtain full monetary compensation for the loss of their loved one. Christopher Gorayeb, a New York City construction accident attorney, has represented accident victims and their families for over 30 years, and together, he and the other attorneys at Gorayeb & Associates have recovered over $1 billion for their clients’ losses. If you or someone you know has been injured on a construction site call Gorayeb & Associates at 646-350-3820 for a free consultation.

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St. Ann's Ragged School “Such was the acorn from which sprang the magnificent tree of philanthropic growth, which now casts the branching shadows of its saving agencies far and wide over this great city wherever sorrowful outcasts are to be found. ” - Manchester Courier, 28 June 1902 I’m veering off topic a little today and looking into a building connected with the Manchester and Salford Boys’ and Girls’ Refuges and Homes, but not one under its jurisdiction. In fact it’s a very important little building that lies just off the main road off Deansgate on Queen’s Street. It catered for ragged children in the area in the nineteenth century, providing free education and often their main meal for the day. Location of Queen Street Ragged School Ragged schools were charitable schools opened to provide free education to destitute children. The first few were opened in the late eighteenth century and by 1844 the number of schools appearing, led to the formation of the Ragged School Union. In Manchester well known ragged schools include Charter Street and Sharp Street located in the slum area then known as Angel Meadow. But other smaller schools were also in existence. At 24 Queen’s Street, from around 1853, resided St Ann’s Ragged School. Connected with the nearby St. Ann’s Church, which catered for many of the business men in the area, it was run by local men determined to give something back within their community. So why was this small building so important to the history of the Together Trust? Well it was here that the charity’s founders, Leonard K. Shaw and Richard B. Taylor met and it was also here that the two men found their calling to help the destitute children of the city. Similar to the well-known tales of Jim Jarvis told by Thomas Barnardo, the start of the Manchester Refuges likewise began due to a single heart rendering event. 'One evening during the winter months of 1869, Shaw and Taylor on leaving the school at the end of the day, almost tripped over a bundle of rags on the schools doorstep. This bundle of rags turned out to be two small boys. On questioning why the lads weren’t at home they received the answer ‘we ain’t got no home’. So the two men each took one of the boys to their own home and provided them with a warm bath, food and a bed for the night'. Do you know anything about this school? We would love to know more about its origins.

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For decades, environmental activists in California have battled to keep the oil and gas industries from turning the state’s coastline into a West Coast version of the Gulf of Mexico oil fields. Their allies in Congress and, occasionally, the White House have helped their cause by placing (temporary) constraints on oil and gas leases, enacting the Marine Mammal Protection Act, and designating national marine monuments that protect swaths of ocean water from any kind of drilling. These are all sensible, smart restrictions designed to allow the oceans and the animal and plant life within them to thrive — while safeguarding the vulnerable coastline from the sort of spill that dumped 21,000 gallons of crude oil into the waters near Santa Barbara in 1969. So it’s disturbing to see a bill in the House of Representatives that would upend many of these protections and functions as little more than a wish list for the oil industry. HR 4239, the SECURE American Energy Act, would strip the president’s ability to designate a national marine monument that’s off-limits to drilling, remove crucial protections for marine mammals, ease regulations on exploratory drilling in the Arctic region, and mandate the sale of offshore wind leases off the coast of California within a year of the bill’s passage. Written mainly by lawmakers from Gulf Coast states, this toxic bill has made it through the House Committee on Natural Resources and may reach the House floor as soon as next week. It should be voted down, but in this House, it probably won’t be. One of the most egregious aspects of the bill is that it strips away crucial safeguards in the Marine Mammal Protection Act for whales, dolphins and other ocean dwellers that are profoundly affected by the noise of seismic equipment used for oil and gas exploration. Underwater sonic discharges can, at their worst, damage the hearing of animals so badly that they lose their ability to navigate, which is essential to their survival, numerous experts say. The repeated air gun blasts into the water also disrupt feeding and reproduction. The Marine Mammal Protection Act makes it illegal to harm or kill a marine mammal without a permit, even if done inadvertently. Those permits are issued when companies can show that their work will impact only small numbers of animals. The law also requires energy companies to use methods that have the “least practicable impact” on marine mammals. The new bill would remove those protections, while also exempting permitted activities from having to comply with the Endangered Species Act’s protections for endangered or threatened marine mammals. That’s nuts. In another troubling provision, the bill would bar the president from designating a national marine monument to protect marine areas of national interest and significance from oil and gas drilling. Any future designation would instead require an act of Congress. A third problem is the bill’s requirement that the federal government sell wind leases off the California coast within a year of enactment. While wind farms can be a good source of renewable energy, they are just starting to be sited in the ocean — with none yet off the coast of California. Wind farms should not be arbitrarily rushed into existence, as this bill would do. In fact, the California Coastal Commission — which has authority under the federal Coastal Zone Management Act to weigh in on offshore activities — is already part of a multi-agency task force, led by the federal Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, working to identify the best locations for offshore wind farms. These offshore arrays of wind turbines are tethered by cables to the ocean floor and then connected to power stations onshore. To find environmentally suitable locations, the task force considers such factors as the wind farms’ effects on bird migration and ocean life, their appearance, and the impact of the onshore facilities on the surrounding areas. Even if this bill became law and a wind lease were quickly sold, there’s no guarantee that the project would ever be built. The Coastal Commission could find that it would have an adverse effect on sea birds and migrating whales, for example, and refuse to issue permits for the onshore component of the wind farm. The developers would probably then take the commission to court. So much for fast-tracking wind leases. There’s so little good in this bill, lawmakers need to deep-six it. The environmentally unfriendly House isn’t likely to do so, but the Senate can and should.

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The river Imera running close to Himera gave the town its name. The Greeks coming from Messina (called Zankle in the Antiquity) founded this first colony in the area at the mouth of the river between Palermo (then Panormus) and Cefalù (then Cephaloedium). In those times it made a well-placed stronghold as the Carthaginians were close and had spread their power over the west side. In 480 BC the battle between the allied armies of Theron of Agrigento and Gelon of Syracuse against Hamilcar at the front of the enormous Carthaginian army took place in Himera. After his defeat, Hamilcar self immolated by throwing himself over the funeral pyre. It finished the quest of Carthage of taking power of Sicily. In 409 BC Hannibal, Hamilcar’s nephew revenged Hamilcar’ s death by crushing Himera. Himera’s ruins do not come to expectations compared to other archaeological remains. What to See and Do The Greek’s vestiges are within the borders of Termini Imerese. What can be outlined today is the remains of Tempio della Vittoria built in the Doric style. It is thought to have been constructed in honour for the victory over Carthage ( A hypothesis some scholars doubt about) This temple was destroyed by Hannibal. The town’s necropolis, situated to the south of the temple, is, at present, being excavated. A small sized antiquarium, set 100 m away from the entrance, houses only some artefacts such as a sculpture of a lion head-shaped spouts (Picture 3) to make water flow down the temple’s roof as the most admirable pieces are in Museo Archeologico Regionale in Palermo. How to Get to/away BY BUS: There are buses leaving from and arriving at Termini Imerese, 8 km away from Himera. BY TRAIN: it is the best way to get near Himera. The trains of the lines Palermo-Messina and Palermo-Agrigento call at Termini Imerese. Trains from Palermo leave every 20 minutes.

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Helpful terms for the coffee connoisseur: - Aroma: The fragrance inhaled by sniffing coffee can be described as ranging from sweetly floral (jasmine) to sweetly spicy (orange). - Acidity: The pleasantly sharp, snappy and lively quality that is considered a positive attribute. Sometimes referred to as strong. Most people describe acidic or smoky flavored coffee this way. - Body: The “mouth-feel” in terms of weight and texture. Best described as syrupy, harsh, lifeless, thin, heavy, medium, muddy, and full. - Blend: Mixing two or more varieties of roasted coffee or different roasts (light or dark) to produce a balanced, pleasing taste. - Café au lait: French style coffee made by simultaneously pouring coffee and frothed milk into a cup. - Cappuccino: Espresso, steamed milk and frothed milk. Dry cappuccinos are made with mostly foam and wet cappuccinos are made with more milk than foam. - Crema: The tan foam formed on the surface of the espresso during the brewing process. The crema makes a “cap” which helps retain the aroma and flavors of the espresso within the cup. The presence of crema indicates an acceptable brew. - Espresso: (Not expresso). A method of quickly extracting the heart of coffee flavor, under pressure, from specially roasted, finely ground Arabica beans. 1. 5 oz of espresso is known as a “shot” and serves as the basis of most coffee house drinks. - Flavor: The combination of the aroma and the taste that the coffee impresses in the mouth. Terms relating to flavor are nutty, caramelly, earthy, spicy, fruity, smoky, musty, rich, grassy, chocolaty, neutral, sweet, and winey. - French or Italian roast: A style of r0asting coffee beans that leaves them very dark brown. - Froth/foam: The term given to milk which has been made thick and foamy by aerating it with hot steam. Creating a “whirlpool” effect in the frothing pitcher actually changes the chemistry of the milk, and enables it to blend with espresso to make a drink called a latte. - Latte: Espresso with steamed milk, topped with foam. It can contain a flavored syrup and be topped with a layer of froth. - Roasts: Varietals or blends roasted to specific color, such as Full City Roast, or French Roast. - Varietals: A single bean type from a country, region or estate, such as Guatemala Antigua, Costa Rica Tarrazu and Colombian Supremo. These coffees are also called origin coffees. Brewing coffee involves extracting the flavor compounds from coffee grounds while diluting them with water. There are many factors that affect brewing the perfect cup of coffee. - Your coffee should be protected from light, moisture, and air to preserve its flavor. Keep coffee in an airtight container and store in a cool, dark place between 50 and 70 degrees Fahrenheit. - Freezing fresh coffee will prolong its life, however, daily removal of the coffee from the freezer can cause moisture to freeze on the coffee affecting the flavor. - For the best cup start with good coffee–start with High Point Coffee. We use only the top grades of Arabica beans selected by our importer from around the world. We sample it ourselves to make sure it passes the flavor test. - Arabica beans are specialty or gourmet coffees. - Coffee is made up of 98% water. Quality water can certainly enhance your high quality coffee. If you notice any traces of chlorine, iron, or other minerals in your water, use bottled or filtered water. Softened or distilled water should not be used as they will distort the flavor of coffee. - The general rule of thumb for water-to-coffee ratio is 1 tablespoon of ground coffee or 2 tablespoons of whole beans for each 6 oz of water. There are numerous measurement recommendations for the perfect cup–you’ll need to experiment and find what you like best. - Water temperature should range from 195-205 for brewing coffee. Many coffee makers do not achieve this. Water can be boiled then let it cool for a few seconds. Serve it “off the boil”. Water that doesn’t reach this temperature doesn’t capture all the nuances that coffee offers. - Boiling or re-heating coffee literally boils the flavor away. A thermal carafe can maintain the quality of coffee for 2 hours. - The type of grind depends how you will brew your coffee. If the water is in contact with coffee for a long time, the grind should be coarse. - If water is in contact with coffee for a short duration, the grind should be fine. - Blenders work well if you don’t own a grinder. Really! - Manual drip grind fine for 18-23 seconds. Grind medium fine 13-18 seconds. - Auto drip cone filters grind fine 18-23 seconds, and flat bottom filters grind medium for 10-15 seconds in a blade grinder. - French Press coffee should be ground coarse for approximately 5-10 seconds in a blade grinder. - Wet the filter before brewing

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Also called chickpeas, Bengal gram, Indian peas, and hummus, garbanzo beans belong to a family of legumes named Fabaceae. Beige or cream in color, garbanzo beans are available all through the year, though fresh or green garbanzo beans hit the market only in harvest season. A dark skinned variety of these beans is also available, and these beans may be more irregular in shape, but the nutrition of garbanzo beans of this variety is at par with that of the common beige ones. The buttery smooth taste and the nutty flavor of cooked garbanzo beans make them a popular legume among chefs and cooks. Since they contain lots of dietary fiber, despite the calories in garbanzo beans, dieters chose them because consuming even a third of a cup of the beans can be very filling, and it helps to reduce overall calorie intake. A cup of cooked or canned garbanzo beans contain about 270 calories. Unlike the case of canned vegetables, which lose a lot of their nutritional value during canning, garbanzo beans retain all their goodness even when they are canned. These beans are an important source of proteins for vegetarians. The presence of soluble and insoluble fiber in these beans makes them ideal for diabetics as the fiber prevents blood sugar levels from rising very fast after a meal. Nutrition facts of garbanzo beans indicate that they contain antioxidants like vitamins C and E and minerals like manganese, iron, and calcium. For a calorie counter, garbanzo beans that are sprouted are a healthy protein supplement added to salads and soups. Hummus, made from garbanzo beans, is a very popular dish in the Middle East. Curries made with these beans are a staple food in many parts of India, especially among vegetarians who need the calories in garbanzo beans. Flour made from them is also used to make pancakes and ground and cooked garbanzo beans make for excellent burgers and loafs. Apart from chicken and beef pilaf dishes, these beans can be added to soups, stews, salads, dips and spreads. Calories in garbanzo beans are not an issue since they are tasty and healthy and have no cholesterol. How many calories in garbanzo beans can one consume in a week? Research has proved that even when consumed in small amounts like one third of a cup, these beans improve the control of blood sugar and insulin secretion within a week. Calories in garbanzo beans, cooked or used in the form of flour, also serve to reduce overall food intake, satiating hunger with smaller quantities. Reducing the risk of colon problems and colon cancer is one of the greatest advantages of including garbanzo beans in a diet.

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Wild Advice Scotland provides information on species and habitat identification, alongside advice on increasing biodiversity in gardens and elsewhere. Species conservation on green roofs I’m very please to have recently received planning permission for and installed this green roof on a property in Stirling. I have increased it’s biodiversity value by using a 10cm plating substrate and choosing species of regional botanical relevance in particular sticky catchfly of local provenance, an amber listed (near threatened) species that grows in the wild with in 1km of the property. A beautiful pink flower, often associated with volcanic geology, sticky catchfly is threatened by over grazing and scrub encroachment. It was fascinating to watch this seven spot ladybird hatching. They hatch pale orange without spots and colour up to classic ladybird colours over the next hours/ day. Ladybirds are great pest controllers. Their main food is aphids. To encourage ladybirds, try to avoid using any insecticides in your garden. Natural nest boxes We had to remove the hollow stem of a rowan as it was damaging a listed building. Rather than let this great resource for wildlife go to waste, we sectioned it and used the hollow logs to create nest boxes. The smaller branches will be turned in to mini bat boxes (pip parking places). Yellow rattle is a parasitic plant that draws much of its energy from the roots of grasses. This weakens the grass, making it easier for flowering plants to compete. I’m using it in this orchard in combination with strimming to control vigorous grasses such as Yorkshire fog. Strimming the grass and removing the cutting, help remove nutrients from the soil, this favours less vigorous grasses that wildflowers can compete with more easily such as sweet vernal grass, sheep’s fescue and crested dog’s-tail. Yellow rattle is also a great source of nectar for bees.

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The Independence Day marks the day on which Finland delared itself an independent republic, in 1917. The 6th of December is in Finland a general festival and holiday. The Independence Day was celebrated for the first time in 1919, but it legally become a general festival only in 1929. Among its customs are official celebrations including visits to graves and monuments, church services, parades, musical matinées and parties. In the early evening, students march through Helsinki in torchlit processions from soldiers' graves to the central Senaatintori Square. Candles are lit in the windows of homes and offices at six in the evening and fireworks light up the dark winter sky. The President of the Republic arranges an evening reception in her residency. High administrative officials, the diplomatic corps, and citizens who have distinguished themselves during the past year are invited. The reception is unique in the world since it is televisied direct so that Finnish citizens can all participate in the event.

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Download over 150,000 high resolution illustrations for free from the Biodiversity Heritage Library. The Biodiversity Heritage Library makes millions of pages and thousands of high resolution natural history illustrations free to download and use. The Biodiversity Heritage Library (BHL) is an open access digital library that operates as a worldwide consortium of over 80 partners from natural history, botanical, research, and national libraries working together to digitize the natural history literature held in their collections and make material freely available as part of a global “biodiversity community. ” The collection includes millions of pages of literature from the 15th-21st centuries, thousands of articles from premier scientific publications and 150,000+ animal sketches, historical diagrams, botanical studies, and various scientific research collected from hundreds of thousands of journals and libraries around the globe. There are categories for reptiles and amphibians, shells, algae and fungi and more. It’s a lot of content. If you don’t need to search the site for something specific, the BHL Flickr and Instagram accounts and the BHL’s site at the Internet Archive are great places to start looking. The Flickr and Instagram accounts are all images and the Internet Archive provides visually organized access to the collection. Illustrations at the BHL Flickr site include images from the Encyclopedia of Life (mostly photographs), fungi, reptiles and amphibians, shells, and algae along with the botanical, animal and natural history illustrations in the collection. Another stream at Flickr is a book collection of over two million tagged illustrations and photographs titled “Everyone’s photos. ” Biodiversity Heritage Library Instagram The Biodiversity Heritage Library at the Internet Archive is a more visually organized way to find areas of the collection such as Smithsonian Field Books, the Royal Botanic Gardens Kew, Library, Art and Archives, Seed and Nursery Catalogs, World Atlas of Biodiversity and more. Many of the items in the Biodiversity Heritage Library collection are in the public domain and free to reuse without risk of copyright infringement. Check the field to determine the copyright status of any given item. Most content in the BHL can be freely downloaded in a variety of formats, in most cases under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4. 0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4. 0) license. On occasion, different Creative Commons licenses may be specified. The Biodiversity Heritage Library is an outstanding resource for free illustrations and texts covering the natural world in words and photos. (h/t Cool Hunting) You can find more Tech Treats here. Please rate this article:

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Our pancreas produces a hormone called insulin. This hormone is responsible for regulating the amount of sugar in the blood. When the pancreas doesn’t produce enough insulin, or when the different cells in the body start resisting the effects of insulin, it can lead to the increase of the glucose level in the blood. This condition is what we call now as diabetes mellitus or simply diabetes. There are several types of diabetes but we have 3 major ones: type 1 diabetes,type 2 diabetes, as well as gestational diabetes. Diabetes can cause a variety of symptoms. The most common symptoms of diabetes include excessive thirst, frequent urination, sudden weight loss, and hunger. Since diabetes is a life long medical illness, there is currently no cure for diabetes, both for type 1 and type 2 diabetes. In order to control the symptoms and to prevent the disease from getting any worse, physicians will prescribe several treatments for diabetes. Below we have short-term and long-term treatments for diabetes, as well as a bit of information about diabetes that can help you understand its nature and how the treatment can help patients cope with diabetes. How Diabetes Starts Before we begin with the different treatments for diabetes, let’s first discuss where diabetes begins. When we eat, the food that we take is broken down and is then converted into energy for the body. When food is broken down, glucose then enters the bloodstream. Insulin, which is a hormone produced by the pancreas, then shifts the glucose from the blood towards the different fat and muscle cells of the body, where the glucose will be turned into fuel. People with diabetes cannot normally change glucose into fuel or energy either because there is something wrong with their pancreas and its production of insulin, or because their cells are starting to resist the effects of insulin. In some cases, people will develop diabetes because of the two reasons mentioned above. Here we have a breakdown of the three types of diabetes. - Gestational Diabetes –Even women who don’t have diabetes can develop this condition during pregnancy. There are even women who had a normal blood glucose level prior their pregnancy but ended up with gestational diabetes during the course of their pregnancy. In most cases, gestational diabetes is only present during pregnancy, however the presence of gestational diabetes can already be a warning sign that the individual is at a high risk of developing Type 2 diabetes. Women with gestational diabetes are also at risk of developing cardiovascular diseases later in their life. - Type 1 Diabetes – While this type of diabetes is commonly diagnosed in children and adolescents, there are cases where people above the age of 20 can still be diagnosed with Type 1 diabetes. In the case of Type 1 diabetes, the body produces little or no insulin at all. What exactly causes Type 1 diabetes is currently unknown, but many health experts believe that viruses, genetics, and various autoimmune problems can be possible factors to the development of Type 1 diabetes. - Type 2 Diabetes – The most common type of diabetes is the Type 2 diabetes. This type of diabetes is commonly diagnosed in adults, but more and more children and adolescents today are being diagnosed with Type 2 diabetes. In this type of diabetes, the pancreas may produce enough insulin, but the problem lies with the body and how it responds to the effects of insulin. Unlike with Type 1 diabetes, the factors that can cause Type 2 diabetes leans more on the lifestyle of the individual. Most people with Type 2 diabetes are individuals who are obese or those who fail to exercise and eat properly. Genetics is also believed to be one of the main factors of Type 2 diabetes. Treatment For Diabetes Diabetes is a long-term illness and because there is no current cure for diabetes,individuals who are suffering from this medical condition will have to settle for various treatments. Take note that these treatments do not eliminate diabetes completely. Instead, these treatments will control the disease and the symptoms from progressing and getting worse. - Treatment for Type 1 Diabetes – Since there is very little or no insulin produced at all in the case of Type 1 diabetes, people with this type of diabetes will have to introduce insulin themselves. There are 4 ways to do this. People can use a syringe to inject themselves in their fatty tissues in order to administer insulin. Insulin pens are also available, which uses a fine needle and pre-filled cartridges. Individuals with Type 1 diabetes can also choose to use a jet inject or, which uses high-pressure air that sprays insulin into the skin. Insulin pumps are also becoming a popular treatment for diabetes today. This method involves the use of pumps to introduce insulin to the body. The insulin passes a catheter, which is also inserted under the abdomen’s skin. - Treatment For Type 2 Diabetes – There is currently no cure for diabetes, but patients with Type 2 diabetes can control their illness by adapting to several treatments such as exercise and diet modification. These two treatments can be very useful during the early stages of diabetes, however Type 2 diabetes does tend to worsen in the long run. In cases where Type 2 diabetes has worsened to the point that exercise or diet modification can no longer control it, diabetic medications will be prescribed to the individual.

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What is a thromboembolism? Why is it dangerous? Thromboembolism is an acute blockage of vital blood vessels by a blood clot that has entered the circulating blood. The consequence of this process can be deep vein thrombosis, ischemic stroke, myocardial infarction, and other equally serious disorders. And during pregnancy, blood clots can pose a threat to the life of both the mother and the fetus. Why do blood clots form? The process of thrombosis is triggered by slowing down the blood flow in the veins of the lower extremities, damage and disruption of the function of the vascular wall, as well as with increased blood clotting ability, that is, thrombophilia. - Hereditary predisposition plays an important role in the development of thrombophilia. Changes in the structure of the genes of the blood clotting system, responsible for maintaining a constant level of its fluidity, can increase the risk of thrombosis tenfold. - Another important factor predisposing to thrombophilia is an increased level of homocysteine, an intermediate product of folic acid (vitamin B9) metabolism. Due to disorders in the genes of folic acid metabolism, the predominance of meat in food, or other reasons, homocysteine accumulates in the blood plasma and has a toxic effect on the vessel wall, leading to increased clotting and thrombosis. Genetic analysis of the blood coagulation system genes and assessment of the level of homocysteine in plasma are recommended for: * massive surgical interventions; * prolonged immobilization after surgery; * increased body weight; * cardiovascular diseases (varicose veins of the lower extremities, hypertension, atrial fibrillation, atherosclerosis, etc. ); * oncological diseases; * when taking combined oral contraceptives and hormone replacement therapy. It is also mandatory to consult with a specialist when: * thrombosis in relatives (heart attacks, ischemic strokes, thromboembolism); * single thrombosis before the age of 50 or multiple thrombosis; * pregnancy planning; * complicated obstetric history. The data obtained as a result of a comprehensive molecular genetic analysis of the blood coagulation system genes and an assessment of the level of homocysteine will allow us to assess the risk of developing various diseases. Knowing about the hereditary predisposition, it becomes possible to take timely measures to prevent diseases, and, consequently, to reduce the likelihood of complications.

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Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) Legislation signed into law in 1977 that prohibits U.S. firms from engaging in bribery and other unlawful and fraudulent practices when conducting business in foreign countries. The legislation assigned responsibility for FCPA enforcement to the U.S. Department of Justice with supporting roles played by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Office of General Counsel of the Department of commerce. Browse by Subjects American Psychological Association (APA): Chicago Manual of Style (CMS): Modern Language Association (MLA):

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Hofstadter AIiAL: To Boldly Go In chapter 5, Hofstadter quotes: Sidney E. Mead has remarked that, after about 1800, “Americans have in effect been given the hard choice between being intelligent according to the standards prevailing in their intellectual centers, and being religious according to the standards prevailing in their denominations. ” Although Mead marks 1800 as the turning point, the shift he refers to picked up steam around 1900, and that steam carried us about 75 years into the century before dropping us off in a completely changed world still full of the same hard choices. In short, it is 2012, and the religious right are still no happier with modernity than they were 100 years ago. When Inherit the Wind was initially performed on Broadway, 30 years after the original Scopes trial, it was a quaint period piece, even though the law against teaching evolution in Tennessee that John Scopes had violated in 1925 was still on the books. When performed in small towns across the country, however, Brady's fundamentalist speeches earned cheers from the audiences. Meanwhile, in 1965, an Arkansas teacher sued the state regarding that state's anti-evolution law in a court case which went all the way to the Supreme Court before the law was overturned and legal precedent was set preventing states from prohibiting the teaching of evolution. It was 1967 before Tennessee repealed the anti-evolution law. And, since 1972, there have been 16 circuit court cases (not solely from Tennessee) on the supposed controversy, as fundamentalist parents and school boards have sought to cast doubt on the theory of evolution and deny scientific progress. And, coming around full circle, last month, March 2012, Tennessee legislators passed a law covertly named an "academic freedom" law, which encourages science teachers not to "take sides" in the scientific "controversies" of evolution and climate change, but to teach the "pros and cons" of scientific facts and let the students decide what's true. Influence from Outside The very early printing presses in America were used to print newspapers, pamphlets, and magazines with a limited circulation range. After the Civil War, however, the installation of the cross-continental telegraph line made it possible for news to be transmitted via telegraph from one newsroom to another, allowing important news stories to be sent around the country in a matter of hours where once it tooks days. Also, Westward expansion combined with improvements in transportation moving West allowed the US Postal Service to re-organize postal rates, setting a lower rate for non-priority mail. The range made possible for subscription services jumped enormously between 1865 and 1880, which made the reach of magazine advertisers quite a bit longer. These changes, which seem insignificant to our larger regarding the resistance of the religious conservative to modernity, are, in fact, critical to it. As Hofstadter says, Advertising, radio, the mass magazines, the advance of popular education, threw the old mentality into a direct and unavoidable conflict with the new. Prior to these advances, a movement or product which became popular in one region stayed in that region unless it was brought by travelers or migrants. New discoveries, scientific progress, and the cosmopolitanism of large cities rarely reached small towns, and when it did, it was an anomaly, like the city mouse on a visit to his country cousin. But when the local newspaper is able to receive news stories (and publish them more or less as written) across the wire, the news becomes more up-to-date and able to print more wide-ranging information. Look at any TV news today for an example - many affiliate stations air nationally syndicated news broadcasts covering the top national news of the day with an segment set aside in the middle for local news. And when the latest fashion spread comes in a magazine once a month - almost reliable! - and includes articles talking about the latest intellectual fashion, suddenly, knowing what people are talking about in the cities cannot be avoided. The information they wanted was now bundled with information they'd prefer to avoid, inviting a difficult choice between eliminating desirable information and accepting that which was undesirable. This became more difficult with the advent of the moving pictures in the early 20th Century, which were appealing as a form of entertainment, but which presented ideologies which the small-town religious conservative might have otherwise not have encountered. As people will, the response was - and nearly always has been - to try and have both. The history of media is riddled with attempts to sanitize and censor what is published. From the 1970s until today, Christian groups have protested several movies about Christ, angling to remove them from production. In the 1980s, parents wrote to comic book publishers, complaining that the comic had featured a Buddhist or Muslim character with some spare information about that character's background and religion - information that they didn't want their children to have. And in 2012, Rick Santorum, a religious conservative running for the Republican presidential nomination, came out strongly in favor of banning internet pornography. We've been attacked by the intelligent, educated segment of our culture. [Paster Ray Mummert, via Idiot America] Sex and Consequences In 1965, the last of the Comstock laws were struck down in Griswald v. Connecticut, making birth control legal. Although humans have practiced birth control for a very long time (references to birth control methods can be found in medieval writings), by the 1960s, advances in medical and pharmaceutical technology had led to a reliable birth control pill, and, once legal, it became widespread. The sexual revolution of the 1960s-1980s had many causes, of which, access to reliable, effective, and safe birth control is one. Running deeper, however, is the shift in American culture beginning in the late 1800s to a metropolitan, commercial culture. As people moved to cities to work and live, and found themselves competing more regularly for jobs and resources, a shift started which has continued to excess - from a Culture of Character, wherein ones character and integrity mattered, to a Culture of Personality, which spawns books such as one I saw at the bookstore yesterday: The Charisma Myth: How Anyone can Master the Art and Science of Personal Magnetism. In a Culture of Personality, ones beliefs and how well one lives them, are far less a part of their personal success than their ability to charm others. And over half a century of declining emphasis on character and integrity, people became far more socially liberal. However, most religions still teach that sex is part of marriage, for procreation, and should not be indulged in outside of marriage. Creating another tension - between being sexually adventurous according to the standards prevailing in modern culture and being religious - and abstaining until marriage - according to the standards of ones church. And again, we see the same sort of tactics from religious conservatives: using politics to try and change the culture which creates this tension for them. In the early 1960s, 1 in 3 women who felt they were done having children experienced at least 1 more pregnancy before menopause - and by 1965, all 50 states had banned abortion. Since 1973, when Roe v Wade decriminalized most abortions, religious conservatives have pushed to restrict abortion in any way legally possible, added requirements intended to cause women to feel shame, incited the less-well-hinged to terrorist acts, and generally have attempted to roll American sexual mores back to an idealized pre-1950s era. Just in the last 10 years, they have attacked women's access to birth control several times, even though modern society nearly requires that most families have multiple incomes and woman's ability to have a career is tied very closely to her ability to control her fertility. All to try and wiggle out of a hard decision: whether to be sexually open according to modern culture or to be religious according to their faith.

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Reported July 2009 ATLANTA (Ivanhoe Newswire) -- No one knows what caused the Air France flight to come down last month, killing everyone onboard, but what if you could predict when there was going to be a mechanical problem or part failure? That's exactly what some scientists are hoping to do -- prevent breakdowns, by predicting exactly when they'll happen. You need Flash Player 8 or higher to view video content with the ROO Flash Player. Click here to download and install it. At EPPS Aviation in Atlanta, Ga., mechanics repair, replace and rework close to 2,000 jets a year. Crew chief Greg Allen says when it comes to maintenance, every plane is different. "Absolutely every airplane has its own characteristics, certain different maintenance requirements, and you get to know them inside and out," Allen told Ivanhoe. But parts and electronic components can be unpredictable. In the past few years, a part fell off a plane above New York, a wing flew off a plane over Maryland and a wheel came crashing down over buffalo. The results can be catastrophic. "Other than the manufacturer will tell you the part will last so long, you count on that, but it's not always the case," Allen said. What if mechanics like Allen could predict exactly when a part would fail? That's where Georgia Tech's Stewart School of Industrial and Systems Engineer Dr. Nagi Gebraeel comes in. He's developed a system called adaptive prognostics for electronics and manufacturing components. The system uses internal sensors to measure, use and wear in real time. It then calculates when the part will wear out, and the best time to replace it. "This system will not only say how long this product or component is going to last. It will also give them economic insight as to when is the best economical time to replace that component," Dr. Gebraeel explained. Researchers say the system can be adapted to constantly monitor any moving part, from aircraft electronics to ball bearings, sending out electronic alerts well in advance of a breakdown. "The benefits of this type of system are going to be tremendous," Dr. Gebraeel said. "They are going to be both safety use and financial especially when it comes to maintenance. " It's science that's helping predict equipment problems before they happen -- saving time, money and even lives. Though adaptive prognostic systems are not yet in commercial use, Georgia Tech researchers are studying potential applications in military aviation and power generating systems. The Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences contributed to the information contained in the TV portion of this report. Click here to Go Inside This Science or contact: Atlanta Georgia 30332-0205 USA Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences Robo Dog To The Rescue This Month's TV Reports One in five Americans lives with disabilities, limitations that can make everyday tasks difficult or even impossible. Veggie Cuts Cancer Forty Percent Just about everybody knows if you want to stay healthy and fight off disease, you've got to eat your veggies. Protect Yourself From Germs Before the swine flu pandemic is over, world health experts predict 2 billion people will be affected worldwide. Diet Buster: Watch What You Drink Anyone trying to diet has access to weight loss tools, from pills to shakes to quick fix exercise routines. Save the Environment: Save Money We've all heard about the effects of global warming, but do you know your carbon footprint? How much does your car contribute? Your house? Your office? Catching Crooks Green-Handed Move over CSI: There's a new way for people to protect their property before it's stolen and track down criminals if it is. No one knows what caused the Air France flight to come down last month, killing everyone onboard, but what if you could predict when there was going to be a mechanical problem or part failure? Imagine living six months in outer space. That's what astronauts aboard the international space station are doing right now. Boat Safety from Outer Space Boating is one of the most popular summer pastimes in the United States. Seventy-five million people are sailing, power boating, fishing, or just exploring out on the water. Fast And Furious College Kids Students from all over the country compete in a racecar competition engineered to test what they've learned. The Future of TV: Hidden Commercials? TiVo helps us skip the commercials. Now advertisers are finding more creative ways to get their message across. The latest trend in advertising is product placement. Jump Higher, Spin Faster: The Science of Dance Shawn Johnson took home the gold in gymnastics and the coveted mirror ball trophy on Dancing With the Stars. But dancing requires more than just beauty and grace.

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Schofield and Sims The children should complete one page of their Schofield and Sims book and return their book to school by Wednesday 25th April. Please complete any corrections before beginning a new test. Please continue to read regularly with your child. Reward points will be given to children who record what they have read in their reading diaries. Please ask your child to tell you about what they have read. This will help to ensure your child can understand the text they are reading. During their morning work this week, the children have been looking at a long /a/ sound, spelt with /ei/ and /ey/. Please look through the workbooks with the children, complete any unfinished work and practise the spellings. The spellings are: eight, eighth, eighty, weight, vein, veil, beige, sleigh, freight, neighbour hey, they, obey, grey, purvey, whey, survey, convey, disobey and prey We understand that many of these spellings are quite simple. However, the children need to revise the rules for the various graphemes and practise spellings these words correctly in their written work too. Our new Science topic this term is, Light and Shadows. If you have any spare torches at home that you are happy to loan to Y3 this term, we would be very grateful.

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Alcoholics, Narcotics and Cocaine Anonymous Twelve step programs, such as Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), have become so well known that most of us do not realize that their origin dates back less than 100 years ago. AA started with only a few members in 1935 and dramatically increased its membership over the next 50 years to more than 1. 7 million members in 94,000 AA groups worldwide1. Programs based on the same philosophy as AA soon began to develop to deal with more diverse issues of addiction. These programs include Narcotics Anonymous (NA) for narcotic drug addiction and Al Anon for family members and loved ones of addicts and alcoholics. Today, there are more than 250 organizations that either use the word “Anonymous” as part of their name, or are based on a 12 step program philosophy of recovery. 12 step program and Rehab, Drug Addiction Treatment Twelve step programs are often confused with formal addiction treatment or rehab drug treatment since both programs generally espouse abstinence from drugs and alcohol as a means of recovery. However a 12 Step Program differs significantly from formal treatment or drug rehab. An Addiction treatment program will focus mainly on the negative consequences of addictive behaviors through specific medical, psychological and social interventions. A 12 Step Program on the other hand, will view the addictive behavior as a symptom of an underlying spiritual crisis. In order to recover from the addiction, the individual must address these larger issues of spirituality and character development. Thus, the addictive behavior, or one’s powerlessness over drugs and/or alcohol, is only mentioned in the first step. The other eleven steps focus on spiritual awakening and character development. Addiction Treatment rehab drug centres tend to concentrate on interventions geared to individuals; a twelve step program is based in community involvement. Participation in the fellowship meetings and sponsorship are essential parts of a 12 Step Program. An important goal of membership is the awareness of the consequences of one’s addiction, especially the social consequences of addictive behaviours. In fact, AA appears to be very helpful to individuals who have destructive social networks that are supportive of their drinking, as it introduces them to new constructive social networks or people who support each other’s sobriety. Individuals with heavy alcohol use and psychiatric problems have been found to benefit from AA involvement, possibly because the 12 Step social network provides external supports to compensate for poor internal resources. In addition, rehab drug addiction treatment utilizes professionals to help people with addictions. The “experts” in a 12 Step Program are its members. Twelve ( 12 ) step groups are not lead by professional therapists or counsellors; they are lead by the addicts themselves who came in search of help. Thus, unlike the costs of operating a treatment program, a 12 Step group program uses the knowledge of its members. Addiction treatment also is finite. Patients are expected to learn new behaviours while in treatment and to continue using them when treatment is completed. Twelve-step programs do not end. Recovery from addiction is seen as a lifelong process and involvement in 12 Step Programs are a lifetime commitment to recovery. Given the differences between 12 Step programs and addiction treatment, one would not expect a high level of cooperation between the two. However, over 95% of addiction treatment centers in the United States follow a model of care based on the 12 Step philosophy. Treatment programs are responsible for introducing almost 35% of the current members of AA to the program. A study of employed alcoholics who were referred to inpatient treatment, mandated to AA, or given a choice between the two programs found that the individuals who completed inpatient treatment and followed it with voluntary AA involvement had the lowest rates of relapse of the three groups. Effectiveness of 12-Step Programs Alcoholics Anonymous has been conducting triennial anonymous scientific surveys of its members since 1968. • According to a survey completed in 19985, the average length of sobriety for its members is more than 7 years, with almost half of the members sober for more than 5 years. • Project MATCH, a major national research trial of three treatments for alcoholism, found that AA involvement is related to positive treatment outcomes regardless of the type of treatment. • A survey of NA (narcotics anonymous) members in Great Britain found a positive relationship between length of membership in NA, abstinence from drugs and healthy levels of self-esteem and anxiety. • In addition, two large-scale analyses of many research studies on AA found that participation in AA is related to improved psychosocial functioning and decreased drinking. Many people wonder about the effectiveness of 12 Step programs for different types of people. Although AA began mainly as a white, middle-aged male-dominated program, the most recent membership survey revealed a much more diverse membership. The percentage of female members rose to 34% in 1998 from 22% in 1968. Members aged 30 years or younger currently comprise 9% of the membership. Research has found that AA and NA participation is not influenced by employment status, education or race. Active involvement in 12 Step programs repeatedly is found to be a better predictor of long-term recovery than attendance at meetings. Involvement in AA following addiction treatment is related to increased positive ways of coping, high commitment to continued abstinence and an increased sense of self-efficacy. However, a major impediment to the effectiveness of 12 Step programs is the high dropout rate. It has been estimated that 50% of AA members drop out within the first 3 months and that only 20% of alcoholics referred to AA attend meetings on a regular basis. In order to determine why people do not become actively involved in or drop out of 12 Step programs researchers have examined the attributes of individuals who successfully use these programs. Self-identification as an alcoholic or addict appears important for successful 12 Step program affiliation. A study of AA affiliation following discharge from treatment found that individuals who remained involved in AA were more accepting of all aspects of the 12 Step program than were individuals who rejected the program or who thought their alcohol drinking was not very serious. It appears that 12 Step programs are as effective as one wants them to be. Research has not yet proven that 12 Step involvement causes recovery or that a 12 step program is more effective than other paths to recovery. However, active long-term involvement in a 12 Step program is strongly related to recovery and improved psychosocial functioning. Involvement in these programs is more demanding than simple cessation of alcohol or drug use and requires a greater level of participation than mere attendance at meetings. The research on 12 Step rehab drug programs strongly indicates that the effectiveness of a program is intertwined with acceptance of the philosophy, spirituality and personal growth inherent in the 12 Step's.

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Our Mission is to bring the factual content of complex scientific consensus reports on health and the environment to the reach of non-specialists. To this end, The GreenFacts Initiative publishes clear, faithful summaries of existing scientific reports on environmental and health topics: the GreenFacts Digests and the GreenFacts Co- Publications. These are peer reviewed under the control of an independent Scientific Committee. The Greenfacts Initiative publishes also “news” that briefly and factually highlight the content of some recent reports in these matters. These news are not peer reviewed. The GreenFacts Initiative is a non-profit project founded in 2001 Initially “GreenFacts Foundation” and then changed to "GreenFacts" in 2004, it is now "its is managed by Cogeneris sprl. This initiative was created in 2001 from the vision that: The founders agreed that the current state of scientific knowledge on these issues is best provided by scientific consensus reports, produced by large panels of scientific experts under the authority of international organizations, such as WHO, FAO, IARC, UNEP, and the European Commission. However, these reports are sometimes difficult to find, and usually hard to read and understand because they are long, complex, and written in expert jargon. To be understood by non-specialists, they need to be summarized, faithfully and in plain language. Water resources and environmental impact of marine litter and micro-plastics in marine litter: evaluation and recommendations Farming, erosion, biodiversity or contamination: the declining state of soil in Europe Alzheimer, cancer : scientific assessments on toxicity, danger and health risks from aluminium exposure in food, antiperspirant and dermatology products. The public needs better communication on the new label system regarding the safe use of chemicals. The risks from exposure to mixture of chemicals : adequately evaluated ?

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Aug 01, 2018 · Symptoms from lymphoma in the chest When lymphoma starts in the thymus or lymph nodes in the chest, it may press on the nearby trachea (windpipe), which can cause coughing, trouble breathing, or a feeling of chest pain or pressure. The superior vena cava (SVC) is the large vein that carries blood from the head and arms back to the heart. Last Revised: August 1, 2018. The warning signs of lymphoma may be so subtle that it can take years before a person with the disease realizes that there is anything seriously wrong. In addition, most of the symptoms of lymphoma are non-specific, meaning they can also occur in more common and less dangerous, non-cancerous conditions. . May 09, 2019 · Lymphoma Symptoms Lymphoma symptoms. Lymphoma can be challenging to diagnose in its early stages. Fatigue. Fatigue and listlessness can be symptoms of lymphoma. Night sweats, chills, and fever. Fever is a natural response to an infection, Unexplained weight loss. Sudden, unexplained weight Author: Dale Kiefer And Ana Gotter. Lymphoma Symptoms. The most common early symptom of lymphoma is painless swelling of one or more lymph nodes, typically in your neck, armpits, or groin. Many of these symptoms may be related to other conditions. For example, it’s normal for your lymph nodes to become swollen or enlarged when you’re fighting off a viral or bacterial infection. Jan 22, 2018 · Hodgkin’s lymphoma is the most treatable form of cancer. Still, non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma has a much better prognosis than it once did, with a 71. 4% recovery rate. The symptoms of both types of lymphoma are often missed at first, because they are so similar to other, less serious disorders. Hodgkin lymphoma symptoms. Hodgkin lymphoma symptoms are typically non-specific and share many characteristics with other illnesses, such as a cold, the flu, other types of respiratory infection and other blood cancers. The early stages of Hodgkin lymphoma may not cause any symptoms. When symptoms do occur, a common early sign of Hodgkin lymphoma is swelling in one or more lymph . May 01, 2018 · Signs and Symptoms of Hodgkin Lymphoma You or your child can have (HL) and feel perfectly well. But HL often causes symptoms or changes that should be checked by a doctor. Last Revised: May 1, 2018. Signs and symptoms of adult non-Hodgkin lymphoma include swelling in the lymph nodes, fever, night sweats, weight loss, and fatigue. Share Your Story These signs and symptoms may be caused by adult non-Hodgkin lymphoma or by other conditions.

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Iron is essential for making hemoglobin, the protein in red blood cells that carries oxygen to other cells. It's also an important component of myoglobin (a protein that helps supply oxygen to your muscles), collagen (a protein in bone, cartilage, and other connective tissue), and many enzymes. What's more, iron helps you maintain a healthy immune system. During pregnancy, your iron requirements go up significantly. First of all, your blood volume expands until you have almost 50 percent more blood than usual, so you need more iron to make more hemoglobin. You also need extra iron for your growing baby and placenta. Most women start their pregnancies without sufficient stores of iron to meet their body's increased demands — especially in the second and third trimesters — and are unable to bring their levels up through diet alone. How much iron do I need during pregnancy? The recommended amount for pregnant women is 27 milligrams (mg) a day, substantially more than the 18 mg a day you needed before you conceived. Should I take a supplement? Most experts think it's a good idea. Although your body absorbs iron more efficiently during pregnancy, you most likely won't be able to get enough of the mineral from your diet alone, even if you're a healthy eater. The Centers for Disease Control recommends that all pregnant women take a daily supplement containing 30 mg. At your first prenatal appointment, your practitioner will probably recommend a prenatal vitamin that contains at least 30 mg of iron as well as other nutrients. What are the best food sources of iron? Unless you're a vegetarian, red meat is one of your best sources of iron while you're pregnant. (Liver provides the highest concentration of iron, but it also contains unsafe amounts of vitamin A and is best avoided during pregnancy. ) Meat, poultry, and fish provide a form of the mineral called heme iron that's easier for your body to absorb than the kind found in legumes, vegetables, and grains, which is called nonheme iron. (Nonheme iron is also the kind that's used in iron-fortified foods and supplements. ) That's why it can be hard for vegetarians to get enough iron from their diet. However, this doesn't mean you need to eat a big slab of meat every day to fill your iron requirement. Adding just a little meat or fish to a meal will help your body absorb more of the iron in the other foods on your plate. So will adding foods rich in vitamin C, such as orange juice, strawberries, or broccoli. Here are a few more tips for getting as much iron as possible from the food you eat: Cook in a cast-iron pan. (Moist, acidic foods, such as tomato sauce, are especially good at soaking up iron this way. ) Cut back on coffee and tea, or drink them between meals, because they contain compounds called phenols that interfere with iron absorption. Calcium does, too, so if you take calcium supplements or antacids that contain calcium, take them between meals. Common sources of heme iron: * 6 fried oysters: 4. 5 mg * 3 oz. lean beef chuck (about the size of a deck of cards): 3. 2 mg * 3 oz. lean beef tenderloin: 3. 0 mg * 3. 5 oz. roast turkey, dark meat: 2. 3 mg * 3. 5 oz. roast turkey, light meat: 1. 6 mg * 3. 5 oz. roast chicken, dark meat: 1. 3 mg * 3 oz. roast chicken breast: 1. 1 mg Common sources of nonheme iron: * 3/4 cup ready-to-eat cereal, 100 percent iron-fortified: 18 mg * 1 cup instant fortified oatmeal: 10 mg * 1 cup edamame (boiled soybeans): 8. 8 mg * 1 cup cooked lentils: 6. 6 mg * 1 cup cooked kidney beans: 5. 2 mg * 1 cup cooked black or pinto beans: 3. 6 mg * 1 tablespoon blackstrap molasses: 3. 5 mg * 1/2 cup raw, firm tofu: 3. 4 mg * 1/2 cup boiled spinach: 3. 2 mg * 1 cup prune juice: 3 mg * 1/2 cup raisins: 1. 5 mg What will happen if I don't get enough iron? When you're not getting enough iron, your stores become depleted over time. If you get to the point where you no longer have enough iron in your blood to make the hemoglobin you need, you become anemic. Iron-deficiency anemia can sap your energy (and cause a host of other symptoms) and make it harder for your body to fight infection. It may also affect your pregnancy. Having iron-deficiency anemia in the first and second trimesters has been linked to an increased risk of preterm birth and a low-birthweight baby. And if you're anemic later in pregnancy, you're more likely to need a transfusion and have other problems if you lose a lot of blood when you give birth. Your baby does a good job of taking care of his iron needs while he's in your uterus. He'll get his share of what's available before you do. However, if you're severely deficient, it may compromise your baby's iron stores at birth, increasing his risk for anemia later in infancy. How will I know if I have iron-deficiency anemia, and how is it treated? You may not have any symptoms at all and be surprised to learn that you're anemic after a routine blood test. Or you may feel tired, weak, and dizzy. You may be paler than usual, particularly in your fingernails, the underside of your eyelids, and your lips, and you may have a rapid heartbeat, heart palpitations, shortness of breath, or trouble concentrating. Finally, some studies have found a link between severe iron-deficiency anemia and cravings for non-food substances such as ice or clay (a condition known as pica). Iron deficiency is very common in the United States and around the world, and you're particularly at risk when you're pregnant. That's why your practitioner tests your blood for anemia at your first prenatal appointment. If your test indicates that you're anemic, you'll need to take even more iron, usually 60 to 120 mg a day. (As with all supplements, don't boost your dose unless your practitioner advises you to, and take only the amount she recommends. ) To increase absorption, take your iron pills on an empty stomach. Wash them down with water or orange juice (the vitamin C helps with absorption) but not with milk (calcium hinders absorption). Note that these doses refer to the amount of "elemental iron," or pure iron, in a supplement. Some labels list the amount of ferrous sulfate (a kind of iron salt) instead of or in addition to the amount of elemental iron. A supplement that contains 325 mg of ferrous sulfate will give you about 60 mg of elemental iron. One more important thing to note: Be vigilant about keeping pills that contain iron in childproof containers and away from children. More kids die from iron overdose every year than from any other kind of accidental drug poisoning. In fact, a single adult dose can be toxic to a small child. Are there any side effects from taking a lot of iron? High levels of iron in supplements can upset your gastrointestinal tract. Most commonly, they lead to constipation, which is already a problem for many pregnant women. But you may also have nausea or, more rarely, diarrhea. If you think this is the case for you, talk to your practitioner about it. If you're not anemic, it may make sense for you to switch to a prenatal vitamin with a lower dose of iron. If you are anemic, you may be able to avoid stomach problems by starting with less iron and then gradually building up to the dose you need, or by taking the iron in divided doses throughout the day. Some women find they have less trouble with the side effects from iron supplements when they take a time-released formula, although the trade-off is that the iron is not absorbed as easily this way. If you think your supplement is making you feel queasy, try taking it at bedtime. If constipation is what's plaguing you, try drinking prune juice. It can help you stay regular (and is a good source of iron itself). Finally, don't worry if your stools look darker when you start taking iron. That's a normal side effect. Iron : It's good for your blood Iron : It's good for your blood Why do I need iron? Share this article

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The Harper government says it has reached the halfway mark toward meeting its target for cutting greenhouse gas emissions. Environment Minister Peter Kent says the reductions in emissions are largely a result of regulations imposed on Canada’s transportation and electricity industries. Under the Copenhagen Accord, Canada had committed to cutting greenhouse gas emissions by 17 per cent from 2005 levels by 2020. Much of the reductions to date are a result of adding land-use changes and forestry operations into the calculations. Previously those projections were excluded. The rest of the cuts come from advances in new building construction and more efficient new vehicles.

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Discuss the role of the DNP-prepared nurse in the development of nursing science - Discuss the role of the DNP-prepared nurse in the development of nursing science - Carper’s (1978) germinal work is over 40 years old yet it is important for nurses to think about how we know what we know. All four of the concepts Carper identified are very important. Select and discuss the one way of knowing that is most important to the role of the DNP nurse. - Melnyk and Fineout-Overholt (2019) discuss the levels of evidence that guide research. Discuss why all of the seven levels are needed for research. Three paragraphs and three references. Is this the question you were looking for? If so, place your order here to get started!

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Natalie Zemon Davis writes: When does the history of personal identification technology begin? The history of fingerprinting, photographs, retinal scans, DNA testing? Of the many situations in which we are called on to prove who we are, and of the many places in which our identity is recorded? Some accounts start with the French Revolution and the needs of modern states and colonial empires. Others, following Foucault, push the beginnings back to the surveillance and discipline – ‘the new technologies of power’ – that the monarchies of the 17th and 18th centuries developed to control their subjects. Valentin Groebner traces the origins back to the regulatory urges of even older political and religious institutions: ‘Modern identity papers can in fact be described as the combined outcome of those techniques developed between the 13th and the 16th centuries. ’ He establishes his case through an impressively wide range of examples, from government registers and ordinances to personal travel accounts from Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Spain and France.

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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/French Revolutionary Wars FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY WARS (1792-1800), the general name for the first part of the series of French wars which went on continuously, except for some local and temporary cessations of hostilities, from the declaration of war against Britain in 1792 to the final overthrow of Napoleon in 1815. The most important of these cessations—viz. the peace of 1801-1803—closes the “Revolutionary” and opens the “Napoleonic” era of land warfare, for which see Napoleonic Campaigns, Peninsular War and Waterloo Campaign. The naval history of the period is divided somewhat differently; the first period, treated below, is 1792-1799; for the second, 1799-1815, see Napoleonic Campaigns. France declared war on Austria on the 20th of April 1792. But Prussia and other powers had allied themselves with Austria in view of war, and it was against a coalition and not a single power that France found herself pitted, at the moment when the “emigration,” the ferment of the Revolution, and want of material and of funds had thoroughly disorganized her army. The first engagements were singularly disgraceful. Near Lille the French soldiers fled at sight of the Austrian outposts, crying Nous sommes trahis, and murdered their general (April 29). The commanders-in-chief of the armies that were formed became one after another “suspects”; and before a serious action had been fought, the three armies of Rochambeau, Lafayette and Lückner had resolved themselves into two commanded by Dumouriez and Kellermann. Thus the disciplined soldiers of the Allies had apparently good reason to consider the campaign before them a military promenade. On the Rhine, a combined army of Prussians, Austrians, Hessians and émigrés under the duke of Brunswick was formed for the invasion of France, flanked by two smaller armies on its right and left, all three being under the supreme command of the king of Prussia. In the Netherlands the Austrians were to besiege Lille, and in the south the Piedmontese also took the field. The first step, taken against Brunswick's advice, was the issue (July 25) of a proclamation which, couched in terms in the last degree offensive to the French nation, generated the spirit that was afterwards to find expression in the “armed nation” of 1793-4, and sealed the fate of Louis XVI. The duke, who was a model sovereign in his own principality, sympathized with the constitutional side of the Revolution, while as a soldier he had no confidence in the success of the enterprise. After completing its preparations in the leisurely manner of the previous generation, his army crossed the French frontier on the 19th of August. Longwy was easily captured; and the Allies slowly marched on to Verdun, which was more indefensible even than Longwy. The commandant, Colonel Beaurepaire, shot himself in despair, and the place surrendered on the 3rd of September. Brunswick now began his march on Paris and approached the defiles of the Argonne. But Dumouriez, who had been training his raw troops at Valenciennes in constant small engagements, with the purpose of invading Belgium, now threw himself into the Argonne by a rapid and daring flank march, almost under the eyes of the Prussian advanced guard, and barred the Paris road, summoning Kellermann to his assistance from Metz. The latter moved but slowly, and before he arrived the northern part of the line of defence had been forced. Dumouriez, undaunted, changed front so as to face north, with his right wing on the Argonne and his left stretching towards Châlons, and in this position Kellermann joined him at St Menehould on the 19th of September. Valmy. Brunswick meanwhile had passed the northern defiles and had then swung round to cut off Dumouriez from Châlons. At the moment when the Prussian manœuvre was nearly completed, Kellermann, commanding in Dumouriez's momentary absence, advanced his left wing and took up a position between St Menehould and Valmy. The result was the world-renowned Cannonade of Valmy (September 20, 1792). Kellermann's infantry, nearly all regulars, stood steady. The French artillery justified its reputation as the best in Europe, and eventually, with no more than a half-hearted infantry attack, the duke broke off the action and retired. This trivial engagement was the turning-point of the campaign and a landmark in the world's history. Ten days later, without firing another shot, the invading army began its retreat. Dumouriez's pursuit was not seriously pressed; he occupied himself chiefly with a series of subtle and curious negotiations which, with the general advance of the French troops, brought about the complete withdrawal of the enemy from the soil of France. Jemappes. Meanwhile, the French forces in the south had driven back the Piedmontese and had conquered Savoy and Nice. Another French success was the daring expedition into Germany made by Custine from Alsace. Custine captured Mainz itself on the 21st of October and penetrated as far as Frankfurt. In the north the Austrian siege of Lille had completely failed, and Dumouriez now resumed his interrupted scheme for the invasion of the Netherlands. His forward movement, made as it was late in the season, surprised the Austrians, and he disposed of enormously superior forces. On the 6th of November he won the first great victory of the war at Jemappes near Mons and, this time advancing boldly, he overran the whole country from Namur to Antwerp within a month. Such was the prelude of what is called the “Great War” in England and the “Épopée” in France. Before going further it is necessary to summarize the special features of the French army—in leadership, discipline, tactics, organization and movement—which made these campaigns the archetype of modern warfare. At the outbreak of the Revolution the French army, like other armies in Europe, was a “voluntary” long-service army, augmented to some extent in war by drafts of militia. The French army, 1792-1796. One of the first problems that the Constituent Assembly took upon itself to solve was the nationalization of this strictly royal and professional force, and as early as October 1789 the word “Conscription” was heard in its debates. But it was decreed nevertheless that free enlistment alone befitted a free people, and the regular army was left unaltered in form. However, a National Guard came into existence side by side with it, and the history of French army organization in the next few years is the history of the fusion of these two elements. The first step, as regards the regular army, was the abolition of proprietary rights, the serial numbering of regiments throughout the Army, and the disbandment of the Maison du roi. The next was the promotion of deserving soldiers to fill the numerous vacancies caused by the emigration. Along with these, however, there came to the surface many incompetent leaders, favourites in the political clubs of Paris, &c. , and the old strict discipline became impossible owing to the frequent intervention of the civil authorities in matters affecting it, the denunciation of generals, and especially the wild words and wild behaviour of “Volunteer” (embodied national guard) battalions. When war came, it was soon found that the regulars had fallen too low in numbers and that the national guard demanded too high pay, to admit of developing the expected field strength. Arms, discipline, training alike were wanting to the new levies, and the repulse of Brunswick was effected by manœuvring and fighting on the old lines and chiefly with the old army. The cry of La patrie en danger, after giving, at the crisis, the highest moral support to the troops in the front, dwindled away after victory, and the French government contented itself with the half-measures that had, apparently, sufficed to avert the peril. More, when the armies went into winter quarters, the Volunteers claimed leave of absence and went home. But in the spring of 1793, confronted by a far more serious peril, the government took strong measures. Universal liability was asserted, and passed into law. Yet even now whole classes obtained exemption and the right of substitution as usual forced the burden of service on the poorer classes, so that of the 100,000 men called on for the regular army and 200,000 for the Volunteers, only some 180,000 were actually raised. Desertion, generally regarded as the curse of professional armies, became a conspicuous vice of the defenders of the Republic, except at moments when a supreme crisis called forth supreme devotion—moments which naturally were more or less prolonged in proportion to the gravity of the situation. Thus, while it almost disappeared in the great effort of 1793-1794, when the armies sustained bloody reverses in distant wars of conquest, as in 1799, it promptly rose again to an alarming height. Universal service of the “Amalgam.” While this unsatisfactory general levy was being made, defeats, defections and invasion in earnest came in rapid succession, and to deal with the almost desperate emergency, the ruthless Committee of Public Safety sprang into existence. “The levy is to be universal. Unmarried citizens and widowers without children of ages from 18 to 25 are to be called up first,” and 450,000 recruits were immediately obtained by this single act. The complete amalgamation of the regular and volunteer units was decided upon. The white uniforms of the line gave place to the blue of the National Guard in all arms and services, The titles of officers were changed, and in fact every relic of the old régime, save the inherited solidity of the old regular battalions, was swept away. This rough combination of line and volunteers therefore—for the “Amalgam” was not officially begun until 1794—must be understood when we refer to the French army of Hondschoote or of Wattignies. It contained, by reason of its universality and also because men were better off in the army than out of it—if they stayed at home they went in daily fear of denunciation and the guillotine—the best elements of the French nation. To some extent at any rate the political arrivistes had been weeded out, and though the informer, here as elsewhere, struck unseen blows, the mass of the army gradually evolved its true leaders and obeyed them. It was, therefore, an army of individual citizen-soldiers of the best type, welded by the enemy’s fire, and conscious of its own solidarity in the midst of the Revolutionary chaos. After 1794 the system underwent but little radical change until the end of the Revolutionary period. Its regiments grew in military value month by month and attained their highest level in the great campaign of 1796. In 1795 the French forces (now all styled National Guard) consisted of 531,000 men, of whom 323,000 were infantry (100 3-battalion demi-brigades), 97,000 light infantry (30 demi-brigades), 29,000 artillery, 20,000 engineers and 59,000 cavalry. This novel army developed novel fighting methods, above all in the infantry. This arm had just received a new drill-book, as the result of a prolonged controversy (see Infantry) between the advocates of “lines” and “columns,” and this drill-book, while retaining the principle of the line, set controversy at rest by admitting battalion columns of attack, and movements at the “quick” (100-120 paces to the minute) instead of at the “slow” march (76). On these two prescriptions, ignoring the rest, the practical troop leaders built up the new tactics little by little, and almost unconsciously. The process of evolution cannot be stated exactly, for the officers learned to use and even to invent now one form, now another, according to ground and circumstances. But the main stream of progress is easily distinguishable. The earlier battles were fought more or less according to the drill-book, partly in line for fire action, partly in column for the bayonet attack. But line movements required the most accurate drill, and what was attainable after years of practice with regulars moving at the slow march was wholly impossible for new levies moving at 120 paces to the minute. When, therefore, the line marched off, it broke up into a shapeless swarm of individual firers. This was the form, if form it can be called, of the tactics of 1793—“horde-tactics,” as they have quite justly been called—and a few such experiences as that of Hondschoote sufficed to suggest the need of a remedy. This was found in keeping as many troops as possible out of the firing line. From 1794 onwards the latter becomes thinner and thinner, and instead of the drill-book form, with half the army firing in line (practically in hordes) and the other half in support in columns, we find the rear lines becoming more and more important and numerous, till at last the fire of the leading line (skirmishers) becomes insignificant, and the decision rests with the bayonets of the closed masses in rear. Indeed, the latter often used mixed line and column formations, which enabled them not only to charge, but to fire close-order volleys—absolutely regardless of the skirmishers in front. In other words, the bravest and coolest marksmen were let loose to do what damage they could, and the rest, massed in close order, were kept under the control of their officers and only exposed to the dissolving influence of the fight when the moment arrived to deliver, whether by fire or by shock, the decisive blow. Cavalry. Artillery. Engineers. The cavalry underwent little change in its organization and tactics, which remained as in the drill-books founded on Frederick’s practice. But except in the case of the hussars, who were chiefly Alsatians, it was thoroughly disorganized by the emigration or execution of the nobles who had officered it, and for long it was incapable of facing the hostile squadrons in the open. Still, its elements were good, it was fairly well trained, and mounted, and not overwhelmed with national guard drafts, and like the other arms it duly evolved and obeyed new leaders. In artillery matters this period, 1792-1796, marks an important progress, due above all to Gribeauval (q. v.) and the two du Teils, Jean Pierre (1722-1794) and Jean (1733-1820) who were Napoleon’s instructors. The change was chiefly in organization and equipment—the great tactical development of the arm was not to come until the time of the Grande Armée—and may be summarized as the transition from battalion guns and reserve artillery to batteries of “horse and field. ” The engineers, like the artillery, were a technical and non-noble corps. They escaped, therefore, most of the troubles of the Revolution—indeed the artillery and engineer officers, Napoleon and Carnot amongst them, were conspicuous in the political regeneration of France—and the engineers carried on with little change the traditions of Vaubanand Cormontaingne (see Fortification and Siegecraft). Both these corps were, after the Revolution as before it, the best in Europe, other armies admitting their superiority and following their precepts. In all this the army naturally outgrew its old “linear” organization. Temporary divisions, called for by momentary necessities, placed under selected generals and released from the detailed supervision of the commander-in-chief, soon became, though in an irregular and haphazard fashion, permanent organisms, and by 1796 the divisional system had become practically universal. The next step, as the armies became fewer and larger, was the temporary grouping of divisions; this too in turn became permanent, and bequeathed to the military world of to-day both the army corps and the capable, self-reliant and enterprising subordinate generals, for whom the old linear organization had no room. The starting point of modern warfare. This subdivision of forces was intimately connected with the general method of making war adopted by the “New French,” as their enemies called them. What astonished the Allies most of all was the number and the velocity of the Republicans. These improvised armies had in fact nothing to delay them. Tents were unprocurable for want of money, untransportable for want of the enormous number of wagons that would have been required, and also unnecessary, for the discomfort that would have caused wholesale desertion in professional armies was cheerfully borne by the men of 1793-1794. Supplies for armies of then unheard-of size could not be carried in convoys, and the French soon became familiar with “living on the country. ” Thus 1793 saw the birth of the modern system of war—rapidity of movement, full development of national strength, bivouacs and requisitions, and force, as against cautious manoeuvring, small professional armies, tents and full rations, and chicane. The first represented the decision-compelling spirit, the second the spirit of risking little to gain a little. Above all, the decision-compelling spirit was reinforced by the presence of the emissaries of the Committee of Public Safety, the “representatives on mission” who practically controlled the guillotine. There were civil officials with the armies of the Allies too, but their chief function was not to infuse desperate energy into the military operations, but to see that the troops did not maltreat civilians. Such were the fundamental principles of the “New French” method of warfare, from which the warfare of to-day descends in the direct line. But it was only after a painful period of trial and error, of waste and misdirection, that it became possible for the French army to have evolved Napoleon, and for Napoleon to evolve the principles and methods of war that conformed to and profited to the utmost by the new conditions. Those campaigns and battles of this army which are described in detail in the present article have been selected, some on account of their historical importance—as producing great results; others from their military interest—as typifying and illustrating the nature of the revolution undergone by the art of war in these heroic years. Campaigns in the Netherlands The year 1793 opened disastrously for the Republic. As a consequence of Jemappes and Valmy, France had taken the offensive both in Belgium, which had been overrun by Dumouriez’s army, and in the Rhine countries, where Custine had preached the new gospel to the sentimental and half-discontented Hessians and Mainzers. But the execution of Louis XVI. raised up a host of new and determined enemies. England, Holland, Austria, Prussia, Spain and Sardinia promptly formed the First Coalition. England poured out money in profusion to pay and equip her Allies’ land armies, and herself began the great struggle for the command of the sea (see Naval Operations, below). In the Low Countries, while Dumouriez was beginning his proposed invasion of Holland, Prince Josias of Saxe-Coburg, the new Austrian commander on the Lower Rhine, advanced with 42,000 men from the region of Cologne, and drove in the various detachments that Dumouriez had posted to cover his right. The French general thereupon abandoned his advance into Holland, and, with what forces he could gather, turned towards the Meuse. The two armies met at Neerwinden (q. v.) on the 18th of March 1793. Dumouriez had only a few thousand men more than his opponent, instead of the enormous superiority he had had at Jemappes. Thus the enveloping attack could not be repeated, and in a battle on equal fronts the old generalship and the old armies had the advantage. Dumouriez was thoroughly defeated, the house of cards collapsed, and the whole of the French forces retreated in confusion to the strong line of border fortresses, created by Louis XIV. and Vauban. Dumouriez, witnessing the failure of his political schemes, declared against the Republic, and after a vain attempt to induce his own army to follow his example, fled (April 5) into the Austrian lines. The leaderless Republicans streamed back to Valenciennes. There, however, they found a general. Picot (comte de) Dampierre was a regimental officer of the old army, who, in spite of his vanity and extravagance, possessed real loyalty to the new order of things, and brilliant personal courage. At the darkest hour he seized the reins without orders and without reference to seniority, and began to reconstruct the force and the spirit of the shattered army by wise administration and dithyrambic proclamations. Moreover, he withdrew it well behind Valenciennes out of reach of a second reverse. The region of Dunkirk and Cassel, the camp of La Madeleine near Lille, and Bouchain were made the rallying points of the various groups, the principal army being at the last-named. But the blow of Neerwinden had struck deep, and the army was for long incapable of service, what with the general distrust, the misconduct of the newer battalions, and the discontent of the old white-coated regiments that were left ragged and shoeless to the profit of the “patriot” corps. “Beware of giving horses to the ‘Hussars of Liberty,’” wrote Carnot, “all these new corps are abominable. ” France was in fact defenceless, and the opportunity existed for the military promenade to Paris that the allied statesmen had imagined in 1792. But Coburg now ceased to be a purely Austrian commander, for one by one allied contingents, with instructions that varied with the political aims of the various governments, began to arrive. Moreover, he had his own views as to the political situation, fearing especially to be the cause of the queen’s death as Brunswick had been of the king’s, and negotiated for a settlement. The story of these negotiations should be read in Chuquet’s Valenciennes—it gives the key to many mysteries of the campaign and shows that though the revolutionary spirit had already passed all understanding, enlightened men such as Coburg and his chief-of-staff Mack sympathized with its first efforts and thought the constitution of 1791 a gain to humanity. “If you come to Paris you will find 80,000 patriots ready to die,” said the French negotiators. “The patriots could not resist the Austrian regulars,” replied Coburg, “but I do not propose to go to Paris. I desire to see a stable government, with a chief, king or other, with whom we can treat. ” Soon, however, these personal negotiationsAssembly of the Allies.were stopped by the emperor, and the idea of restoring order in France became little more than a pretext for a general intrigue amongst the confederate powers, each seeking to aggrandize itself at France’s expense. “If you wish to deal with the French,” observed Dumouriez ironically to Coburg, “talk ‘constitution. ’ You may beat them but you cannot subdue them. ” And their subjugation was becoming less and less possible as the days went on and men talked of the partition of France as a question of the moment like the partition of Poland—a pretension that even the émigrés resented. Coburg’s plan of campaign was limited to the objects acceptable to all the Allies alike. He aimed at the conquest of a first-class fortress—Lille or Valenciennes—and chiefly for this reason. War meant to the burgher of Germany and the Netherlands a special form of haute politique with which it was neither his business nor his inclination to meddle. He had no more compunction, therefore, in selling his worst goods at the best price to the army commissaries than in doing so to his ordinary customers. It followed that, owing to the distance between Vienna and Valenciennes, and the exorbitant prices charged by carters and horse-owners, a mere concentration of Austrian troops at the latter place cost as much as a campaign, and the transport expenses rose to such a figure that Coburg’s first duty was to find a strong place to serve as a market for the countryside and a depot for the supplies purchased, and to have it as near as possible to the front to save the hire of vehicles. As for the other governments which Coburg served as best he could, the object of the war was material concessions, and it would be easy to negotiate for the cession of Dunkirk and Valenciennes when the British and Austrian colours already waved there. The Allies, therefore, instead of following up their advantage over the French field army and driving forward on the open Paris road, set their faces westward, intending to capture Valenciennes, Le Quesnoy, Dunkirk and Lille one after the other. Dampierre at Valenciennes. Dampierre meanwhile grew less confident as responsibility settled upon his shoulders. Quite unable to believe that Coburg would bury himself in a maze of rivers and fortresses when he could scatter the French army to the winds by a direct advance, he was disquieted and puzzled by the Austrian investment of Condé. This was followed by skirmishes around Valenciennes, so unfavourable to the French that their officers felt it would be madness to venture far beyond the support of the fortress guns. But the representatives on mission ordered Dampierre, who was reorganizing his army at Bouchain, to advance and occupy Famars camp, east of Valenciennes, and soon afterwards, disregarding his protests, bade him relieve Condé at all costs. His skill, though not commensurate with his personal courage and devotion, sufficed to give him the idea of attacking Coburg on the right bank of the Scheldt while Clerfayt, with the corps covering the siege of Condé, was on the left, and then to turn against Clerfayt—in fact, to operate on interior lines—but it was far from being adequate to the task of beating either with the disheartened forces he commanded. On the 1st of May, while Clerfayt was held in check by a very vigorous demonstration, Coburg’s positions west of Quiévrain were attacked by Dampierre himself. The French won some local successes by force of numbers and surprise, but the Allies recovered themselves, thanks chiefly to the address and skill of Colonel Mack, and drove the Republicans in disorder to their entrenchments. Dampierre’s discouragement now became desperation, and, urged on by the representatives (who, be it said, had exposed their own lives freely enough in the action), he attacked Clerfayt on the 8th at Raismes. The troops fought far better in the woods and hamlets west of the Scheldt than they had done in the plains to the east. But in the heat of the action Dampierre, becoming again the brilliant soldier that he had been before responsibility stifled him, risked and lost his life in leading a storming party, and his men retired sullenly, though this time in good order, to Valenciennes. Two days later the French gave up the open field and retired into Valenciennes. Dampierre’s remains were by a vote of the Convention ordered to be deposited in the Panthéon. But he was a “ci-devant” noble, the demagogues denounced him as a traitor, and the only honour finally paid to the man who had tided over the weeks of greatest danger was the placing of his bust, in the strange company of those of Brutus and Marat, in the chamber of deputies. Another pause followed, Coburg awaiting the British contingent under the duke of York, and the Republicans endeavouring to assimilate the reinforcements of conscripts, for the most part “undesirables,” who now arrived. Mutiny and denunciations augmented the confusion in the French camp. Plan of campaign there was none, save a resolution to stay at Valenciennes in the hope of finding an opportunity of relieving Condé and to create diversions elsewhere by expeditions from Dunkirk, Lille and Sedan. These of course came to nothing, and before they had even started, Coburg, resuming the offensive, had stormed the lines of Famars (May 24), whereupon the French army retired to Bouchain, leaving not only Condé but also Valenciennes to resist as best they could. The central point of the new positions about Bouchain was called Caesar’s Camp. Here, surrounded by streams and marshes, the French generals thought that their troops were secure from the rush of the dreaded Austrian cavalry, and Mack himself shared their opinion. Fall of Valenciennes. Custine now took command of the abjectly dispirited army, the fourth change of command within two months. His first task was to institute a severe discipline, and his prestige was so great that his mere threat of death sentences for offenders produced the desired effect. As to operations, he wished for a concentration of all possible forces from other parts of the frontier towards Valenciennes, even if necessary at the cost of sacrificing his own conquest of Mainz. But after he had induced the government to assent to this, the generals of the numerous other armies refused to give up their troops, and on the 17th of June the idea was abandoned in view of the growing seriousness of the Vendéan insurrection (see Vendée). Custine, therefore, could do no more than continue the work of reorganization. Military operations were few. Coburg, who had all this time succeeded in remaining concentrated, now found himself compelled to extend leftwards towards Flanders, for Custine had infused some energy into the scattered groups of the Republicans in the region of Douai, Lille and Dunkirk—and during this respite the Paris Jacobins sent to the guillotine both Custine and his successor La Marlière before July was ended. Both were “ci-devant” nobles and, so far as is ascertainable, neither was guilty of anything worse than attempts to make his orders respected by, and himself popular with, the soldiers. By this time, owing to the innumerable denunciations and arrests, the confusion in the Army of the North was at its height, and no further attempt was made either to relieve Valenciennes and Condé, or to press forward from Lille and Dunkirk. Condé, starved out as Coburg desired, capitulated on the 10th of June, and the Austrians, who had done their work as soldiers, but were filled with pity for their suffering and distracted enemies, marched in with food for the women and children. Valenciennes, under the energetic General Ferrand, held out bravely until the fire of the Allies became intolerable, and then the civil population began to plot treachery, and to wear the Bourbon cockade in the open street. Ferrand and the representatives with him found themselves obliged to surrender to the duke of York, who commanded the siege corps, on the 28th of July, after rejecting the first draft of a capitulation sent in by the duke and threatening to continue the defence to the bitter end. Impossible as this was known to be—for Valenciennes seemed to have become a royalist town—Ferrand’s soldierly bearing carried the day, and honourable terms were arranged. The duke even offered to assist the garrison in repressing disorder. Shortly after this the wreck of the field army was forced to evacuate Caesar’s Camp after an unimportant action (Aug. 7-8) and retired on Arras. By this they gave up the direct defence of the Paris road, but placed themselves in a “flank position” relatively to it, and secured to themselves the resources and reinforcements available in the region of Dunkirk-Lille. Bouchain and Cambrai, Landrecies and Le Quesnoy, were left to their own garrisons. With this ended the second episode of the amazing campaign of 1793. Military operations were few and spasmodic, on the one side because the Allied statesmen were less concerned with the nebulous common object of restoring order in France than with their several schemes of aggrandisement, on the other owing to the almost incredible confusion of France under the régime of Danton and Marat. The third episode shows little or no change in the force and direction of the allied efforts, but a very great change in France. Thoroughly roused by disaster and now dominated by the furious and bloodthirsty energy of the terrorists, the French people and armies at last set before themselves clear and definite objects to be pursued at all costs. Jean Nicolas Houchard, the next officer appointed to command, had been a heavy cavalry trooper in the Seven Years’ War. His face bore the scars of wounds received at Minden, and his bravery, his stature, his bold and fierce manner, his want of education, seemed to all to betoken the ideal sans-*culotte general. But he was nevertheless incapable of leading an army, and knowing this, carefully conformed to the advice of his staff officers Berthelmy and Gay-Vernon, the latter of whom, an exceptionally capable officer, had been Custine’s chief of staff and was consequently under suspicion. At one moment, indeed, operations had to be suspended altogether because his papers were seized by the civil authorities, and amongst them were all the confidential memoranda and maps required for the business of headquarters. It was the darkest hour. The Vendéans, the people of Lyons, Marseilles and Toulon, were in open and hitherto successful revolt. Valenciennes had fallen and Coburg’s hussar parties pressed forward into the Somme valley. Again the Allies had the decision of the war in their own hands. Coburg, indeed, was still afraid, on Marie Antoinette’s account, of forcing the Republicans to extremities, and on military grounds too he thought an advance on Paris hazardous. But, hazardous or not, it would have been attempted but for the English. The duke of York had definite orders from his government to capture Dunkirk—at present a nest of corsairs which interfered with the Channel trade, and in the future, it was hoped, a second Gibraltar—and after the fall of Valenciennes and the capture of Caesar’s Camp the English and Hanoverians marched away, via Tournai and Ypres, to besiege the coast fortress. Thereupon the king of Prussia in turn called off his contingent for operations on the middle Rhine. Holland, too, though she maintained her contingent in face of Lille (where it covered Flanders), was not disposed to send it to join the imperialists in an adventure in the heart of France. Coburg, therefore, was brought to a complete standstill, and the scene of the decision was shifted to the district between Lille and the coast. Thither came Carnot, the engineer officer who was in charge of military affairs In the Committee of Public Safety and is known to history as the “Organizer of Victory.” His views of the strategy to be pursued indicate either a purely geographical idea of war, which does not square with his later principles and practice, or, as is far more likely, a profound disbelief in the capacity of the Army of the North, as it then stood, to fight a battle, and they went no further than to recommend an inroad into Flanders on the ground that no enemy would be encountered there. This, however, in the event developed into an operation of almost decisive importance, for at the moment of its inception the duke of York was already on the march. Fighting en route a very severe but successful action (Lincelles, Aug. 18) with the French troops encamped near Lille, the Anglo-Hanoverians entered the district—densely intersected with canals and morasses—around Dunkirk and Bergues on the 21st and 22nd. On the right, by way of Fumes, the British moved towards Dunkirk and invested the east front of the weak fortress, while on the left the Hanoverian field marshal v. Freytag moved via Poperinghe on Bergues. The French had a chain of outposts between Furnes and Bergues, but Freytag attacked them resolutely, and the defenders, except a brave handful who stood Dunkirk.to cross bayonets, fled in all directions. The east front of Bergues was invested on the 23rd, and Freytag spread out his forces to cover the duke of York’s attack on Dunkirk, his right being opposite Bergues and his centre at Bambeke, while his left covered the space between Roosbrugge and Ypres with a cordon of posts. Houchard was in despair at the bad conduct of his troops. But one young general, Jourdan, anticipating Houchard’s orders, had already brought a strong force from Lille to Cassel, whence he incessantly harried Freytag’s posts. Carnot encouraged the garrisons of Dunkirk and Bergues, and caused the sluices to be opened. The moral of the defenders rose rapidly. Houchard prepared to bring up every available man of the Army of the North, and only waited to make up his mind as to the direction in which his attack should be made. The Allies themselves recognized the extreme danger of their position. It was cut in half by the Great Morass, stretches of which extended even to Furnes. Neither Dunkirk nor Bergues could be completely invested owing to the inundations, and Freytag sent a message to King George III. to the effect that if Dunkirk did not surrender in a few days the expedition would be a complete failure. As for the French, they could hardly believe their good fortune. Generals, staff officers and representatives on mission alike were eager for a swift and crushing offensive. “‘Attack’ and ‘attack in mass’ became the shibboleth and the catch-phrase of the camps” (Chuquet), and fortresses and armies on other parts of the frontier were imperiously called upon to supply large drafts for the Army of the North. Gay-Vernon’s strategical instinct found expression in a wide-ranging movement designed to secure the absolute annihilation of the duke of York’s forces. Beginning with an attack on the Dutch posts north and east of Lille, the army was then to press forward towards Furnes, the left wing holding Freytag’s left wing in check, and the right swinging inwards and across the line of retreat of both allied corps. At that moment all men were daring, and the scheme was adopted with enthusiasm. On the 28th of August, consequently, the Dutch posts were attacked and driven away by the mobile forces at Lille, aided by parts of the main army from Arras. But even before they had fired their last shot the Republicans dispersed to plunder and compromised their success. Houchard and Gay-Vernon began to fear that their army would not emerge successfully from the supreme test they were about to impose on it, and from this moment the scheme of destroying the English began to give way to the simpler and safer idea of relieving Dunkirk. The place was so ill-equipped that after a few days’ siege it was in extremis, and the political importance of its preservation led not merely the civilian representatives, but even Carnot, to implore Houchard to put an end to the crisis at once. On the 30th, Cassel, instead of Ypres, was designated as the point of concentration for the “mass of attack. ” This surprised the representatives and Carnot as much as it surprised the subordinate generals, all of whom thought that there would still be time to make the détour through Ypres and to cut off the Allies’ retreat before Dunkirk fell. But Houchard and Gay-Vernon were no longer under any illusions as to the manœuvring power of their forces, and the government agents wisely left them to execute their own plans. Thirty-seven thousand men were left to watch Coburg and to secure Arras and Douai, and the rest, 50,000 strong, assembled at Cassel. Everything was in Houchard’s favour could he but overcome the indiscipline of his own army. The duke of York was more dangerous in appearance than in reality—as the result must infallibly have shown had Houchard and Gay-Vernon possessed the courage to execute the original plan—and Freytag’s covering army extended in a line of disconnected posts from Bergues to Ypres. Against the left and centre of this feeble cordon 40,000 men advanced in many columns on the 6th of September. A confused outpost fight, in which the various assailing columns dissolved into excited swarms, ended, long after nightfall, in the orderly withdrawal of the various allied posts to Hondschoote. The French generals were occupied the whole of next day in sorting out their troops, who had not only completely wasted their strength against mere outposts, but had actually consumed their rations and used up their ammunition. On the 8th, the assailants, having more or less recovered themselves, advanced again. They found Wallmoden (who had succeeded Freytag, disabled on the 6th) entrenched on either side of the village of Hondschoote, the right resting on the great morass and the left on the village of Leysele. Here was the opportunity for the “attack in mass” that had been so freely discussed; but Houchard was now concerned more with the relief of Dunkirk than with the defeat of the enemy. He sent away one division to Dunkirk, another to Bergues, and a third towards Ypres, and left himself only some 20,000 men for the battle. But Wallmoden had only 13,000—so great was the disproportion between end and means in this ill-designed enterprise against Dunkirk. Houchard despatched a column, guided by his staff officer Berthelmy, to turn the Hanoverians’ left, but this column lost its way in the dense country about Loo. The centre waited motionless under the fire of the allied guns near Hondschoote. In vain the representative Delbrel implored the general to order the advance. Houchard was obstinate, and ere long the natural result followed. Though Delbrel posted himself in front of the line, conspicuous by his white horse and tricoloured sash and plume, to steady the men, the bravest left the ranks and skirmished forward from bush to bush, and the rest sought cover. Then the allied commander ordered forward one regiment of Hessians, and these, advancing at a ceremonial slow march, and firing steady rolling volleys, scattered the Republicans before them. At this crisis Houchard uttered the fatal word “retreat,” but Delbrel overwhelmed him with reproaches and stung him into renewed activity. He hurried away to urge forward the right wing while Jourdan rallied the centre and led it into the fight again. Once more Jourdan awaited in vain the order to advance, and once more the troops broke. But at last the exasperated Delbrel rose to the occasion. “You fear the responsibility,” he cried to Jourdan; “well, I assume it. My authority overrides the general’s and I give you the formal order to attack at once! ” Then, gently, as if to soften a rebuke, he continued, “You have forced me to speak as a superior; now I will be your aide-de-camp,” and at once hurried off to bring up the reserves and to despatch cavalry to collect the fugitives. This Incident, amongst many, serves to show that the representatives on mission were no mere savage marplots, as is too generally assumed. They were often wise and able men, brave and fearless of responsibility in camp and in action. Jourdan led on the reserves, and the men fighting in the bushes on either side of the road heard their drums to right and left. Jourdan fell wounded, but Delbrel headed a wild irregular bayonet charge which checked the Hanoverians, and Houchard himself, in his true place as a cavalry leader, came up with 500 fresh sabres and flung himself on the Allies. The Hanoverians, magnificently disciplined troops that they were, soon re-formed after the shock, but by this time the fugitives collected by Delbrel’s troopers, reanimated by new hopes of victory, were returning to the front in hundreds, and a last assault on Hondschoote met with complete success. Hondschoote was a psychological victory. Materially, it was no more than the crushing of an obstinate rearguard at enormous expense to the assailants, for the duke of York was able to withdraw while there was still time. Houchard had indeed called back the division he had sent to Bergues, and despatched it by Loo against the enemy’s rear, but the movement was undertaken too late in the day to be useful. The struggle was practically a front to front battle, numbers and enthusiasm on the one side, discipline, position and steadiness on the other. Hence, though its strategical result was merely to compel the duke of York to give up an enterprise that he should never have undertaken, Hondschoote established the fact that the “New French” were determined to win, at any cost and by sheer weight and energy. It was long before they were able to meet equal numbers with confidence, and still longer before they could freely oppose a small corps to a larger one. But the nightmare of defeats and surrenders was dispelled. The influence of Houchard on the course of the operations had been sometimes null, sometimes detrimental, and only occasionally good. The plan and its execution were the work of Berthelmy and Gay-Vernon, the victory itself was Jourdan’s and, above all, Delbrel’s. To these errors, forgiven to a victor, Houchard added the crowning offence of failure, in the reaction after the battle, to pursue his advantage. His enemies in Paris became more and more powerful as the campaign continued. Having missed the great opportunity of crushing the English, Houchard turned his attention to the Dutch posts about Menin. As far as the Allies were concerned Hondschoote was a mere reverse, not a disaster, and was counterbalanced in Coburg’s eyes by his own capture of Le Quesnoy (Sept. 11). The proximity of the main body of the French to Menin induced him to order Beaulieu’s corps (hitherto at Cysoing and linking the Dutch posts with the central group) to join the prince of Orange there, and to ask the duke of York to do the same. But this last meant negotiation, and before anything was settled Houchard, with the army from Hondschoote and a contingent from Lille, had attacked the prince at Menin and destroyed his corps (Sept. 12-13). After this engagement, which, though it was won by immensely superior forces, was if not an important at any rate a complete victory, Houchard went still farther inland—leaving detachments to observe York and replacing them by troops from the various camps as he passed along the cordon—in the hope of dealing with Beaulieu as he had dealt with the Dutch, and even of relieving Le Quesnoy. But in all this he failed. He had expected to meet Beaulieu near Cysoing, but the Austrian general had long before gone northward to assist the prince of Orange. Thus Houchard missed his target. Worse still, one of his protective detachments chanced to meet Beaulieu near Courtrai on the 15th, and was not only defeated but driven in rout from Menin. Lastly, Coburg had already captured Le Quesnoy, and had also repulsed a straggling attack of the Landrecies, Bouchain and other French garrisons on the positions of his covering army (12th). Houchard’s offensive died away completely, and he halted his army (45,000 strong excluding detachments) at Gaverelle, half-way between Douai and Arras, hoping thereby to succour Bouchain, Cambrai or Arras, whichever should prove to be Coburg’s next objective. After standing still for several days, a prey to all the conflicting rumours that reached his ears, he came to the conclusion that Coburg was about to join the duke of York in a second siege of Dunkirk, and began to close on his left. But his conclusion was entirely wrong. The Allies were closing on their left inland to attack Maubeuge. Coburg drew in Beaulieu, and even persuaded the Dutch to assist, the duke of York undertaking for the moment to watch the whole of the Flanders cordon from the sea to Tournai. But this concentration of force was merely nominal, for each contingent worked in the interests of its own masters, and, above all, the siege that was the object of the concentration was calculated to last four weeks, i. e. gave the French four weeks unimpeded liberty of action. Houchard was now denounced and brought captive to Paris. Placed upon his trial, he offered a calm and reasoned defence of his conduct, but when the intolerable word “coward” was hurled at him by one of his judges he wept with rage, pointing to the scars of his many wounds, and then, his spirit broken, sank into a lethargic indifference, in which he remained to the end. He was guillotined on the 16th of November 1793. After Houchard’s arrest, Jourdan accepted the command, though with many misgivings, for the higher ranks were filled by officers with even less experience than he had himself, equipment and clothing was wanting, and, perhaps more important still, the new levies, instead of filling up the depleted ranks of the line, were assembled in undisciplined and half-armed hordes at various frontier camps, under elected officers who had for the most part never undergone the least training. The field states showed a total of 104,000 men, of whom less than a third formed the operative army. But an enthusiasm equal to that of Hondschoote, and similarly demanding a plain, urgent and recognizable objective, animated it, and although Jourdan and Carnot (who was with him at Gaverelle, where the army had now reassembled) began to study the general strategic situation, the Committee brought them back to realities by ordering them to relieve Maubeuge at all costs. The Allies disposed in all of 66,000 men around the threatened fortress, but 26,000 of these were actually employed in the siege, and the remainder, forming the covering army, extended in an enormous semicircle of posts facing west, south and east. Thus the Republicans, as before, had two men to one at the point of contact (44,000 against 21,000), but so formidable was the discipline and steadiness of manœuvre of the old armies that the chances were considered as no more than “rather in favour” of the French. Not that these chances were seriously weighed before engaging. The generals might squander their energies in the council chamber on plans of sieges and expeditions, but in the field they were glad enough to seize the opportunity of a battle which they were not skilful enough to compel. It took place on the 15th and 16th of October, and though the allied right and centre held their ground, on their left the plateau of Wattignies (q. v.), from which the battle derives its name, was stormed on the second day, Carnot, Jourdan and the representatives leading the columns in person. Coburg indeed retired in unbroken order, added to which the Maubeuge garrison had failed to co-operate with their rescuers by a sortie, and the duke of York had hurried up with all the men he could spare from the Flanders cordon. But the Dutch generals refused to advance beyond the Sambre, and Coburg broke up the siege of Maubeuge and retired whence he had come, while Jourdan, so far from pressing forward, was anxiously awaiting a counterattack, and entrenching himself with all possible energy. So ended the episode of Wattignies, which, alike in its general outline and in its details, gives a perfect picture of the character, at once intense and spasmodic, of the “New French” warfare in the days of the Terror. To complete the story of ’93 it remains to sketch, very briefly, the principal events on the eastern and southern frontiers of France. These present, in the main, no special features, and all that it is necessary to retain of them is the fact of their existence. What this multiplication of their tasks meant to the Committee of Public Safety and to Carnot in particular it is impossible to realize. It was not merely on the Sambre and the Scheldt, nor against one army of heterogeneous allies that the Republic had to fight for life, but against Prussians and Hessians on the Rhine, Sardinians in the Alps, Spaniards in the Pyrenees, and also (one might say, indeed, above all) against Frenchmen in Vendée, Lyons, Marseilles and Toulon. On the Rhine, the advance of a Prussian-Hessian army, 63,000 strong, rapidly drove back Custine from the Main into the valleys of the Saar and the Lauter. An Austrian corps under Wurmser soon afterwards invaded Alsace. Here, as on the northern frontier, there was a long period of trial and error, of denunciations and indiscipline, and of wholly trivial fighting, before the Republicans recovered themselves. But in the end the ragged enthusiasts found their true leader in Lazare Hoche, and, though defeated by Brunswick at Pirmasens and Kaiserslautern, they managed to develop almost their full strength against Wurmser in Alsace. On the 26th of December the latter, who had already undergone a series of partial reverses, was driven by main force from the lines of Weissenburg, after which Hoche advanced into the Palatinate and delivered Landau, and Pichegru moved on to recapture Mainz, which had surrendered in July. On the Spanish frontier both sides indulged in a fruitless war of posts in broken ground. The Italian campaign of 1793, equally unprofitable, will be referred to below. Far more serious than either was the insurrection of Vendée (q. v.) and the counter-revolution in the south of France, the principal incidents of which were the terrible sieges of Lyons and Toulon. Campaign of 1794. For 1794 Carnot planned a general advance of all the northern armies, that of the North (Pichegru) from Dunkirk-Cassel by Ypres and Oudenarde on Brussels, the minor Army of the Ardennes to Charleroi, and the Army of the Moselle (Jourdan) to Liége, while between Charleroi and Lille demonstrations were to be made against the hostile centre. He counted upon little as regards the two armies near the Meuse, but hoped to force on a decisive battle by the advance of the left wing towards Ypres. Coburg, on the other side, intended, if not forced to develop his strength on the Ypres side, to make his main effort against the French centre about Landrecies. This produced the siege of Landrecies, which need not concern us, a forward movement of the French to Menin and Courtrai which resulted in the battles of Tourcoing and Tournai, and the campaign of Fleurus, which, almost fortuitously, produced the long-sought decision. The first crisis was brought about by the advance of the left wing of the Army of the North, under Souham, to Menin-Courtrai. This advance placed Souham in the midst of the enemy’s right wing, and at last stimulated the Allies into adopting the plan that Mack had advocated, in season and out of season, since before Neerwinden—that of annihilating the enemy’s army. This vigorous purpose, and the leading part in its execution played by the duke of York and the British contingent, give these operations, to Englishmen at any rate, a living interest which is entirely lacking in, say, the sieges of Le Quesnoy and Landrecies. On the other side, the “New French” armies and their leaders, without losing the energy of 1793, had emerged from confusion and inexperience, and the powers of the new army and the new system had begun to mature. Thus it was a fair trial of strength between the old way and the new. In the second week of May the left wing of the Army of the North—the centre was towards Landrecies, and the right, fused in the Army of the Ardennes, towards Charleroi—found itself interposed at Menin-Courtrai-Lille between two hostile masses, the main body of the allied right wing about Tournai and a secondary corps at Thielt. Common-sense, therefore, dictated a converging attack for the Allies and a series of rapid radial blows for the French. In the allied camp common-sense had first to prevail over routine, and the emperor’s first orders were for a raid of the Thielt corps towards Ypres, which his advisers hoped would of itself cause the French to decamp. But the duke of York formed a very different plan, and Feldzeugmeister Clerfayt, in command at Thielt, agreed to co-operate. Their proposal was to surround the French on the Lys with their two corps, and by the 15th the emperor had decided to use larger forces with the same object. Mack’s “annihilation plan. ” On that day Coburg himself, with 6000 men under Feldzeugmeister Kinsky from the central (Landrecies) group, entered Tournai and took up the general command, while another reinforcement under the archduke Charles marched towards Orchies. Orders were promptly issued for a general offensive. Clerfayt’s corps was to be between Rousselaer and Menin on the 16th, and the next day to force its way across the Lys at Werwick and connect with the main army. The main army was to advance in four columns. The first three, under the duke of York, were to move off, at daylight on the 17th, by Dottignies, Leers and Lannoy respectively to the line Mouscron-Tourcoing-Mouveaux. The fourth and fifth under Kinsky and the archduke Charles were to defeat the French corps on the upper Marque, and then, leaving Lille on their left and guaranteeing themselves by a cordon system against being cut off from Tournai (either by the troops just defeated or by the Lille garrison), to march rapidly forward towards Werwick, getting touch on their right with the duke of York and on their left with Clerfayt, and thus completing the investing circle around Souham’s and Moreau’s isolated divisions. Speed was enjoined on all. Picked volunteers to clear away the enemy’s skirmishers, and pioneers to make good difficult places on the roads, were to precede the heads of the columns. Then came at the head of the main body the artillery with an infantry escort. All this might have been designed by the Japanese for the attack of some well-defined Russian position in the war of 1904. Outpost and skirmisher resistance was to be overpowered the instant it was offered, and the attack on the closed bodies of the enemy was to be initiated by a heavy artillery fire at the earliest possible moment. But in 1904 the Russians stood still, which was the last thing that the Revolutionary armies of 1794 would or could do. Mack’s well-considered and carefully balanced combinations failed, and doubtless helped to create the legend of his incapacity, which finds no support either in the opinion of Coburg, the representative of the old school, or in that of Scharnhorst, the founder of the new. Souham, who commanded in the temporary absence of Pichegru, had formed his own plan. Finding himself with the major part of his forces between York and Clerfayt, he had decided to impose upon the former by means of a covering detachment, and to fall upon Clerfayt near Rousselaer with the bulk of his forces. This plan, based as it was on a sound calculation of time, space, strength and endurance, merits close consideration, for it contains more than a trace of the essential principles of modern strategy, yet with one vital difference, that whereas, in the present case, the factor of the enemy’s independent will wrecked the scheme, Napoleon would have guaranteed to himself, before and during its development, the power of executing it in spite of the enemy. The appearance of fresh allied troops (Kinsky) on his right front at once modified these general arrangements. Divining Coburg’s intentions from the arrival of the enemy near Pont-à-Marque and at Lannoy, he ordered Bonnaud (Lille group, 27,000) to leave enough troops on the upper Marque to amuse the enemy’s leftmost columns, and with every man he had left beyond this absolute minimum to attack the left flank of the columns moving towards Tourcoing, which his weak centre (12,000 men at Tourcoing, Mouscron and Roubaix) was to stop by frontal defence. No rôle was as yet assigned to the principal mass (50,000 under Moreau) about Courtrai. Vandamme’s brigade was to extend along the Lys from Menin to Werwick and beyond, to deny as long as possible the passage to Clerfayt. This second plan failed like the first, because the enemy’s counter-will was not controlled. All along the line Coburg’s advance compelled the French to fight as they were without any redistribution. But the French were sufficiently elastic to adapt themselves readily to unforeseen conditions, and on Coburg’s side too the unexpected happened. When Clerfayt appeared on the Lys above Menin, he found Werwick held. This was an accident, for the battalion there was on its way to Menin, and Vandamme, who had not yet received his new orders, was still far away. But the battalion fought boldly, Clerfayt sent for his pontoons, and ere they arrived Vandamme’s leading troops managed to come up on the other side. Thus it was not till 1 A.M. on the 18th that the first Austrian battalions passed the Lys. On the front of the main allied group the “annihilation plan” was crippled at the outset by the tardiness of the archduke’s (fifth or left) column. On this the smooth working of the whole scheme depended, for Coburg considered that he must defeat Bonnaud before carrying out his intended envelopment of the Menin-Courtrai group (the idea of “binding” the enemy by a detachment while the main scheme proceeded had not yet arisen). The allied general, indeed, on discovering the backwardness of the archduke, went so far as to order all the other columns to begin by swerving southward against Bonnaud, but these were already too deeply committed to the original plan to execute any new variation. The rightmost column (Hanoverians) under von dem Bussche moved on Mouscron, overpowering the fragmentary, if energetic, resistance of the French advanced posts. Next on the left, Lieutenant Field Marshal Otto moved by Leers and Watrelos, driving away a French post at Lis (near Lannoy) on his left flank, and entered Tourcoing. But meantime a French brigade had driven von dem Bussche away from Mouscron, so that Otto felt compelled to keep troops at Leers and Watrelos to protect his rear, which seriously weakened his hold on Tourcoing. The third column, led by the duke of York, advanced from Templeuve on Lannoy, at the same time securing its left by expelling the French from Willems. Lannoy was stormed by the British Guards under Sir R. Abercromby with such vigour that the cavalry which had been sent round the village to cut off the French retreat had no time to get into position. Beyond Lannoy, the French resistance, still disjointed, became more obstinate as the ground favoured it more, and the duke called up the Austrians from Willems to turn the right of the French position at Roubaix by way of a small valley. Once again, however, the Guards dislodged the enemy before the turning movement had taken effect. A third French position now appeared, at Mouvaux, and this seemed so formidable that the duke halted to rest his now weary men. The emperor himself, however, ordered the advance to be resumed, and Mouvaux too was carried by Abercromby. It was now nightfall, and the duke having attained his objective point prepared to hold it against a counter attack. Kinsky meanwhile with the fourth column had made feints opposite Pont-à-Tressin, and had forced the passage of the Marque near Bouvines with his main body. But Bonnaud gave ground so slowly that up to 4 P.M. Kinsky had only progressed a few hundred paces from his crossing point. The fifth column, which was behind time on the 16th, did not arrive at Orchies till dawn on the 17th, and had to halt there for rest and food. Thence, moving across country in fighting formation, the archduke made his way to Pont-à-Marque. But he was unable to do more, before calling a halt, than deploy his troops on the other side of the stream. So closed the first day’s operations. The “annihilation plan” had already undergone a serious check. The archduke and Kinsky, instead of being ready for the second part of their task, had scarcely completed the first, and the same could be said of Clerfayt, while von dem Bussche had definitively failed. Only the duke of York and Otto had done their share in the centre, and they now stood at Tourcoing and Mouvaux isolated in the midst of the enemy’s main body, with no hope of support from the other columns and no more than a chance of meeting Clerfayt. Coburg’s entire force was, without deducting losses, no more than 53,000 for a front of 18 m. , and only half of the enemy’s available 80,000 men had as yet been engaged. Mack sent a staff officer, at 1 A.M., to implore the archduke to come up to Lannoy at once, but the young prince was asleep and his suite refused to wake him. Matters did not, of course, present themselves in this light at Souham’s headquarters, where the generals met in an informal council. The project of flinging Bonnaud’s corps against the flank of the duke of York had not received even a beginning of execution, and the outposts, reinforced though they were from the main group, had everywhere been driven in. All the subordinate leaders, moreover (except Bonnaud), sent in the most despondent reports. “Councils of war never fight” is an old maxim, justified in ninety-nine cases in a hundred. But this council determined to do so, and with all possible vigour. The scheme was practically that which Coburg’s first threat had produced and his first brusque advance had inhibited. Vandamme was to hold Clerfayt, the garrison of Lille and a few outlying corps to occupy the archduke and Kinsky, and in the centre Moreau and Bonnaud, with 40,000 effectives, were to attack the Tourcoing-Mouvaux position in front and flank at dawn with all possible energy. Battle of Tourcoing. The first shots were fired on the Lys, where, it will be remembered, Clerfayt’s infantry had effected its crossing in the night. Vandamme, who was to defend the river, had in the evening assembled his troops (fatigued by a long march) near Menin instead of pushing on at once. Thus only one of his battalions had taken part in the defence of Werwick on the 17th, and the remainder were by this chance massed on the flank of Clerfayt’s subsequent line of advance. Vandamme used his advantage well. He attacked, with perhaps 12,000 men against 21,000, the head and the middle of Clerfayt’s columns as they moved on Lincelles. Clerfayt stopped at once, turned upon him and drove him towards Roncq and Menin. Still, fighting in succession, rallying and fighting again, Vandamme’s regiments managed to spin out time and to commit Clerfayt deeper and deeper to a false direction till it was too late in the day to influence the battle elsewhere. V. dem Bussche’s column at Dottignies, shaken by the blow it had received the day before, did nothing, and actually retreated to the Scheldt. On the other flank, Kinsky and the archduke Charles practically remained inactive despite repeated orders to proceed to Lannoy, Kinsky waiting for the archduke, and the latter using up his time and forces in elaborating a protective cordon all around his left and rear. Both alleged that “the troops were tired,” but there was a stronger motive. It was felt that Belgium was about to be handed over to France as the price of peace, and the generals did not see the force of wasting soldiers on a lost cause. There remained the two centre columns, Otto’s and the duke of York’s. The orders of the emperor to the duke were that he should advance to establish communication with Clerfayt at Lincelles. Having thus cut off the French Courtrai group, he was to initiate a general advance to crush it, in which all the allied columns would take part, Clerfayt, York and Otto in front, von dem Bussche on the right flank and the archduke and Kinsky in support. These airy schemes were destroyed at dawn on the 18th. Macdonald’s brigade carried Tourcoing at the first rush, though Otto’s guns and the volleys of the infantry checked its further progress. Malbrancq’s brigade swarmed around the duke of York’s entrenchments at Mouvaux, while Bonnaud’s mass from the side of Lille passed the Marque and lapped round the flanks of the British posts at Roubaix and Lannoy. The duke had used up his reserves in assisting Otto, and by 8 A.M. the positions of Roubaix, Lannoy and Mouvaux were isolated from each other. But the Allies fought magnificently, and by now the Republicans were in confusion, excited to the highest pitch and therefore extremely sensitive to waves of enthusiasm or panic; and at this moment Clerfayt was nearing success, and Vandamme fighting almost back to back with Malbrancq. Otto was able to retire gradually, though with heavy losses, to Leers, before Macdonald’s left column was able to storm Watrelos, or Daendels’ brigade, still farther towards the Scheldt, could reach his rear. The resistance of the Austrians gave breathing space to the English, who held on to their positions till about 11. 30, attacked again and again by Bonnaud, and then, not without confusion, retired to join Otto at Leers. With the retreat of the two sorely tried columns and the suspension of Clerfayt’s attack between Lincelles and Roncq, the battle of Tourcoing ended. It was a victory of which the young French generals had reason to be proud. The main attack was vigorously conducted, and the two-to-one numerical superiority which the French possessed at the decisive point is the best testimony at once to Souham’s generalship and to Vandamme’s bravery. As for the Allies, those of them who took part in the battle at all, generals and soldiers, covered themselves with glory, but the inaction of two-thirds of Coburg’s army was the bankruptcy declaration of the old strategical system. The Allies lost, on this day, about 4000 killed and wounded and 1500 prisoners besides 60 guns. The French loss, which was probably heavier, is not known. The duke of York defeated, Souham at once turned his attention to Clerfayt, against whom he directed all the forces he could gather after a day’s “horde-tactics. ” The Austrian commander, however, withdrew over the river unharmed. On the 19th he was at Rousselaer and Ingelminster, 9 or 10 m. north of Courtrai, while Coburg’s forces assembled and encamped in a strong position some 3 m. west and north-west of Tournai, the Hanoverians remaining out in advance of the right on the Espierre. Souham’s victory, thanks to his geographical position, had merely given him air. The Allies, except for the loss of some 5500 men, were in no way worse off. The plan had failed, but the army as a whole had not been defeated, while the troops of the duke of York and Otto were far too well disciplined not to take their defeat as “all in the day’s work. ” Souham was still on the Lys and midway between the two allied masses, able to strike each in turn or liable to be crushed between them in proportion as the opposing generals calculated time, space and endurance accurately. Souham, therefore, as early as the 19th, had decided that until Clerfayt had been pushed back to his old positions near Thielt he could not deal with the main body of the Allies on the side of Tournai, and he had left Bonnaud to hold the latter while he concentrated most of his forces towards Courtrai. This move had the desired effect, for Clerfayt retired without a contest, and on the 21st of May Souham issued his orders for an advance on Coburg’s army, which, as he knew, had meantime been reinforced. Vandamme alone was left to face Clerfayt, and this time with outposts far out, at Ingelminster and Roosebeke, so as to ensure his chief, not a few hours’, but two or three days’ freedom from interference. Battle of Tournai. Pichegru now returned and took up the supreme command, Souham remaining in charge of his own and Moreau’s divisions. On the extreme right, from Pont-à-Tressin, only demonstrations were to be made; the centre, between Baisieux and Estaimbourg, was to be the scene of the holding attack of Bonnaud’s command, while Souham, in considerably greater density, delivered the decisive attack on the allied right by St Leger and Warcoing. At Helchin a brigade was to guard the outer flank of the assailants against a movement by the Hanoverians and to keep open communication with Courtrai in case of attack from the direction of Oudenarde. The details of the allied position were insufficiently known owing to the multiplicity of their advanced posts and the intricate and densely cultivated nature of the ground. The battle of Tournai opened in the early morning of the 22nd and was long and desperately contested. The demonstration on the French extreme right was soon recognized by the defenders to be negligible, and the allied left wing thereupon closed on the centre. There Bonnaud attacked with vigour, forcing back the various advanced posts, especially on the left, where he dislodged the Allies from Nechin. The defenders of Templeuve then fell back, and the attacking swarms—a dissolved line of battle—fringed the brook beyond Templeuve, on the other side of which was the Allies’ main position, and even for a moment seized Blandain. Meanwhile the French at Nechin, in concert with the main attack, pressed on towards Ramegnies. Macdonald’s and other brigades had forced the Espierre rivulet and driven von dem Bussche’s Hanoverians partly over the Scheldt (they had a pontoon bridge), partly southward. The main front of the Allies was defined by the brook that flows between Templeuve and Blandain, then between Ramegnies and Pont-à-Chin and empties into the Scheldt near the last-named hamlet. On this front till close on nightfall a fierce battle raged. Pichegru’s main attack was still by his left, and Pont-à-Chin was taken and retaken by French, Austrians, British and Hanoverians in turn. Between Blandain and Pont-à-Chin Bonnaud’s troops more than once entered the line of defence. But the attack was definitively broken off at nightfall and the Republicans withdrew slowly towards Lannoy and Leers. They had for the first time in a fiercely contested “soldier’s battle” measured their strength, regiment for regiment, against the Allies, and failed, but by so narrow a margin that henceforward the Army of the North realized its own strength and solidity. The Army of the Revolution, already superior in numbers and imbued with the decision-compelling spirit, had at last achieved self-confidence. But the actual decision was destined by a curious process of evolution to be given by Jourdan’s far-distant Army of the Moselle, to which we now turn. The Army of the Moselle had been ordered to assemble a striking force on its left wing, without prejudicing the rest of its cordon in Lorraine, and with this striking force to operate towards Liége and Namur. Its first movement on Arlon, in April, was repulsed by a small Austrian corps under Beaulieu that guarded this region. But in the beginning of May the advance was resumed though the troops were ill-equipped and ill-fed, and requisitions had reduced the civil population to semi-starvation and sullen hostility. We quote Jourdan’s instructions to his advanced guard, not merely as evidence of the trivial purpose of the march as originally planned, but still more as an illustration of the driving power that made the troops march at all, and of the new method of marching and subsisting them. Its commander was “to keep in mind the purpose of cutting the communications between Luxemburg and Namur, and was therefore to throw out strong bodies against the enemy daily and at different points, to parry the enemy’s movements by rapid Jourdan’s movement on Liége. marches, to prevent any transfer of troops to Belgium, and lastly to seek an occasion for giving battle, for cutting off his convoys and for seizing his magazines. ” So much for the purpose. The method of achieving it is defined as follows. “General Hatry, in order to attain the object of these instructions, will have with him the minimum of wagons. He is to live at the expense of the enemy as much as possible, and to send back into the interior of the Republic whatever may be useful to it; he will maintain his communications with Longwy, report every movement to me, and when necessary to the Committee of Public Safety and to the minister of war, maintain order and discipline, and firmly oppose every sort of pillage. ” How the last of these instructions was to be reconciled with the rest, Hatry was not informed. In fact, it was ignored. “I am far from believing,” wrote the representative on mission Gillet, “that we ought to adopt the principles of philanthropy with which we began the war. ” At the moment when, on these terms, Jourdan’s advance was resumed, the general situation east of the Scheldt was as follows: The Allies’ centre under Coburg had captured Landrecies, and now (May 4) lay around that place, about 65,000 strong, while the left under Kaunitz (27,000) was somewhat north of Maubeuge, with detachments south of the Sambre as far as the Meuse. Beyond these again were the detachment of Beaulieu (8000) near Arlon, and another, 9000 strong, around Trier. On the side of the French, the Army of the Moselle (41,000 effectives) was in cordon between Saargemünd and Longwy; the Army of the Ardennes (22,000) between Beaumont and Givet; of the Army of the North, the right wing (38,000) in the area Beaumont—Maubeuge and the centre (24,000) about Guise. In the aggregate the allied field armies numbered 139,000 men, those of the French 203,000. Tactically the disproportion was sufficient to give the latter the victory, if, strategically, it could be made effective at a given time and place. But the French had mobility as a remedy for over-extension, and though their close massing on the extreme flanks left no more than equal forces opposite Coburg in the centre, the latter felt unable either to go forward or to close to one flank when on his right the storm was brewing at Menin and Tournai, and on his left Kaunitz reported the gathering of important masses of the French around Beaumont. Thus the initiative passed over to the French, but they missed their opportunity, as Coburg had missed his in 1793. Pichegru’s right was ordered to march on Mons, and his left to master the navigation of the Scheldt so as to reduce the Allies to wagon-drawn supplies—the latter an objective dear to the 18th-century general; while Jourdan’s task, as we know, was to conquer the Liége or Namur country without unduly stripping the cordon on the Saar and the Moselle. Jourdan’s orders and original purpose were to get Beaulieu out of his way by the usual strategical tricks, and to march through the Ardennes as rapidly as possible, living on what supplies he could pick up from the enemy or the inhabitants. But he had scarcely started when Beaulieu made his existence felt by attacking a French post at Bouillon. Thereupon Jourdan made the active enemy, instead of Namur, his first object. The movement of the operative portion of the Army of the Moselle began on the 21st of May from Longwy through Arlon towards Neufchâteau. Irregular fighting, sometimes with the Austrians, sometimes with the bitterly hostile inhabitants, marked its progress. Beaulieu was nowhere forced into a battle. But fortune was on Jourdan’s side. The Austrians were a detachment of Coburg’s army, not an independent force, and when threatened they retired towards Ciney, drawing Jourdan after them in the very direction in which he desired to go. On the 28th the French, after a vain detour made in the hope of forcing Beaulieu to fight—“les esclaves n’osent pas se mesurer avec des hommes libres,” wrote Jourdan in disgust,—reached Ciney, and there heard that the enemy had fallen back to a strongly entrenched position on the east bank of the Meuse near Namur. Jourdan was preparing to attack them there, when considerations of quite another kind intervened to change his direction, and thereby to produce the drama of Charleroi and Fleurus—which military historians have asserted to be the foreseen result of the initial plan. The method of “living on the country” had failed lamentably in the Ardennes, and Jourdan, though he had spoken of changing his line of supply from Arlon to Carignan, then to Mézières and so on as his march progressed, was still actually living from hand to mouth on the convoys that arrived intermittently from his original base. When he sought to take what he needed from the towns on the Meuse, he infringed on the preserves of the Army of the Ardennes. The advance, therefore, came for the moment to a standstill, while Beaulieu, solicitous for the safety of Charleroi—in which fortress he had a magazine—called up the outlying troops left behind on the Moselle to rejoin him by way of Bastogne. At the same moment (29th) Jourdan received new orders from Paris—(a) to take Dinant and Charleroi and to clear the country between the Meuse and the Sambre, and (b) to attack Namur, either by assault or by regular siege. In the latter case the bulk of the forces were to form a covering army beyond the place, to demonstrate towards Nivelles, Louvain and Liége, and to serve at need as a support to the right flank of the Ardennes Army. From these orders and from the action of the enemy the campaign at last took a definite shape. When the Army of the Moselle passed over to the left bank of the Meuse, it was greeted by the distant roar of guns towards Charleroi and by news that the Army of the Ardennes, which had already twice been defeated by Kaunitz, was for the third time deeply and unsuccessfully engaged beyond the Sambre. The resumption of the march again complicated the supply question, and it was only slowly that the army advanced towards Charleroi, sweeping the country before it and extending its right towards Namur. But at last on the 3rd of June the concentration of parts of three armies on the Sambre was effected. Jourdan took command of the united force (Army of the Sambre and Meuse) with a strong hand, the 40,000 newcomers inspired fresh courage in the beaten Ardennes troops, and in the sudden dominating enthusiasm of the moment pillaging and straggling almost ceased. Troops that had secured bread shared it with less fortunate comrades, and even the Liégois peasantry made free gifts of supplies. “We must believe,” says the French general staff of to-day, “that the idea symbolized by the Tricolour, around which marched ever these sansculottes, shoeless and hungry, unchained a mysterious force that preceded our columns and aided the achievement of military success. ” Friction, however, arose between Jourdan and the generals of the Ardennes Army, to whom the representatives thought it well to give a separate mission. This detachment of 18,000 men was followed by another, of 16,000, to keep touch with Maubeuge. Deducting another 6000 for the siege of Charleroi, when this should be made, the covering army destined to fight the Imperialists dwindled to 55,000 out of 96,000 effectives. Even now, we see, the objective was not primarily the enemy’s army. The Republican leaders desired to strike out beyond the Sambre, and as a preliminary to capture Charleroi. They would not, however, risk the loss of their connexion with Maubeuge before attaining the new foothold. Meanwhile, Tourcoing and Tournai had at last convinced Coburg that Pichegru was his most threatening opponent, and he had therefore, though with many misgivings, decided to move towards his right, leaving the prince of Orange with not more than 45,000 men on the side of Maubeuge-Charleroi-Namur. Jourdan crossed the Sambre on the 12th of June, practically unopposed. Charleroi was rapidly invested and the covering army extended in a semicircular position. For the fourth time the Allies counter-attacked successfully, and after a severe struggle the French had to abandon their positions and their siege works and to recross the Sambre (June 16). But the army was not beaten. On the contrary, it was only desirous of having its revenge for a stroke of ill-fortune, due, the soldiers said, to the fog and to the want of ammunition. The fierce threats of St Just (who had joined the army) to faire tomber les têtes if more energy were not shown were unnecessary, and within two days the army was advancing again. On the 18th Jourdan’s columns recrossed the river and extended around Charleroi in the same positions as before. This time, having in view the weariness of his troops and their heavy losses on the 16th, the prince of Orange allowed the siege to proceed. His reasons for so doing furnish an excellent illustration of the different ideas and capacities of a professional army and a “nation in arms. ” “The Imperial troops,” wrote General Alvintzi, “are very fatigued. We have fought nine times since the 10th of May, we have bivouacked constantly, and made forced marches. Further, we are short of officers. ” All this, it need hardly be pointed out, applied equally to the French. Charleroi, garrisoned by less than 3000 men, was intimidated into surrender (25th) when the third parallel was barely established. Thus the object of the first operations was achieved. As to the next neither Jourdan nor the representatives seem to have had anything further in view than the capture of more fortresses. But within twenty-four hours events had decided for them. Coburg had quickly abandoned his intention of closing on his right wing, and (after the usual difficulties with his Allies on that side) had withdrawn 12,000 Austrians from the centre of his cordon opposite Pichegru, and made forced marches to join the prince of Orange. On the 24th of June he had collected 52,000 men at various points round Charleroi, and on the 25th he set out to relieve the little fortress. But he was in complete ignorance of the state of affairs at Charleroi. Signal guns were fired, but the woods drowned even the roar of the siege batteries, and at last a party under Lieutenant Radetzky made its way through the covering army and discovered that the place had fallen. The party was destroyed on its return, but Radetzky was reserved for greater things. He managed, though twice wounded, to rejoin Coburg with his bad news in the midst of the battle of Fleurus. On the 26th Jourdan’s army (now some 73,000 strong) was still posted in a semicircle of entrenched posts, 20 m. in extent, round the captured town, pending the removal of the now unnecessary pontoon bridge at Marchiennes and the selection of a shorter line of defence. Coburg was still more widely extended. Inferior in numbers as he was, he proposed to attack on an equal front, and thus gave himself, for the attack of an entrenched position, an order of battle of three men to every two yards of front, all reserves included. The Allies were to attack in five columns, the prince of Orange from the west and north-west towards Trazegnies and Monceau wood, Quasdanovich from the north on Gosselies, Kaunitz from the north-east, the archduke Charles from the east through Fleurus, and finally Beaulieu towards Lambusart. The scheme was worked out in such minute detail and with so entire a disregard of the chance of unforeseen incidents, that once he had given the executive command to move, the Austrian general could do no more. If every detail worked out as planned, victory would be his; if accidents happened he could do nothing to redress them, and unless these righted themselves (which was improbable in the case of the stiffly organized old armies) he could only send round the order to break off the action and retreat. In these circumstances the battle of Fleurus is the sum rather than the product of the various fights that took place between each allied column and the French division that it met. The prince of Orange attacked at earliest dawn and gradually drove in the French left wing to Courcelles, Roux and Marchiennes, but somewhat after noon the French, under the direction for the most part of Kléber, began a series of counterstrokes which recovered the lost ground, and about 5, without waiting for Coburg’s instructions, the prince retired north-westward off the battlefield. The French centre division, under Morlot, made a gradual fighting retreat on Gosselies, followed up by the Quasdanovich column and part of Kaunitz’s force. No serious impression was made on the defenders, chiefly because the brook west of Mellet was a serious obstacle to the rigid order of the Allies and had to be bridged before their guns could be got over. Kaunitz’s column and Championnet’s division met on the battlefield of 1690. The French were gradually driven in from the outlying villages to their main position between Heppignies and Wangenies. Here the Allies, well led and taking every advantage of ground and momentary chances, had the best of it. They pressed the French hard, necessitated the intervention of such small reserves as Jourdan had available, and only gave way to the defenders’ counterstroke at the moment they received Coburg’s orders for a general retreat. On the allied left wing the fighting was closer and more severe than at any point. Beaulieu on the extreme left advanced upon Velaine and the French positions in the woods to the south in several small groups of all arms. Here were the divisions of the Army of the Ardennes, markedly inferior in discipline and endurance to the rest, and only too mindful of their four previous reverses. For six hours, more or less, they resisted the oncoming Allies, but then, in spite of the example and the despairing appeals of their young general Marceau, they broke and fled, leaving Beaulieu free to combine with the archduke Charles, who carried Fleurus after obstinate fighting, and then pressed on towards Campinaire. Beaulieu took command of all the allied forces on this side about noon, and from then to 5 P.M. launched a series of terrible attacks on the French (Lefebvre’s division, part of the general reserve, and the remnant of Marceau’s troops) above Campinaire and Lambusart. The disciplined resolution of the imperial battalions, and the enthusiasm of the French Revolutionaries, were each at their height. The Austrians came on time after time over ground that was practically destitute of cover. Villages, farms and fields of corn caught fire. The French grew more and more excited—“No retreat to-day! ” they called out to their leaders, and finally, clamouring to be led against the enemy, they had their wish. Lefebvre seized the psychological moment when the fourth attack of the Allies had failed, and (though he did not know it) the order to retreat had come from Coburg. The losses of the unit that delivered it were small, for the charge exactly responded to the moral conditions of the moment, but the proportion of killed to wounded (55 to 81) is good evidence of the intensity of the momentary conflict. So ended the battle. Coburg had by now learned definitely that Charleroi had surrendered, and while the issue of the battle was still doubtful—for though the prince of Orange was beaten, Beaulieu was in the full tide of success—he gave (towards 3 P.M.) the order for a general retreat. This was delivered to the various commanders between 4 and 5, and these, having their men in hand even in the heat of the engagement, were able to break off the battle without undue confusion. The French were far too exhausted to pursue them (they had lost twice as many men as the Allies), and their leader had practically no formed body at hand to follow up the victory, thanks to the extraordinary dissemination of the army. Tourcoing, Tournay and Fleurus represent the maximum result achievable under the earlier Revolutionary system of making war, and show the men and the leaders at the highest point of combined steadiness and enthusiasm they ever reached—that is, as a “Sansculotte” army. Fleurus was also the last great victory of the French, in point of time, prior to the advent of Napoleon, and may therefore be considered as illustrating the general conditions of warfare at one of the most important points in its development. The sequel of these battles can be told in a few words. The Austrian government had, it is said, long ago decided to evacuate the Netherlands, and Coburg retired over the Meuse, practically unpursued, while the duke of York’s forces fell back in good order, though pursued by Pichegru through Flanders. The English contingent embarked for home, the rest retired through Holland into Hanoverian territory, leaving the Dutch troops to surrender to the victors. The last phase of the pursuit reflected great glory on Pichegru, for it was conducted in midwinter through a country bare of supplies and densely intersected with dykes and meres. The crowning incident was the dramatic capture of the Dutch fleet, frozen in at the Texel, by a handful of hussars who rode over the ice and browbeat the crews of the well-armed battleships into surrender. It was many years before a prince of Orange ruled again in the United provinces, while the Austrian whitecoats never again mounted guard in Brussels. The Rhine campaign of 1794, waged as before chiefly by the Prussians, was not of great importance. General v. Möllendorf won a victory at Kaiserslautern on the 23rd of May, but operations thereafter became spasmodic, and were soon complicated by Coburg’s retreat over the Meuse. With this event the offensive of the Allies against the French Revolution came to an inglorious end. Poland now occupied the thoughts of European statesmen, and Austria began to draw her forces on to the east. England stopped the payment of subsidies, and Prussia made the Peace of Basel on the 5th of April 1795. On the Spanish frontier the French under General Dugommier (who was killed in the last battle) were successful in almost every encounter, and Spain, too, made peace. Only the eternal enemies, France and Austria, were left face to face on the Rhine,and elsewhere, of all the Allies, Sardinia alone (see below under Italian Campaigns) continued the struggle in a half-hearted fashion. The operations of 1795 on the Rhine present no feature of the Revolutionary Wars that other and more interesting campaigns fail to show. Austria had two armies on foot under the general command of Clerfayt, one on the upper Rhine, the other south of the Main, while Mainz was held by an army of imperial contingents. The French, Jourdan on the lower; Pichegru on the upper Rhine, had as usual superior numbers at their disposal. Jourdan combined a demonstrative frontal attack on Neuwied with an advance in force via Düsseldorf, reunited his wings beyond the river near Neuwied, and drove back the Austrians in a series of small engagements to the Main, while Pichegru passed at Mannheim and advanced towards the Neckar. But ere long both were beaten, Jourdan at Höchst and Pichegru at Mannheim, and the investment of Mainz had to be abandoned. This was followed by the invasion of the Palatinate by Clerfayt and the retreat of Jourdan to the Moselle. The position was further compromised by secret negotiations between Pichegru and the enemy for the restoration of the Bourbons. The meditated treason came to light early in the following year, and the guilty commander disappeared into the obscure ranks of the royalist secret agents till finally brought to justice in 1804. The Campaign of 1796 in Germany The wonder of Europe now transferred itself from the drama of the French Revolution to the equally absorbing drama of a great war on the Rhine. “Every day, for four terrible years,” wrote a German pamphleteer early in 1796, “has surpassed the one before it in grandeur and terror, and to-day surpasses all in dizzy sublimity. ” That a manœuvre on the Lahn should possess an interest to the peoples of Europe surpassing that of the Reign of Terror is indeed hardly imaginable, but there was a good reason for the tense expectancy that prevailed everywhere. France’s policy was no longer defensive. She aimed at invading and “revolutionizing” the monarchies and principalities of old Europe, and to this end the campaign of 1796 was to be the great and conclusive effort. The “liberation of the oppressed” had its part in the decision, and the glory of freeing the serf easily merged itself in the glory of defeating the serf’s masters. But a still more pressing motive for carrying the war into the enemy’s country was the fact that France and the lands she had overrun could no longer subsist her armies. The Directory frankly told its generals, when they complained that their men were starving and ragged, that they would find plenty of subsistence beyond the Rhine. On her part, Austria, no longer fettered by allied contingents nor by the expenses of a far distant campaign, could put forth more strength than on former campaigns, and as war came nearer home and the citizen saw himself threatened by “revolutionizing” and devastating armies, he ceased to hamper or to swindle the troops. Thus the duel took place on the grandest scale then known in the history of European armies. Apart from the secondary theatre of Italy, the area embraced in the struggle was a vast triangle extending from Düsseldorf to Basel and thence to Ratisbon, and Carnot sketched the outlines in accordance with the scale of the picture. He imagined nothing less than the union of the armies of the Rhine and the Riviera before the walls of Vienna. Its practicability cannot here be discussed, but it is worth contrasting the attitude of contemporaries and of later strategical theorists towards it. The former, with their empirical knowledge of war, merely thought it impracticable with the available means, but the latter have condemned it root and branch as “an operation on exterior lines. ” The scheme took shape only gradually. The first advance was made partly in search of food, partly to disengage the Jourdan and Moreau.Palatinate, which Clerfayt had conquered in 1795. “If you have reason to believe that you would find some supplies on the Lahn, hasten thither with the greater part of your forces,” wrote the Directory to Jourdan (Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse, 72,000) on the 29th of March. He was to move at once, before the Austrians could concentrate, and to pass the Rhine at Düsseldorf, thereby bringing back the centre of the enemy over the river. He was, further, to take every advantage of their want of concentration to deliver blow after blow, and to do his utmost to break them up completely. A fortnight later Moreau (Army of the Rhine-and-Moselle, 78,000) was ordered to take advantage of Jourdan’s move, which would draw most of the Austrian forces to the Mainz region, to enter the Breisgau and Suabia. “You will attack Austria at home, and capture her magazines. You will enter a new country, the resources of which, properly handled, should suffice for the needs of the Army of the Rhine-and-Moselle.” Jourdan, therefore, was to take upon himself the destruction of the enemy, Moreau the invasion of South Germany. The first object of both was to subsist their armies beyond the Rhine, the second to defeat the armies and terrorize the populations of the empire. Under these instructions the campaign opened. Jourdan crossed at Düsseldorf and reached the Lahn, but the enemy concentrated against him very swiftly and he had to retire over the river. Still, if he had not been able to “break them up completely,” he had at any rate drawn on himself the weight of the Austrian army, and enabled Moreau to cross at Strassburg without much difficulty. The Austrians were now commanded by the archduke Charles, who, after all detachments had been made, disposed of some 56,000 men. At first he employed the bulk of this force against Jourdan, but on hearing of Moreau’s progress he returned to the Neckar country with 20,000 men, leaving Feldzeugmeister v. Wartensleben with 36,000 to observe Jourdan. In later years he admitted himself that his own force was far too small to deal with Moreau, who, he probably thought, would retire after a few manœuvres. The archduke’s plan. But by now the two French generals were aiming at something more than alternate raids and feints. Carnot had set before them the ideal of a decisive battle as the great object. Jourdan was instructed, if the archduke turned on Moreau, to follow him up with all speed and to bring him to action. Moreau, too, was not retreating but advancing. The two armies, Moreau’s and the archduke’s, met in a straggling and indecisive battle at Malsch on the 9th of July, and soon afterwards Charles learned that Jourdan had recrossed the Rhine and was driving Wartensleben before him. He thereupon retired both armies from the Rhine valley into the interior, hoping that at least the French would detach large forces to besiege the river fortresses. Disappointed of this, and compelled to face a very grave situation, he resorted to an expedient which may be described in his own words: “to retire both armies step by step without committing himself to a battle, and to seize the first opportunity to unite them so as to throw himself with superior or at least equal strength on one of the two hostile enemies. ” This is the ever-recurring idea of “interior lines. ” It was not new, for Frederick the Great had used similar means in similar circumstances, as had Souham at Tourcoing and even Dampierre at Valenciennes. Nor was it differentiated, as were Napoleon’s operations in this same year, by the deliberate use of a small containing force at one point to obtain relative superiority at another. A general of the 18th century did not believe in the efficacy of superior numbers—had not Frederick the Great disproved it? —and for him operations on “interior lines” were simply successive blows at successive targets, the efficacy of the blow in each case being dependent chiefly on his own personal qualities and skill as a general on the field of battle. In the present case the point to be observed is not the expedient, which was dictated by the circumstances, but the courage of the young general, who, unlike Wartensleben and the rest of his generals, unlike, too, Moreau and Jourdan themselves, surmounted difficulties instead of lamenting them. On the other side, Carnot, of course, foresaw this possibility. He warned the generals not to allow the enemy to “use his forces sometimes against one, sometimes against the other, as he did in the last campaign,” and ordered them to go forward respectively into Franconia and into the country of the upper Neckar, with a view to seeking out and defeating the enemy’s army. But the plan of operations soon grew bolder. Jourdan was informed on the 21st of July that if he reached the Regnitz without meeting the enemy, or if his arrival there forced the latter to retire rapidly to the Danube, he was not to hesitate to advance to Ratisbon and even to Passau if the disorganization of the enemy admitted it, but in these contingencies he was to detach a force into Bohemia to levy contributions. “We presume that the enemy is too weak to offer a successful resistance and will have united his forces on the Danube; we hope that our two armies will act in unison to rout him completely. Each is, in any case, strong enough to attack by itself, and nothing is so pernicious as slowness in war. ” Evidently the fear that the two Austrian armies would unite against one of their assailants had now given place to something like disdain. This was due in all probability to the rapidity with which Moreau was driving the archduke before him. After a brief stand on the Neckar at Cannstadt, the Austrians, only 25,000 strong, fell back to the Rauhe Alb, where they halted again, to cover their magazines at Ulm and Günzburg, towards the end of July. Wartensleben was similarly falling back before Jourdan, though the latter, starting considerably later than Moreau, had not advanced so far. The details of the successive positions occupied by Wartensleben need not be stated; all that concerns the general development of the campaign is the fact that the hitherto independent leader of the “Lower Rhine Army” resented the loss of his freedom of action, and besides lamentations opposed a dull passive resistance to all but the most formal orders of the prince. Many weeks passed before this was overcome sufficiently for his leader even to arrange for the contemplated combination, and in these weeks the archduke was being driven back day by day, and the German principalities were falling away one by one as the French advanced and preached the revolutionary formula. In such circumstances as these—the general facts, if not the causes, were patent enough—it was natural that the confident Paris strategists should think chiefly of the profits of their enterprise and ignore the fears of the generals at the front. But the latter were justified in one important respect; their operating armies had seriously diminished in numbers, Jourdan disposing of not more than 45,000 and Moreau of about 50,000. The archduke had now, owing to the arrival of a few detachments from the Black Forest and elsewhere, about 34,000 men, Wartensleben almost exactly the same, and the former, for some reason which has never been fully explained but has its justification in psychological factors, suddenly turnedNeresheim. and fought a long, severe and straggling battle above Neresheim (August 11). This did not, however, give him much respite, and on the 12th and 13th he retired over the Danube. At this date Wartensleben was about Amberg, almost as far away from the other army as he had been on the Rhine, owing to the necessity of retreating round instead of through the principality of Bayreuth, which was a Prussian possession and could therefore make its neutrality respected. Hitherto Charles had intended to unite his armies on the Danube against Moreau. His later choice of Jourdan’s army as the objective of his combination grew out of circumstances and in particular out of the brilliant reconnaissance work of a cavalry brigadier of the Lower Rhine Army, Nauendorff. This general’s reports—he was working in the country south and south-east of Nürnberg, Wartensleben being at Amberg—indicated first an advance of Jourdan’s army from Forchheim through Nürnberg to the south, and induced the archduke, on the 12th, to begin a concentration of his own army towards Ingolstadt. This was a purely defensive measure, but Nauendorff reported on the 13th and 14th that the main columns of the French were swinging away to the east against Wartensleben’s front and inner flank, and on the 14th he boldly suggested the idea that decided the campaign. “If your Royal Highness will or can advance 12,000 men against Jourdan’s rear, he is lost. We could not have a better opportunity. ” When this message arrived at headquarters the archduke had already issued orders to the same effect. Lieutenant Field Marshal Count Latour, with 30,000 men, was to keep Moreau occupied—another expedient of the moment, due to the very close pressure of Moreau’s advance, and the failure of the attempt to put him out of action at Neresheim. The small remainder of the army, with a few detachments gathered en route, in all about 27,000 men, began to recross the Danube on the 14th, and slowly advanced north on a broad front, its leader being now sure that at some point on his line he would encounter the French, whether they were heading for Ratisbon or Amberg. Meanwhile, the Directory had, still acting on the theory of the archduke’s weakness, ordered Moreau to combine the operations with those of Bonaparte in Italian Tirol, and Jourdan to turn both flanks of his immediate opponent, and thus to prevent his joining the archduke, as well as his retreat into Bohemia. And curiously enough it was this latter, and not Moreau’s move, which suggested to the archduke that his chance had come. The chance was, in fact, one dear to the 18th century general, catching his opponent in the act of executing a manœuvre. So far from “exterior lines” being fatal to Jourdan, it was not until the French general began to operate against Wartensleben’s inner flank that the archduke’s opportunity came. Amberg and Würzburg. The decisive events of the campaign can be described very briefly, the ideas that directed them having been made clear. The long thin line of the archduke wrapped itself round Jourdan’s right flank near Amberg, while Wartensleben fought him in front. The battle (August 24) was a series of engagements between the various columns that met; it was a repetition in fact of Fleurus, without the intensity of fighting spirit that redeems that battle from dulness. Success followed, not upon bravery or even tactics, but upon the pre-existing strategical conditions. At the end of the day the French retired, and next morning the archduke began another wide extension to his left, hoping to head them off. This consumed several days. In the course of it Jourdan attempted to take advantage of his opponent’s dissemination to regain the direct road to Würzburg, but the attempt was defeated by an almost fortuitous combination of forces at the threatened point. More effective, indeed, than this indirect pursuit was the very active hostility of the peasantry, who had suffered in Jourdan’s advance and retaliated so effectually during his retreat that the army became thoroughly demoralized, both by want of food and by the strain of incessant sniping. Defeated again at Würzburg on the 3rd of September, Jourdan continued his retreat to the Lahn, and finally withdrew the shattered army over the Rhine, partly by Düsseldorf, partly by Neuwied. In the last engagement on the Lahn the young and brilliant Marceau was mortally wounded. Far away in Bavaria, Moreau had meantime been driving Latour from one line of resistance to another. On receiving the news of Jourdan’s reverses, however, he made a rapid and successful retreat to Strassburg, evading the prince’s army, which had ascended the Rhine valley to head him off, in the nick of time. This celebrated campaign is pre-eminently strategical in its character, in that the positions and movements anterior to the battle preordained its issue. It raised the reputation of the archduke Charles to the highest point, and deservedly, for he wrested victory from the most desperate circumstances by the skilful and resolute employment of his one advantage. But this was only possible because Moreau and Jourdan were content to accept strategical failure without seeking to redress the balance by hard fighting. The great question of this campaign is, why did Moreau and Jourdan fail against inferior numbers, when in Italy Bonaparte with a similar army against a similar opponent won victory after victory against equal and superior forces? The answer will not be supplied by any theory of “exterior and interior lines. ” It lies far deeper. So far as it is possible to summarize it in one phrase, it lies in the fact that though the Directory meant this campaign to be the final word on the Revolutionary War, for the nation at large this final word had been said at Fleurus. The troops were still the nation; they no longer fought for a cause and for bare existence, and Moreau and Jourdan were too closely allied in ideas and sympathies with the misplaced citizen soldiers they commanded to be able to dominate their collective will. In default of a cause, however, soldiers will fight for a man, and this brings us by a natural sequence of ideas to the war in Italy. The War in Italy 1793-97 Hitherto we have ignored the operations on the Italian frontier, partly because they were of minor importance and partly because the conditions out of which Napoleon’s first campaign arose can be best considered in connexion with that campaign itself, from which indeed the previous operations derive such light as they possess. It has been mentioned that in 1792 the French overran Savoy and Nice. In 1793 the Sardinian army and a small auxiliary corps of Austrians waged a desultory mountain warfare against the Army of the Alps about Briançon and the Army of Italy on the Var. That furious offensive on the part of the French, which signalized the year 1793 elsewhere, was made impossible here by the counter-revolution in the cities of the Midi. In 1794, when this had been crushed, the intention of the French government was to take the offensive against the Austro-Sardinians. The first operation was to be the capture of Oneglia. The concentration of large forces in the lower Rhone valley had naturally infringed upon the areas told off for the provisioning of the Armies of the Alps (Kellermann) and of Italy (Dumerbion); indeed, the sullen population could hardly be induced to feed the troops suppressing the revolt, still less the distant frontier armies. Thus the only source of supply was the Riviera of Genoa: “Our connexion with this district is imperilled by the corsairs of Oneglia (a Sardinian town) owing to the cessation of our operations afloat. The army is living from hand to mouth,” wrote the younger Robespierre in September 1793. Vessels bearing supplies from Genoa could not avoid the corsairs by taking the open sea, for there the British fleet was supreme. Carnot therefore ordered the Army of Italy to capture Oneglia, and 21,000 men (the rest of the 67,000 effectives were held back for coast defence) began operations in April. The French left moved against the enemy’s positions on the main road over the Col di Tenda, the centre towards Ponte di Nava, and the right Saorgio.along the Riviera. All met with success, thanks to Masséna’s bold handling of the centre column. Not only was Oneglia captured, but also the Col di Tenda. Napoleon Bonaparte served in these affairs on the headquarter staff. Meantime the Army of the Alps had possessed itself of the Little St Bernard and Mont Cenis, and the Republicans were now masters of several routes into Piedmont (May). But the Alpine roads merely led to fortresses, and both Carnot and Bonaparte—Napoleon had by now captivated the younger Robespierre and become the leading spirit in Dumerbion’s army—considered that the Army of the Alps should be weakened to the profit of the Army of Italy, and that the time had come to disregard the feeble neutrality of Genoa, and to advance over the Col di Tenda. Napoleon in 1794. Napoleon’s first suggestion for a rapid condensation of the French cordon, and an irresistible blow on the centre of the Allies by Tenda-Coni, came to nothing owing to the waste of time in negotiations between the generals and the distant Committee, and meanwhile new factors came into play. The capture of the pass of Argentera by the right wing of the Army of the Alps suggested that the main effort should be made against the barrier fortress of Demonte, but here again Napoleon proposed a concentration of effort on the primary and economy of force in the secondary objective. About the same time, in a memoir on the war in general, he laid down his most celebrated maxim: “The principles of war are the same as those of a siege. Fire must be concentrated on one point, and as soon as the breach is made, the equilibrium is broken and the rest is nothing. ” In the domain of tactics he was and remains the principal exponent of the art of breaking the equilibrium, and already he imagined the solution of problems of policy and strategy on the same lines. “Austria is the great enemy; Austria crushed, Germany, Spain, Italy fall of themselves. We must not disperse, but concentrate our attack. ” Napoleon argued that Austria could be effectively wounded by an offensive against Piedmont, and even more effectively by an ulterior advance from Italian soil into Germany. In pursuance of the single aim he asked for the appointment of a single commander-in-chief to hold sway from Bayonne to the Lake of Geneva, and for the rejection of all schemes for “revolutionizing” Italy till after the defeat of the arch-enemy. Operations, however, did not after all take either of these forms. The younger Robespierre perished with his brother in the coup d’état of 9th Thermidor, the advance was suspended, and Bonaparte, amongst other leading spirits of the Army of Italy, was arrested and imprisoned. Profiting by this moment, Austria increased her auxiliary corps. An Austrian general took command of the whole of the allied forces, and pronounced a threat from the region of Cairo (where the Austrians took their place on the left wing of the combined army) towards the Riviera. The French, still dependent on Genoa for supplies, had to take the offensive at once to save themselves from starvation, and the result was the expedition of Dego, planned chiefly by Napoleon, who had been released from prison and was at headquarters, though unemployed. The movement began on the 17th of September; and although the Austrian general Colloredo repulsed an attack at Dego (Sept. 21) he retreated to Acqui, and the incipient offensive of the Allies ended abruptly. The first months of the winter of 1794-1795 were spent in re-equipping the troops, who stood in sore need after their rapid movements in the mountains. For the future operations, the enforced condensation of the army on its right wing with the object of protecting its line of supply to Genoa and the dangers of its cramped situation on the Riviera suggested a plan roughly resembling one already recommended by Napoleon, who had since the affair of Dego become convinced that the way into Italy was through the Apennines and not the Alps. The essence of this was to anticipate the enemy by a very early and rapid advance from Vado towards Carcare by the Ceva road, the only good road of which the French disposed and which they significantly called the chemin de canon. Schérer and Kellermann. The plan, however, came to nothing; the Committee, which now changed its personnel at fixed intervals, was in consequence wavering and non-committal, troops were withdrawn for a projected invasion of Corsica, and in November 1794 Dumerbion was replaced by Schérer, who assembled only 17,000 of his 54,000 effectives for field operations, and selected as his line of advance the Col di Tenda-Coni road. Schérer, besides being hostile to any suggestion emanating from Napoleon, was impressed with the apparent danger to his right wing concentrated in the narrow Riviera, which it was at this stage impossible to avert by a sudden and early assumption of the offensive. After a brief tenure Schérer was transferred to the Spanish frontier, but Kellermann, who now received command of the Army of Italy in addition to his own, took the same view as his predecessor—the view of the ordinary general. But not even the Schérer plan was put into execution, for spring had scarcely arrived when the prospect of renewed revolts in the south of France practically paralysed the army. This encouraged the enemy to deliver the blow that had so long been feared. The combined forces, under Devins,—the Sardinians, the Austrian auxiliary corps and the newly arrived Austrian main army,—advanced together and forced the French right wing to evacuate Vado and the Genoese littoral. But at this juncture the conclusion of peace with Spain released the Pyrenees armies, and Schérer returned to the Army of Italy at the head of reinforcements. He was faced with a difficult situation, but he had the means wherewith to meet it, as Napoleon promptly pointed out. Up to this, Napoleon said, the French commanded the mountain crest, and therefore covered Savoy and Nice, and also Oneglia, Loano and Vado, the ports of the Riviera. But now that Vado was lost the breach was made. Genoa was cut off, and the south of France was the only remaining resource for the army commissariat. Vado must therefore be retaken and the line reopened to Genoa, and to do this it was essential first to close up the over-extended cordon—and with the greatest rapidity, lest the enemy, with the shorter line to move on, should gather at the point of contact before the French—and to advance on Vado. Further, knowing (as every one knew) that the king of Sardinia was not inclined to continue the struggle indefinitely, he predicted that this ruler would make peace once the French army had established itself in his dominions, and for this the way into the interior, he asserted, was the great road Savona-Ceva. But Napoleon’s mind ranged beyond the immediate future. He calculated that once the French advanced the Austrians would seek to cover Lombardy, the Piedmontese Turin, and this separation, already morally accomplished, it was to be the French general’s task to accentuate in fact. Next, Sardinia having been coerced into peace, the Army of Italy would expel the Austrians from Lombardy, and connect its operations with those of the French in South Germany by way of Tirol. The supply question, once the soldiers had gained the rich valley of the Po, would solve itself. This was the essence of the first of four memoranda on this subject prepared by Napoleon in his Paris office. The second indicated the means of coercing Sardinia—first the Austrians were to be driven or scared away towards Alessandria, then the French army would turn sharp to the left, driving the Sardinians eastward and north-eastward through Ceva, and this was to be the signal for the general invasion of Piedmont from all sides. In the third paper he framed an elaborate plan for the retaking of Vado, and in the fourth he summarized the contents of the other three. Having thus cleared his own mind as to the conditions and the solution of the problem, he did his best to secure the command for himself. The measures recommended by Napoleon were translated into a formal and detailed order to recapture Vado. To Napoleon the miserable condition of the Army of Italy was the most urgent incentive to prompt action. In Schérer’s judgment, however, the army was unfit to take the field, and therefore ex hypothesi to attack Vado, without thorough reorganization, and it was only in November that the advance was finally made. It culminated, thanks once more to the resolute Masséna, in the victory of Loano (November 23-24). But Schérer thought more of the destitution of his own army than of the fruits of success, and contented himself with resuming possession of the Riviera. Meanwhile the Mentor whose suggestions and personality were equally repugnant to Schérer had undergone strange vicissitudes of fortune—dismissal from the headquarters’ staff, expulsion from the list of general officers, and then the “whiff of grapeshot” of 13th Vendémiaire, followed shortly by his marriage with Josephine, and his nomination to command the Army of Italy. These events had neither shaken his cold resolution nor disturbed his balance. Napoleon in command. The Army of Italy spent the winter of 1795-1796 as before in the narrow Riviera, while on the one side, just over the mountains, lay the Austro-Sardinians, and on the other, out of range of the coast batteries but ready to pounce on the supply ships, were the British frigates. On Bonaparte’s left Kellermann, with no more than 18,000, maintained a string of posts between Lake Geneva and the Argentera as before. Of the Army of Italy, 7000 watched the Tenda road and 20,000 men the coast-line. There remained for active operations some 27,000 men, ragged, famished and suffering in every way in spite of their victory of Loano. The Sardinian and Austrian auxiliaries (Colli), 25,000 men, lay between Mondovi and Ceva, a force strung out in the Alpine valleys opposed Kellermann, and the main Austrian army (commanded by Beaulieu), in widely extended cantonments between Acqui and Milan, numbered 27,000 field troops. Thus the short-lived concentration of all the allied forces for the battle against Schérer had ended in a fresh separation. Austria was far more concerned with Poland than with the moribund French question, and committed as few of her troops as possible to this distant and secondary theatre of war. As for Piedmont, “peace” was almost the universal cry, even within the army. All this scarcely affected the regimental spirit and discipline of the Austrian squadrons and battalions, which had now recovered from the defeat of Loano. But they were important factors for the new general-in-chief on the Riviera, and formed the basis of his strategy. Napoleon’s first task was far more difficult than the writing of memoranda. He had to grasp the reins and to prepare his troops, morally and physically, for active work. It was not merely that a young general with many enemies, a political favourite of the moment, had been thrust upon the army. The army itself was in a pitiable condition. Whole companies with their officers went plundering in search of mere food, the horses had never received as much as half-rations for a year past, and even the generals were half-starved. Thousands of men were barefooted and hundreds were without arms. But in a few days he had secured an almost incredible ascendancy over the sullen, starved, half-clothed army. “Soldiers,” he told them, “you are famished and nearly naked. The government owes you much, but can do nothing for you. Your patience, your courage, do you honour, but give you no glory, no advantage. I will lead you into the most fertile plains of the world. There you will find great towns, rich provinces. There you will find honour, glory and riches. Soldiers of Italy, will you be wanting in courage? ” Such words go far, and little as he was able to supply material deficiencies—all he could do was to expel rascally contractors, sell a captured privateer for £5000 and borrow £2500 from Genoa—he cheerfully told the Directory on the 28th of March that “the worst was over. ” He augmented his army of operations to about 40,000, at the expense of the coast divisions, and set on foot also two small cavalry divisions, mounted on the half-starved horses that had survived the winter. Then he announced that the army was ready and opened the campaign. The first plan, emanating from Paris, was that, after an expedition towards Genoa to assist in raising a loan there, the army should march against Beaulieu, previously neutralizing the Sardinians by the occupation of Ceva. When Beaulieu was beaten it was thought probable that the Piedmontese would enter into an alliance with the French against their former comrades. A second plan, however, authorized the general to begin by subduing the Piedmontese to the extent necessary to bring about peace and alliance, and on this Napoleon acted. If the present separation of the Allies continued, he proposed to overwhelm the Sardinians first, before the Austrians could assemble from winter quarters, and then to turn on Beaulieu. If, on the other hand, the Austrians, before he could strike his blow, united with Colli, he proposed to frighten them into separating again by moving on Acqui and Alessandria. Hence Carcare, where the road from Acqui joined the “cannon-road,” was the first objective of his march, and from there he could manœuvre and widen the breach between the allied armies. His scattered left wing would assist in the attack on the Sardinians as well as it could—for the immediate attack on the Austrians its co-operation would of course have been out of the question. In any case he grudged every week spent in administrative preparation. The delay due to this, as a matter of fact, allowed a new situation to develop. Beaulieu was himself the first to move, and he moved towards Genoa instead of towards his Allies. The gap between the two allied wings was thereby widened, but it was no longer possible for the French to use it, for their plan of destroying Colli while Beaulieu was ineffective had collapsed. In connexion with the Genoese loan, and to facilitate the movement of supply convoys, a small French force had been pushed forward to Voltri. Bonaparte ordered it back as soon as he arrived at the front, but the alarm was given. The Austrians broke up from winter quarters at once, and rather than lose the food supplies at Voltri, Bonaparte actually reinforced Masséna at that place, and gave him orders to hold on as long as possible, cautioning him only to watch his left rear (Montenotte). But he did not abandon his purpose. Starting from the new conditions, he devised other means, as we shall see, for reducing Beaulieu to ineffectiveness. Meanwhile Beaulieu’s plan of offensive operations, such as they were, developed. The French advance to Voltri had not only spurred him into activity, but convinced him that the bulk of the French army lay east of Savona. He therefore made Voltri the objective of a convergingOpening movements. attack, not with the intention of destroying the French army but with that of “cutting its communications with Genoa,” and expelling it from “the only place in the Riviera where there were sufficient ovens to bake its bread. ” (Beaulieu to the Aulic Council, 15 April.) The Sardinians and auxiliary Austrians were ordered to extend leftwards on Dego to close the gap that Beaulieu’s advance on Genoa-Voltri opened up, which they did, though only half-heartedly and in small force, for, unlike Beaulieu, they knew that masses of the enemy were still in the western stretch of the Riviera. The rightmost of Beaulieu’s own columns was on the road between Acqui and Savona with orders to seize Monte Legino as an advanced post, the others were to converge towards Voltri from the Genoa side and the mountain passes about Campofreddo and Sassello. The wings were therefore so far connected that Colli wrote to Beaulieu on this day “the enemy will never dare to place himself between our two armies. ” The event belied the prediction, and the proposed minor operation against granaries and bakeries became the first act of a decisive campaign. On the night of the 9th of April the French were grouped as follows: brigades under Garnier and Macquard at the Finestre and Tenda passes, Sérurier’s division and Rusca’s brigade east of Garessio; Augereau’s division about Loano, Meynier’s at Finale, Laharpe’s at Savona with an outpost on the Monte Legino, and Cervoni’s brigade at Voltri. Masséna was in general charge of the last-named units. The cavalry was far in rear beyond Loano. Colli’s army, excluding the troops in the valleys that led into Dauphiné, was around Coni and Mondovi-Ceva, the latter group connecting with Beaulieu by a detachment under Provera between Millesimo and Carcare. Of Beaulieu’s army, Argenteau’s division, still concentrating to the front in many small bodies, extended over the area Acqui-Dego-Sassello. Vukassovich’s brigade was equally extended between Ovada and the mountain-crests above Voltri, and Pittoni’s division was grouped around Gavi and the Bocchetta, the two last units being destined for the attack on Voltri. Farther to the rear was Sebottendorf’s division around Alessandria-Tortona. On the afternoon of the 10th Beaulieu delivered his blow at Voltri, not, as he anticipated, against three-quarters of the French army, but against Cervoni’s detachment. This, after a long irregular fight, slipped away in the night to Savona. Discovering his mistake next morning, Beaulieu sent back some of his battalions to join Argenteau. But there was no road by which they could do so save the détour through Acqui and Dego, and long before they arrived Argenteau’s advance on Monte Legino had forced on the crisis. On the 11th (a day behind time), this general drove in the French outposts, but he soon came on three battalions under Colonel Rampon, who threw himself into some old earthworks that lay near, and said to his men, “We must win or die here, my friends. ” His redoubt and his men stood the trial well, and when day broke on the 12th Bonaparte was ready to deliver his first “Napoleon-stroke. ” The principle that guided him in the subsequent operations may be called “superior numbers at the decisive point. ” Touch had been gained with the enemy all along the long line between the Tenda and Voltri, and he decided to concentrate swiftly upon the nearest enemy—Argenteau. Augereau’s division, or such part of it as could march at once, was ordered to Mallare, picking up here and there on the way a few horsemen and guns. Masséna, with 9000 men, was to send two brigades in the direction of Carcare and Altare, and with the third to swing round Argenteau’s right and to head for Montenotte village in his rear. Laharpe with 7000 (it had become clear that the enemy at Voltri would not pursue their advantage) was to join Rampon, leaving only Cervoni and two battalions in Savona. Sérurier and Rusca were to keep the Sardinians in front of them occupied. The far-distant brigades of Garnier and Macquard stood fast, but the cavalry drew eastward as quickly as its condition permitted. In rain and mist on the early morning of the 12th the French marched up from all quarters, while Argenteau’s men waited in their cold bivouacs for light enough to resume their attack on Monte Legino. About 9 the mists cleared, and heavy fighting began, but Laharpe held the mountain, and the vigorous Masséna with his nearest brigade stormed forward against Argenteau’s right. A few hours later, seeing Augereau’s columns heading for their line of retreat, the Austrians retired, sharply pressed, on Dego. The threatened intervention of Provera was checked by Augereau’s presence at Carcare. Montenotte was a brilliant victory, and one can imagine its effects on the but lately despondent soldiers of the Army of Italy, for all imagined that Beaulieu’s main body had been defeated. This was far from being the case, however, and although the French spent the night of the battle at Cairo-Carcare-Montenotte, midway between the allied wings, only two-thirds of Argenteau’s force, and none of the other divisions, had been beaten, and the heaviest fighting was to come. This became evident on the afternoon of the 13th, but meanwhile Bonaparte, eager to begin at once the subjugation of the Piedmontese (for which purpose he wanted to bring Sérurier and Rusca into play) sent only Laharpe’s division and a few details of Masséna’s, under the latter, towards Dego. These were to protect the main attack from interference by the forces that had been engaged at Montenotte (presumed to be Beaulieu’s main body), the said main attack being delivered by Augereau’s division, reinforced by most of Masséna’s, on the positions held by Provera. The latter, only 1000 strong to Augereau’s 9000, shut himself in the castle of Cossaria, which he defended à la Rampon against a series of furious assaults. Not until the morning of the 14th was his surrender secured, after his ammunition and food had been exhausted. Argenteau also won a day’s respite on the 13th, for Laharpe did not join Masséna till late, and nothing took place opposite Dego but a little skirmishing. During the day Bonaparte saw for himself that he had overrated the effects of Montenotte. Beaulieu, on the other hand, underrated them, treating it as a mishap which was more than counterbalanced by his own success in “cutting off the French from Genoa.” He began to reconstruct his line on the front Dego-Sassello, trusting to Colli to harry the French until the Voltri troops had finished their détour through Acqui and rejoined Argenteau. This, of course, presumed that Argenteau’s troops were intact and Colli’s able to move, which was not the case with either. Not until the afternoon of the 14th did Beaulieu place a few extra battalions at Argenteau’s disposal “to be used only in case of extreme necessity,” and order Vukassovich from the region of Sassello to “make a diversion” against the French right with two battalions. Thus Argenteau, already shaken, was exposed to destruction. On the 14th, after Provera’s surrender, Masséna and Laharpe, reinforced until they had nearly a two-to-one superiority, stormed Dego and killed or captured 3000 of Argenteau’s 5500 men, the remnant retreating in disorder to Acqui. But nothing was done towards the accomplishment of the purpose of destroying Colli on that day, save that Sérurier and Rusca began to close in to meet the main body between Ceva and Millesimo. Moreover, the victory at Dego had produced its usual results on the wild fighting swarms of the Republicans, who threw themselves like hungry wolves on the little town, without pursuing the beaten enemy or even placing a single outpost on the Acqui road. In this state, during the early hours of the 15th, Vukassovich’s brigade, marching up from Sassello, surprised them, and they broke and fled in an instant. The whole morning had to be spent in rallying them at Cairo, and Bonaparte had for the second time to postpone his union with Sérurier and Rusca, who meanwhile, isolated from one another and from the main army, were groping forward in the mountains. A fresh assault on Dego was ordered, and after very severe fighting, Masséna and Laharpe succeeded late in the evening in retaking it. Vukassovich lost heavily, but retired steadily and in order on Spigno. The killed and wounded numbered probably about 1000 French and 1500 Austrians, out of considerably less than 10,000 engaged on each side—a loss which contrasted very forcibly with those suffered in other battles of the Revolutionary Wars, and by teaching the Army of Italy to bear punishment, imbued it with self-confidence. But again success bred disorder, and there was a second orgy in the houses and streets of Dego which went on till late in the morning and paralysed the whole army. This was perhaps the crisis of the campaign. Even now it was not certain that the Austrians had been definitively pushed aside, while it was quite clear that Beaulieu’s main body was intact and Colli was still more an unknown quantity. But Napoleon’s intention remained the same, to attack the Piedmontese as quickly and as heavily as possible, Beaulieu being held in check by a containing force under Masséna and Laharpe. The remainder of the army, counting in now Rusca and Sérurier, was to move westward towards Ceva. This disposition, while it illustrates the Napoleonic principle of delivering a heavy blow on the selected target and warding off interference at other points, shows also the difficulty of rightly apportioning the available means between the offensive mass and the defensive system, for, as it turned out, Beaulieu was already sufficiently scared, and thought of nothing but self-defence on the line Acqui-Ovada-Bocchetta, while the French offensive mass was very weak compared with Colli’s unbeaten and now fairly concentrated army about Ceva and Montezemolo. On the afternoon of the 16th the real advance was begun by Augereau’s division, reinforced by other troops. Rusca joined Augereau towards evening, and Sérurier approached Ceva from the south. Colli’s object was now to spin out time, and having repulsed a weak attack by Augereau, and feeling able to repeat these tactics on each successive spur of the Apennines, he retired in the night to a new position behind the Cursaglia. On the 17th, reassured by the absence of fighting on the Dego side, and by the news that no enemy remained at Sassello, Bonaparte released Masséna from Dego, leaving only Laharpe there, and brought him over towards the right of the main body, which thus on the evening of the 17th formed a long straggling line on both sides of Ceva, Sérurier on the left, écheloned forward, Augereau, Joubert and Rusca in the centre, and Masséna, partly as support, partly as flank guard, on Augereau’s right rear. Sérurier had been bidden to extend well out and to strive to get contact with Masséna, i. e. to encircle the enemy. There was no longer any idea of waiting to besiege Ceva, although the artillery train had been ordered up from the Riviera by the “cannon-road” for eventual use there. Further, the line of supply, as an extra guarantee against interference, was changed from that of Savona-Carcare to that of Loano-Bardinetto. When this was accomplished, four clear days could be reckoned on with certainty in which to deal with Colli. The latter, still expecting the Austrians to advance to his assistance, had established his corps (not more than 12,000 muskets in all) in the immensely strong positions of the Cursaglia, with a thin line of posts on his left stretching towards Cherasco, whence he could communicate, by a roundabout way, with Acqui. Opposite this position the long straggling line of the French arrived, after many delays due to the weariness of the troops, on the 19th. [P2:. added] A day of irregular fighting followed, everywhere to the advantage of the defenders. Napoleon, fighting against time, ordered a fresh attack on the 20th, and only desisted when it became evident that the army was exhausted, and, in particular, when Sérurier reported frankly that without bread the soldiers would not march. The delay thus imposed, however, enabled him to clear the “cannon-road” of all vehicles, and to bring up the Dego detachment to replace Masséna in the valley of the western Bormida, the latter coming in to the main army. Further, part at any rate of the convoy service was transferred still farther westward to the line Albenga-Garessio-Ceva. Nelson’s fleet, that had so powerfully contributed to force the French inland, was becoming less and less innocuous. If leadership and force of character could overcome internal friction, all the success he had hoped for was now within the young commander’s grasp. Twenty-four thousand men, for the first time with a due proportion of cavalry and artillery, were now disposed along Colli’s front and beyond his right flank. Colli, outnumbered by two to one and threatened with envelopment, decided once more to retreat, and the Republicans occupied the Cursaglia lines on the morning of the 21st without firing a shot. But Colli halted again at Vico, half-way to Mondovi (in order, it is said, to protect the evacuation of a small magazine he had there), and while he was in this unfavourable situation the pursuers came on with true Republican swiftness, lapped round his flanks and crushed him. A few days later (27th April), the armistice of Cherasco put an end to the campaign before the Austrians moved a single battalion to his assistance. The “Napoleon touch. ” The interest of the campaign being above all Napoleonic, its moral must be found by discovering the “Napoleon touch” that differentiated it from other Revolutionary campaigns. A great deal is common to all, on both sides. The Austrians and Sardinians worked together at least as effectively as the Austrians, Prussians, British and Dutch in the Netherlands. Revolutionary energy was common to the Army of Italy and to the Army of the North. Why, therefore, when the war dragged on from one campaign to another in the great plains of the Meuse and Rhine countries, did Napoleon bring about so swift a decision in these cramped valleys? The answer is to be found partly in the exigencies of the supply service, but still more in Napoleon’s own personality and the strategy born of it. The first, as we have seen, was at the end of its resources when Beaulieu placed himself across the Genoa road. Action of some sort was the plain alternative to starvation, and at this point Napoleon’s personality intervened. He would have no quarter-rations on the Riviera, but plenty and to spare beyond the mountains. If there were many thousand soldiers who marched unarmed and shoeless in the ranks, it was towards “the Promised Land” that he led them. He looked always to the end, and met each day as if with full expectation of attaining it before sunset. Strategical conditions and “new French” methods of war did not save Bonaparte in the two crises—the Dego rout and the sullen halt of the army at San Michele—but the personality which made the soldiers, on the way to Montenotte, march barefoot past a wagon-load of new boots. We have said that Napoleon’s strategy was the result of this personal magnetism. Later critics evolved from his success the theory of “interior lines,” and then accounted for it by applying the criterion they had evolved. Actually, the form in which the will to conquer found expression was in many important respects old. What, therefore, in the theory or its application was the product of Napoleon’s own genius and will-power? A comparison with Souham’s campaign of Tourcoing will enable us to answer this question. To begin with, Souham found himself midway between Coburg and Clerfayt almost by accident, and his utilization of the advantages of his position was an expedient for the given case. Napoleon, however, placed himself deliberately and by fighting his way thither, in an analogous situation at Carcare and Cairo. Military opinion of the time considered it dangerous, as indeed it was, for no theory can alter the fact that had not Napoleon made his men fight harder and march farther than usual, he would have been destroyed. The effective play of forces on interior lines depends on the two conditions that the outer enemies are not so near together as to give no time for the inner mass to defeat one before the arrival of the other, and that they are not so far apart that before one can be brought to action the other has inflicted serious damage elsewhere. Neither condition was fully met at any time in the Montenotte campaign. On the 11th Napoleon knew that the attack on Voltri had been made by a part only of the Austrian forces, yet he flung his own masses on Montenotte. On the 13th he thought that Beaulieu’s main body was at Dego and Colli’s at Millesimo, and on this assumption had to exact the most extraordinary efforts from Augereau’s troops at Cossaria. On the 19th and 20th he tried to exclude the risks of the Austrians’ intervention, and with this the chances of a victory over them to follow his victory over Colli, by transferring the centre of gravity of his army to Ceva and Garessio, and fighting it out with Colli alone. It was not, in fact, to gain a position on interior lines—with respect to two opponents—that Napoleon pushed his army to Carcare. Before the campaign began he hoped by using the “cannon-road” to destroy the Piedmontese before the Austrians were in existence at all as an army. But on the news from Voltri and Monte Legino he swiftly “concentrated fire, made the breach, and broke the equilibrium” at the spot where the interests and forces of the two Allies converged and diverged. The hypothesis in the first case was that the Austrians were practically non-existent, and the whole object in the second was to breach the now connected front of the Allies (“strategic penetration”) and to cause them to break up into two separate systems. More, having made the breach, he had the choice (which he had not before) of attacking either the Austrians or the Sardinians, as every critic has pointed out. Indeed the Austrians offered by far the better target. But he neither wanted nor used the new alternative. His purpose was to crush Piedmont. “My enemies saw too much at once,” said Napoleon. Singleness of aim and of purpose, the product of clear thinking and of “personality,” was the foundation-stone of the new form of strategy. In the course of subduing the Sardinians, Napoleon found himself placed on interior lines between two hostile masses, and another new idea, that of “relative superiority. ” reveals itself. Whereas Souham had been in superior force (90,000 against 70,000), Napoleon (40,000 against 50,000) was not, and yet the Army of Italy was always placed in a position of relative superiority (at first about 3 to 2 and ultimately 2 to 1) to the immediate antagonist. “The essence of strategy,” said Napoleon in 1797, “is, with a weaker army, always to have more force at the crucial point than the enemy. But this art is taught neither by books nor by practice; it is a matter of tact. ” In this he expressed the result of his victories on his own mind rather than a preconceived formula which produced those victories. But the idea, though undefined, and the method of practice, though imperfectly worked out, were in his mind from the first. As soon as he had made the breach, he widened it by pushing out Masséna and Laharpe on the one hand and Augereau on the other. This is mere common sense. But immediately afterwards, though preparing to throw all available forces against Colli, he posted Masséna and Laharpe at Dego to guard, not like Vandamme on the Lys against a real and pressing enemy, but against a possibility, and he only diminished the strength and altered the position of this containing detachment in proportion as the Austrian danger dwindled. Later in his career he defined this offensive-defensive system as “having all possible strength at the decisive point,” and “being nowhere vulnerable,” and the art of reconciling these two requirements, in each case as it arose, was always the principal secret of his generalship. At first his precautions (judged by events and not by theRelative superiority. probabilities of the moment) were excessive, and the offensive mass small. But the latter was handled by a general untroubled by multiple aims and anxieties, and if such self-confidence was equivalent to 10,000 men on the battlefield, it was legitimate to detach 10,000 men to secure it. These 10,000 were posted 8 m. out on the dangerous flank, not almost back to back with the main body as Vandamme had been, and although this distance was but little compared to those of his later campaigns, when he employed small armies for the same purpose, it sufficed in this difficult mountain country, where the covering force enjoyed the advantage of strong positions. Of course, if Colli had been better concentrated, or if Beaulieu had been more active, the calculated proportions between covering force and main body might have proved fallacious, and the system on which Napoleon’s relative superiority rested might have broken down. But the point is that such a system, however rough its first model, had been imagined and put into practice. This was Napoleon’s individual art of war, as raiding bakeries and cutting communications were Beaulieu’s speciality. Napoleon made the art into a science, and in our own time, with modern conditions of effective, armament and communications, it is more than possible that Moreaus and Jourdans will prove able to practise it with success. But in the old conditions it required a Napoleon. “Strategy,” said Moltke, “is a system of expedients. ” But it was the intense personal force, as well as the genius, of Napoleon that forged these expedients into a system. The first phase of the campaign satisfactorily settled, Napoleon was free to turn his attention to the “arch-enemy” to whom he was now considerably superior in numbers (35,000 to 25,000). The day after the signature of the armistice of Cherasco he began preparing for a new advance and also for the rôle of arbiter of the destinies of Italy. Many whispers there were, even in his own army, as to the dangers of passing on without “revolutionizing” aristocratic Genoa and monarchical Piedmont, and of bringing Venice, the pope and the Italian princes into the field against the French. But Bonaparte, flushed with victory, and better informed than the malcontents of the real condition of Italy, never hesitated. His first object was to drive out Beaulieu, his second to push through Tirol, and his only serious restriction the chance that the armistice with Piedmont would not result in a definitive treaty. Beaulieu had fallen back into Lombardy, and now bordered the Po right and left of Valenza. To achieve further progress, Napoleon had first to cross that river, and the point and method of crossing was the immediate problem, a problem the more difficult as Napoleon had no bridge train and could only make use of such existing bridges as he could seize intact. If he crossed above Valenza, he would be confronted by one river-line after another, on one of which at least Beaulieu would probably stand to fight. But quite apart from the immediate problem, Napoleon’s intention was less to beat the Austrians than to dislodge them. He needed a foothold in Lombardy which would make him independent of, and even a menace to, Piedmont. If this were assured, he could for a few weeks entirely ignore his communications with France and strike out against Beaulieu, dethrone the king of Sardinia, or revolutionize Parma, Modena and the papal states according to circumstances. Milan, therefore, was his objective, and Tortona-Piacenza his route thither. To give himself every chance, he had stipulated with the Piedmontese authorities for the right of passing at Valenza, and he had the satisfaction of seeing Beaulieu fall into the trap and concentrate opposite that part of the river. The French meantime had moved to the region Alessandria-Tortona. Thence on the 6th of May Bonaparte, with a picked body of troops, set out for a forced march on Piacenza, and that night the advanced guard was 30 m. on the way, at Castel San Giovanni, and Laharpe’s and the cavalry divisions at Stradella, 10 m. behind them. Augereau was at Broni, Masséna at Sale and Sérurier near Valenza, the whole forming a rapidly extending fan, 50 m. from point to point. If the Piacenza detachment succeeded in crossing, the army was to follow rapidly in its track. If, on the other hand, Beaulieu fell back to oppose the advanced guard, the Valenza divisions would take advantage of his absence to cross there. In either case, be it observed, the Austrians were to be evaded, not brought to action. On the morning of the 7th, the swift advanced guard under General Dallemagne crossed at Piacenza, and, hearing of this, Bonaparte ordered every division except Sérurier’s thither with all possible speed. In the exultation of the moment he mocked at Beaulieu’s incapacity, but the old Austrian was already on the alert. This game of manœuvres he understood; already one of his divisions had arrived in close proximity to Dallemagne and the others were marching eastward by all available roads. It was not until the 8th that the French, after a series of partial encounters, were securely established on the left bank of the Po, and Beaulieu had given up the idea of forcing their most advanced troops to accept battle at a disadvantage. The success of the French was due less to their plan than to their mobility, which enabled them first to pass the river before the Austrians (who had actually started a day in advance of them) put in an appearance, and afterwards to be in superior numbers at each point of contact. But the episode was destined after all to culminate in a great event, which Napoleon himself indicated as the turning-point of his life. “Vendémiaire and even Montenotte did not make me think myself a superior being. It was after Lodi that the idea came to me. . . . That first kindled the spark of boundless ambition. ” The idea of a battle having been given up, Beaulieu retired to the Adda, and most of his troops were safely beyond it before the French arrived near Lodi, but he felt it necessary to leave a strong rearguard on the river opposite that place to cover the reassembly of his columns after their scattered march. On the afternoon of the 10th of May, Bonaparte, with Dallemagne, Masséna and Augereau, came up and seized the town. But 200 yds. of open ground had to be passed from the town gate to the bridge, and the bridge itself was another 250 in length. A few hundred yards beyond it stood the Austrians, 9000 strong with 14 guns. Napoleon brought up all his guns to prevent the enemy from destroying the bridge. Then sending all his cavalry to turn the enemy’s right by a ford above the town, he waited two hours, employing the time in cannonading the Austrian lines, resting his advanced infantry and closing up Masséna’s and Augereau’s divisions. Finally he gave the order to Dallemagne’s 4000 grenadiers, who were drawn up under cover of the town wall, to rush the bridge. As the column, not more than thirty men broad, made its appearance, it was met by the concentrated fire of the Austrian guns, and half way across the bridge it checked, but Bonaparte himself and Masséna rushed forward, the courage of the soldiers revived, and, while some jumped off the bridge and scrambled forward in the shallow water, the remainder stormed on, passed through the guns and drove back the infantry. This was, in bare outline, the astounding passage of the Bridge of Lodi. It was not till after the battle that Napoleon realized that only a rearguard was in front of him. When he launched his 4000 grenadiers he thought that on the other side there were four or five times that number of the enemy. No wonder, then, that after the event he recognized in himself the flash of genius, the courage to risk everything, and the “tact” which, independent of, and indeed contrary to all reasoned calculations, told him that the moment had come for “breaking the equilibrium. ” Lodi was a tactical success in the highest sense, in that the principles of his tactics rested on psychology—on the “sublime” part of the art of war as Saxe had called it long ago. The spirit produced the form, and Lodi was the prototype of the Napoleonic battle—contact, manœuvre, preparation, and finally the well-timed, massed and unhesitating assault. The absence of strategical results mattered little. Many months elapsed before this bold assertion of superiority ceased to decide the battles of France and Austria. Next day, still under the vivid tactical impressions of the Bridge of Lodi, he postponed his occupation of the Milanese and set off in pursuit of Beaulieu, but the latter was now out of reach, and during the next few days the French divisions were installed at various points in the area Pavia-Milan-Pizzighetone, facing outwards in all dangerous directions, with a central reserve at Milan. Thus secured, Bonaparte turned his attention to political and military administration. This took the form of exacting from the neighbouring princes money, supplies and objects of art, and the once famished Army of Italy revelled in its opportunity. Now, however, the Directory, suspicious of the too successful and too sanguine young general, ordered him to turn over the command in Upper Italy to Kellermann, and to take an expeditionary corps himself into the heart of the Peninsula, there to preach the Republic and the overthrow of princes. Napoleon absolutely refused, and offered his resignation. In the end (partly by bribery) he prevailed, but the incident reawakened his desire to close with Beaulieu. This indeed he could now do with a free hand, since not only had the Milanese been effectively occupied, but also the treaty with Sardinia had been ratified. But no sooner had he resumed the advance than it was interrupted by a rising of the peasantry in his rear. The exactions of the French had in a few days generated sparks of discontent which it was easy for the priests and the nobles to fan into open flames. Milan and Pavia as well as the countryside broke into insurrection, and at the latter place the mob forced the French commandant to surrender. Bonaparte acted swiftly and ruthlessly. Bringing back a small portion of the army with him, he punished Milan on the 25th, sacked and burned Binasco on the 26th, and on the evening of the latter day, while his cavalry swept the open country, he broke his way into Pavia with 1500 men and beat down all resistance. Napoleon’s cruelty was never purposeless. He deported several scores of hostages to France, executed most of the mob leaders, and shot the French officer who had surrendered. In addition, he gave his 1500 men three hours’ leave to pillage. Then, as swiftly as they had come, they returned to the army on the Oglio. From this river Napoleon advanced to the banks of the Mincio, where the remainder of the Italian campaign was fought out, both sides contemptuously disregarding Venetian neutrality. It centred on the fortress of Mantua, which Beaulieu, too weak to keep the field, and dislodged from the Mincio in the action of Borghetto (May 30), strongly garrisoned before retiring into Tirol. Beaulieu was soon afterwards replaced by Dagobert Siegmund, count von Wurmser (b. 1724), who brought considerable reinforcements from Germany. At this point, mindful of the narrow escape he had had of losing his command, Bonaparte thought it well to begin the resettlement of Italy. The scheme for co-operating with Moreau on the Danube was indefinitely postponed, and the Army of Italy (now reinforced from the Army of the Alps and counting 42,000 effectives) was again disposed in a protective “zone of manœuvre,” with a strong central reserve. Over 8000 men, however, garrisoned the fortresses of Piedmont and Lombardy, and the effective blockade of Mantua and political expeditions into the heart of the Peninsula soon used up the whole of this reserve. Moreover, no siege artillery was available until the Austrians in the citadel of Milan capitulated, and thus it was not till the 18th of July that the first parallel was begun. Almost at the same moment Wurmser began his advance from Trent with 55,000 men to relieve Mantua. Siege of Mantua. The protective system on which his attack would fall in the first instance was now as follows:—Augereau (6000) about Legnago, Despinoy (8000) south-east of Verona, Masséna (13,000) at Verona and Peschiera, with outposts on the Monte Baldo and at La Corona, Sauret (4500) at Salo and Gavardo. Sérurier (12,000) was besieging Mantua, and the only central reserve was the cavalry (2000) under Kilmaine. The main road to Milan passed by Brescia. Sauret’s brigade, therefore, was practically a detached post on the line of communication, and on the main defensive front less than 30,000 men were disposed at various points between La Corona and Legnago (30 m. apart), and at a distance of 15 to 20 m. from Mantua. The strength of such a disposition depended on the fighting power and handiness of the troops, who in each case would be called upon to act as a rearguard to gain time. Yet the lie of the country scarcely permitted a closer grouping, unless indeed Bonaparte fell back on the old-time device of a “circumvallation,” and shut himself up, with the supplies necessary for the calculated duration of the siege, in an impregnable ring of earthworks round Mantua. This, however, he could not have done even if he had wished, for the wave of revolt radiating from Milan had made accumulations of food impossible, and the lakes above and below the fortress, besides being extremely unhealthy, would have extended the perimeter of the circumvallation so greatly that the available forces would not suffice to man it. It was not in this, but in the absence of an important central reserve that Bonaparte’s disposition is open to criticism, which indeed could impugn the scheme in its entirety, as overtaxing the available resources, more easily than it could attack its details. If Bonaparte has occasionally been criticized for his defensive measures, Wurmser’s attack procedure has received almost universal condemnation, as to the justice of which it may be pointed out that the object of the expedition was not to win a battle by falling on the disunited French with a well-concentrated army, but to overpower one, any one, of the corps covering the siege, and to press straight forward to the relief of Mantua, i. e. to the destruction of Bonaparte’s batteries and the levelling of his trench work. The old principle that a battle was a grave event of doubtful issue was reinforced in the actual case by Beaulieu’s late experiences of French élan, and as a temporary victory at one point would suffice for the purpose in hand, there was every incentive to multiply the points of contact. The soundness of Wurmser’s plan was proved by the event. New ideas and new forces, undiscernible to a man of seventy-two years of age, obliterated his achievement by surpassing it, but such as it was—a limited use of force for a limited object—the venture undeniably succeeded. The Austrians formed three corps, one (Quasdanovich, 18,000 men) marching round the west side of the Lake of Garda on Gavardo, Salo and the Brescia road, the second (under Wurmser, about 30,000) moving directly down the Adige, and the third (Davidovich, 6000) making a détour by the Brenta valley and heading for Verona by Vicenza. On the 29th Quasdanovich attacked Sauret at Salo, drove him towards Desenzano, and pushed on to Gavardo and thence into Brescia. Wurmser expelled Masséna’s advanced guard from La Corona, and captured in succession the Monte Baldo and Rivoli posts. The Brenta column approached Verona with little or no fighting. News of this column led Napoleon early in the day to close up Despinoy, Masséna and Kilmaine at Castelnuovo, and to order Augereau from Legnago to advance on Montebello (19 m. east of Verona) against Davidovich’s left rear. But after these orders had been despatched came the news of Sauret’s defeat, and this moment was one of the most anxious in Napoleon’s career. He could not make up his mind to give up the siege of Mantua, but he hurried Augereau back to the Mincio, and sent order after order to the officers on the lines of communication to send all convoys by the Cremona instead of by the Brescia road. More, he had the baggage, the treasure and the sick set in motion at once for Marcaria, and wrote to Sérurier a despatch which included the words “perhaps we shall recover ourselves . . . but I must take serious measures for a retreat. ” On the 30th he wrote: “The enemy have broken through our line in three places . . . Sauret has evacuated Salo . . . and the enemy has captured Brescia. You see that our communications with Milan and Verona are cut. ” The reports that came to him during the morning of the 30th enabled him to place the main body of the enemy opposite Masséna, and this, without in the least alleviating the gravity of the situation, helped to make his course less doubtful. Augereau was ordered to hold the line of the Molinella, in case Davidovich’s attack, the least-known factor, should after all prove to be serious; Masséna to reconnoitre a road from Peschiera through Castiglione towards Orzinovi, and to stand fast at Castelnuovo opposite Wurmser as long as he could. Sauret and Despinoy were concentrated at Desenzano with orders on the 31st to clear the main line of retreat and to recapture Brescia. The Austrian movements were merely the continuation of those of the 29th. Quasdanovich wheeled inwards, his right finally resting on Montechiaro and his left on Salo. Wurmser drove back Masséna to the west side of the Mincio. Davidovich made a slight advance. Relief of Mantua. In the late evening Bonaparte held a council of war at Roverbella. The proceedings of this council are unknown, but it at any rate enabled Napoleon to see clearly and to act. Hitherto he had been covering the siege of Mantua with various detachments, the defeat of any one of which might be fatal to the enterprise. Thus, when he had lost his main line of retreat, he could assemble no more than 8000 men at Desenzano to win it back. Now, however, he made up his mind that the siege could not be continued, and bitter as the decision must have been, it gave him freedom. At this moment of crisis the instincts of the great captain came into play, and showed the way to a victory that would more than counterbalance the now inevitable failure. Sérurier was ordered to spike the 140 siege guns that had been so welcome a few days before, and, after sending part of his force to Augereau, to establish himself with the rest at Marcaria on the Cremona road. The field forces were to be used on interior lines. On the 31st Sauret, Despinoy, Augereau and Kilmaine advanced westward against Quasdanovich. The first two found the Austrians at Salo and Lonato and drove them back, while with Augereau and the cavalry Bonaparte himself made a forced march on Brescia, never halting night or day till he reached the town and recovered his depots. Meantime Sérurier had retired (night of July 31), Masséna had gradually drawn in towards Lonato, and Wurmser’s advanced guard triumphantly entered the fortress (August 1). The Austrian general now formed the plan of crushing Bonaparte between Quasdanovich and his own main body. But meantime Quasdanovich had evacuated Brescia under the threat of Bonaparte’s advance and was now fighting a long irregular action with Despinoy and Sauret about Gavardo and Salo, and Bonaparte, having missed his expected target, had brought Augereau by another severe march back to Montechiaro on the Chiese. Masséna was now assembled between Lonato and Ponte San Marco, and Sérurier was retiring quietly on Marcaria. Wurmser’s main body, weakened by the detachment sent to Mantua, crossed the Mincio about Valeggio and Goito on the 2nd, and penetrated as far as Castiglione, whence Masséna’s rearguard was expelled. But a renewed advance of Quasdanovich, ordered by Wurmser, which drove Sauret and Despinoy back on Brescia and Lonato, in the end only placed a strong detachment of the Austrians within striking distance of Masséna, who on the 3rd attacked it, front to front, and by sheer fighting destroyed it, while at the same time Augereau recaptured Castiglione from Wurmser. On the 4th Sauret and Despinoy pressed back Quasdanovich beyond Salo and Gavardo. One of the Austrian columns, finding itself isolated and unable to retreat with the others, turned back to break its way through to Wurmser, and was annihilated by Masséna in the neighbourhood of Lonato. On this day Augereau fought his way towards Solferino, and Wurmser, thinking rightly or wrongly that he could not now retire to the Mincio without a battle, drew up his whole force, close on 30,000 men, in the plain between Solferino and Medole. The finale may be described in very few words. Bonaparte, convinced that no more was to be feared from Quasdanovich, and seeing that Wurmser meant to fight, called in Despinoy’s division to the main body and sent orders to Sérurier, then far distant on the Cremona road, to march against the left flank of the Austrians. On the 5th the battle of Castiglione was fought. Closely contested in the first hours of the frontal attack till Sérurier’s arrival decided the day, it ended in the retreat of the Austrians over the Mincio and into Tirol whence they had come. Lonato and Castiglione. Thus the new way had failed to keep back Wurmser, and the old had failed to crush Napoleon. Each was the result of its own conditions. In former wars a commander threatened as Napoleon was, would have fallen back at once to the Adda, abandoning the siege in such good time that he would have been able to bring off his siege artillery. Instead of this Bonaparte hesitated long enough to lose it, which, according to accepted canons was a waste, and held his ground, which was, by the same rules, sheer madness. But Revolutionary discipline was not firm enough to stand a retreat. Once it turned back, the army would have streamed away to Milan and perhaps to the Alps (cf. 1799), and the only alternative to complete dissolution therefore was fighting. As to the manner of this fighting, even the principle of “relative superiority” failed him so long as he was endeavouring to cover the siege and again when his chief care was to protect his new line of retreat and to clear his old. In this period, viz. up to his return from Brescia on the 2nd of August, the only “mass” he collected delivered a blow in the air, while the covering detachments had to fight hard for bare existence. Once released from its trammels, the Napoleonic principle had fair play. He stood between Wurmser and Quasdanovich, ready to fight either or both. The latter was crushed, thanks to local superiority and the resolute leading of Masséna, but at Castiglione Wurmser actually outnumbered his opponent till the last of Napoleon’s precautionary dispositions had been given up, and Sérurier brought back from the “alternative line of retreat” to the battlefield. The moral is, again, that it was not the mere fact of being on interior lines that gave Napoleon the victory, but his “tact,” his fine appreciation of the chances in his favour, measured in terms of time, space, attacking force and containing power. All these factors were greatly influenced by the ground, which favoured the swarms and columns of the French and deprived the brilliant Austrian cavalry of its power to act. But of far greater importance was the mobility that Napoleon’s personal force imparted to the French. Napoleon himself rode five horses to death in three days, and Augereau’s division marched from Roverbella to Brescia and back to Montechiaro, a total distance of nearly 50 m. , in about thirty-six hours. This indeed was the foundation of his “relative superiority,” for every hour saved in the time of marching meant more freedom to destroy one corps before the rest could overwhelm the covering detachments and come to its assistance. Wurmser’s plan for the relief of Mantua, suited to its purpose, succeeded. But when he made his objective the French field army, he had to take his own army as he found it, disposed for an altogether different purpose. A properly, combined attack of convergent columns framed ab initio by a good staff officer, such as Mack, might indeed have given good results. But the success of such a plan depends principally on the assailant’s original possession of the initiative, and not on the chances of his being able to win it over to his own side when operations, as here, are already in progress. When the time came to improvise such a plan, the initiative had passed over to Napoleon, and the plan was foredoomed. By the end of the second week in August the blockade of Mantua had been resumed, without siege guns. But still under the impression of a great victory gained, Bonaparte was planning a long forward stride. He thought that by advancing past Mantua directly on Trieste and thence onwards to the Semmering he could impose a peace on the emperor. The Directory, however, which had by now focussed its attention on the German campaign, ordered him to pass through Tirol and to co-operate with Moreau, and this plan, Bonaparte, though protesting against an Alpine venture being made so late in the year, prepared to execute, drawing in reinforcements and collecting great quantities of supplies in boats on the Adige and Lake Garda. Wurmser was thought to have posted his main body near Trent, and to have detached one division to Bassano “to cover Trieste.” The French advanced northward on the 2nd, in three disconnected columns (precisely as Wurmser had done in the reverse direction at the end of July)—Masséna (13,000) from Rivoli to Ala, Augereau (9000) from Verona by hill roads, keeping on his right rear, Vaubois (11,000) round the Lake of Garda by Riva and Torbole. Sahuguet’s division (8000) remained before Mantua. The French divisions successfully combined and drove the enemy before them to Trent. There, however, they missed their target. Wurmser had already drawn over the bulk of his army (22,000) into the Val Sugana, whence, with the Bassano division as his advanced guard, he intended once more to relieve Mantua, while Davidovich with 13,000 (excluding detachments) was to hold Tirol against any attempt of Bonaparte to join forces with Moreau. Thus Austria was preparing to hazard a second (as in the event she hazarded a third and a fourth) highly trained and expensive professional army in the struggle for the preservation of a fortress, and we must conclude that there were weighty reasons which actuated so notoriously cautious a body as the Council of War in making this unconditional venture. While Mantua stood, Napoleon, for all his energy and sanguineness, could not press forward into Friuli and Carniola, and immunity from a Republican visitation was above all else important for the Vienna statesmen, governing as they did more or less discontented and heterogeneous populations that had not felt the pressure of war for a century and more. The Austrians, so far as is known, desired no more than to hold their own. They no longer possessed the superiority of moral that guarantees victory to one side when both are materially equal. There was therefore nothing to be gained, commensurate with the risk involved, by fighting a battle in the open field. In Italien siegt nicht die Kavallerie was an old saying in the Austrian army, and therefore the Austrians could not hope to win a victory of the first magnitude. The only practicable alternative was to strengthen Mantua as opportunities offered themselves, and to prolong the passive resistance as much as possible. Napoleon’s own practice in providing for secondary theatres of war was to economize forces and to delay a decision, and the fault of the Austrians, viewed from a purely military standpoint, was that they squandered, instead of economizing, their forces to gain time. If we neglect pure theory, and regard strategy as the handmaiden of statesmanship—which fundamentally it is—we cannot condemn the Vienna authorities unless it be first proved that they grossly exaggerated the possible results of Bonaparte’s threatened irruption. And if their capacity for judging the political situation be admitted, it naturally follows that their object was to preserve Mantua at all costs—which object Wurmser, though invariably defeated in action, did in fact accomplish. When Masséna entered Trent on the morning of the 5th of September, Napoleon became aware that the force in his front was a mere detachment, and news soon came in that Wurmser was in the Val Sugana about Primolano and at Bassano. This move he supposed to be intended to cover Trieste, being influenced by his own hopes of advancing in that direction, and underestimating the importance, to the Austrians, of preserving Mantua. He therefore informed the Directory that he could not proceed with the Tirol scheme, and spent one more day in driving Davidovich well away from Trent. Then, leaving Vaubois to watch him, Napoleon marched Augereau and Masséna, with a rapidity he scarcely ever surpassed, into the Val Sugana. Wurmser’s rearguard was attacked and defeated again and again, and Wurmser himself felt compelled to stand and fight, in the hope of checking the pursuit before going forward into the plains. Half his army had already reached Montebello on the Verona road, and with the rear half he posted himself at Bassano, where on the 8th he was attacked and defeated with heavy losses. Then began a strategic pursuit or general chase, and in this the mobility of the French should have finished the work so well begun by their tactics. But Napoleon directed the pursuers so as to cut off Wurmser from Trieste, not from Mantua. Masséna followed up the Austrians to Vicenza, while Augereau hurried towards Padua, and it was not until late on the 9th that Bonaparte realized that his opponent was heading for Mantua via Legnago. On the 10th Masséna crossed the Adige at Ronco, while Augereau from Padua reached Montagnara. Sahuguet from Mantua and Kilmaine from Verona joined forces at Castellaro on the 11th, with orders to interpose between Wurmser and the fortress. Wurmser meantime had halted for a day at Legnago, to restore order, and had then resumed his march. It was almost too late, for in the evening, after having to push aside the head of Masséna’s column at Cerea, he had only reached Nogara, some miles short of Castellaro, and close upon his rear was Augereau, who reached Legnago that night. On the 12th, eluding Sahuguet by a detour to the southward, he reached Mantua, with all the columns of the French, weary as most of them were, in hot pursuit. After an attempt to keep the open field, defeated in a general action on the 15th, the relieving force was merged in the garrison, now some 28,000 in all. So ended the episode of Bassano, the most brilliant feature of which as usual was the marching power of the French infantry. This time it sufficed to redeem even strategical misconceptions and misdirections. Between the 5th and the 11th, besides fighting three actions, Masséna had marched 100 m. and Augereau 114. Feldzeugmeister Alvintzi was now appointed to command a new army of relief. This time the mere distribution of the troops imposed a concentric advance of separate columns, for practically the whole of the fresh forces available were in Carniola, the Military Frontier, &c. , while Davidovich was still in Tirol. Alvintzi’s intention was to assemble his new army (29,000) in Friuli, and to move on Bassano, which was to be occupied on the 4th of November. Meantime Davidovich (18,000) was to capture Trent, and the two columns were to connect by the Val Sugana. All being well, Alvintzi and Davidovich, still separate, were then to converge on the Adige between Verona and Legnago. Wurmser was to co-operate by vigorous sorties. At this time Napoleon’s protective system was as follows: Kilmaine (9000) investing Mantua, Vaubois (10,000) at Trent, and Masséna (9000) at Bassano and Treviso, Augereau (9000) and Macquard (3000) at Verona and Villafranca constituting, for the first time in these operations, important mobile reserves. Hearing of Alvintzi’s approach in good time, he meant first to drive back Davidovich, then with Augereau, Masséna, Macquard and 3000 of Vaubois’s force to fall upon Alvintzi, who, he calculated, would at this stage have reached Bassano, and finally to send back a large force through the Val Sugana to attack Davidovich. This plan practically failed. Instead of advancing, Vaubois was driven steadily backward. By the 6th, Davidovich had fought his way almost to Roveredo, and Alvintzi had reached Bassano and was there successfully repelling the attacks of Masséna and Augereau. That night Napoleon drew back to Vicenza. On the 7th Davidovich drove in Vaubois to Corona and Rivoli, and Alvintzi came within 5 m. of Vicenza. Napoleon watched carefully for an opportunity to strike out, and on the 8th massed his troops closely around the central point of Verona. On the 9th, to give himself air, he ordered Masséna to join Vaubois, and to drive back Davidovich at all costs. But before this order was executed, reports came in to the effect that Davidovich had suspended his advance. The 10th and 11th were spent by both sides in relative inaction, the French waiting on events and opportunities, the Austrians resting after their prolonged exertions. Then, on the afternoon of the 11th, being informed that Alvintzi was approaching, Napoleon decided to attack him. On the 12th the advanced guard of Alvintzi’s army was furiously assailed in the position of Caldiero. But the troops in rear came up rapidly, and by 4 P.M. the French were defeated all along the line and in retreat on Verona. Napoleon’s situation was now indeed precarious. He was on “interior lines,” it is true, but he had neither the force nor the space necessary for the delivery of rapid radial blows. Alvintzi was in superior numbers, as the battle of Caldiero had proved, and at any moment Davidovich, who had twice Vaubois’s force, might advance to the attack of Rivoli. The reserves had proved insufficient, and Kilmaine had to be called up from Mantua, which was thus for the third time freed from the blockaders. Again the alternatives were retreat, in whatever order was possible to Republican armies, and beating the nearest enemy at any sacrifice. Napoleon chose the latter, though it was not until the evening of the 14th that he actually issued the fateful order. The Austrians, too, had selected the 15th as the date of their final advance on Verona, Davidovich from the north, Alvintzi via Zevio from the south. But Napoleon was no longer there; leaving Vaubois to hold Davidovich as best he might, and posting only 3000 men in Verona, he had collected the rest of his small army between Albaro and Ronco. His plan seems to have been to cross the Adige well in rear of the Austrians, to march north on to the Verona-Vicenza highway, and there, supplying himself from their convoys, to fight to the last. On the 15th he had written to the Directory, “The weakness and the exhaustion of the army causes me to fear the worst. We are perhaps on the eve of losing Italy.” In this extremity of danger the troops passed the Adige in three columns near Ronco and Albaredo, and marched forward along the dikes, with deep marshes and pools on either hand. If Napoleon’s intention was to reach the dry open ground of S. Bonifacio in rear of the Austrians, it was not realized, for the Austrian army, instead of being at the gates of Verona, was still between Caldiero and S. Bonifacio, heading, as we know, for Zevio. Thus Alvintzi was able, easily and swiftly, to wheel to the south. The battle of Arcola almost defies description. The first day passed in a series of resultless encounters between the heads of the columns as they met on the dikes. In the evening Bonaparte withdrew over the Adige, expecting at every moment to be summoned to Vaubois’s aid. But Davidovich remained inactive, and on the 16th the French again crossed the river. Masséna from Ronco advanced on Porcile, driving the Austrians along the causeway thither, but on the side of Arcola, Alvintzi had deployed a considerable part of his forces on the edge of the marshes, within musket shot of the causeway by which Bonaparte and Augereau had to pass, along the Austrian front, to reach the bridge of Arcola. In these circumstances the second day’s battle was more murderous and no more decisive than the first, and again the French retreated to Ronco. But Davidovich again stood still, and with incredible obstinacy Bonaparte ordered a third assault for the 17th, using indeed more tactical expedients than before, but calculating chiefly on the fighting powers of his men and on the exhaustion of the enemy. Masséna again advanced on Porcile, Robert’s brigade on Arcola, but the rest, under Augereau, were to pass the Alpone near its confluence with the Adige, and joining various small bodies which passed the main stream lower down, to storm forward on dry ground to Arcola. The Austrians, however, themselves advanced from Arcola, overwhelmed Robert’s brigade on the causeway and almost reached Ronco. This was perhaps the crisis of the battle, for Augereau’s force was now on the other side of the stream, and Masséna, with his back to the new danger, was approaching Porcile. But the fire of a deployed regiment stopped the head of the Austrian column; Masséna, turning about, cut into its flank on the dike; and Augereau, gathering force, was approaching Arcola from the south. The bridge and the village were evacuated soon afterwards, and Masséna and Augereau began to extend in the plain beyond. But the Austrians still sullenly resisted. It was at this moment that Bonaparte secured victory by a mere ruse, but a ruse which would have been unprofitable and ridiculous had it not been based on his fine sense of the moral conditions. Both sides were nearly fought out, and he sent a few trumpeters to the rear of the Austrian army to sound the charge. They did so, and in a few minutes the Austrians were streaming back to S. Bonifacio. This ended the drama of Arcola, which more than any other episode of these wars, perhaps of any wars in modern history, centres on the personality of the hero. It is said that the French fought without spirit on the first day, and yet on the second and third Bonaparte had so thoroughly imbued them with his own will to conquer that in the end they prevailed over an enemy nearly twice their own strength. The climax was reached just in time, for on the 17th Vaubois was completely defeated at Rivoli and withdrew to Peschiera, leaving the Verona and Mantua roads completely open to Davidovich. But on the 19th Napoleon turned upon him, and combining the forces of Vaubois, Masséna and Augereau against him, drove him back to Trent. Meantime Alvintzi returned from Vicenza to San Bonifacio and Caldiero (November 21st), and Bonaparte at once stopped the pursuit of Davidovich. On the return of the French main body to Verona, Alvintzi finally withdrew, Wurmser, who had emerged from Mantua on the 23rd, was driven in again, and this epilogue of the great struggle came to a feeble end because neither side was now capable of prolonging the crisis. Alvintzi renewed his advance in January 1797 with all the forces that could be assembled for a last attempt to save Mantua. At this time 8000 men under Sérurier blockaded Mantua, Masséna (9000) was at Verona, Joubert (Vaubois’s successor) at Rivoli with 10,000, Augereau at Legnago with 9000. In reserve were Rey’s division (4000) between Brescia and Montechiaro, and Victor’s brigade at Goito and Castelnuovo. On the other side, Alvintzi had 9000 men under Provera at Padua, 6000 under Bayalič at Bassano, and he himself with 28,000 men stood in the Tirol about Trent. This time he intended to make his principal effort on the Rivoli side. Provera was to capture Legnago on the 9th of January, and Bayalič Verona on the 12th, while the main army was to deliver its blow against the Rivoli position on the 13th. The first marches of this scheme were duly carried out, and several days elapsed before Napoleon was able to discern the direction of the real attack. Augereau fell back, skirmishing a little, as Provera’s and Bayalič’s advance developed. On the 11th, when the latter was nearing Verona, Alvintzi’s leading troops appeared in front of the Rivoli position. On the 12th Bayalič with a weak force (he had sent reinforcements to Alvintzi by the Val Pantena) made an unsuccessful attack on Verona, Provera, farther south, remaining inactive. On the 13th Napoleon, still in doubt, launched Masséna’s division against Bayalič, who was driven back to San Bonifacio; but at the same time definite news came from Joubert that Alvintzi’s main army was in front of La Corona. From this point begins the decisive, though by no means the most intense or dramatic, struggle of the campaign. Once he felt sure of the situation Napoleon acted promptly. Joubert was ordered to hold on to Rivoli at all costs. Rey was brought up by a forced march to Castelnuovo, where Victor joined him, and ahead of them both Masséna was hurried on to Rivoli. Napoleon himself joined Joubert on the night of the 13th. There he saw the watch-fires of the enemy in a semicircle around him, for Alvintzi, thinking that he had only to deal with one division, had begun a widespread enveloping attack. The horns of this attack were as yet so far distant that Napoleon, instead of extending on an equal front, only spread out a few regiments to gain an hour or two and to keep the ground for Masséna and Rey, and on the morning of January 14th, with 10,000 men in hand against 26,000, he fell upon the central columns of the enemy as they advanced up the steep broken slopes of the foreground. The fighting was severe, but Bonaparte had the advantage. Masséna arrived at 9 A.M., and a little later the column of Quasdanovich, which had moved along the Adige and was now attempting to gain a foothold on the plateau in rear of Joubert, was crushed by the converging fire of Joubert’s right brigade and by Masséna’s guns, their rout being completed by the charge of a handful of cavalry under Lasalle. The right horn of Alvintzi’s attack, when at last it swung in upon Napoleon’s rear, was caught between Masséna and the advancing troops of Rey and annihilated, and even before this the dispirited Austrians were in full retreat. A last alarm, caused by the appearance of a French infantry regiment in their rear (this had crossed the lake in boats from Salo), completed their demoralization, and though less than 2000 had been killed and wounded, some 12,000 Austrian prisoners were left in the hands of the victors. Rivoli was indeed a moral triumph. After the ordeal of Arcola, the victory of the French was a foregone conclusion at each point of contact. Napoleon hesitated, or rather refrained from striking, so long as his information was incomplete, but he knew now from experience that his covering detachment, if well led, could not only hold its own without assistance until it had gained the necessary information, but could still give the rest of the army time to act upon it. Then, when the centre of gravity had been ascertained, the French divisions hurried thither, caught the enemy in the act of manœuvring and broke them up. And if that confidence in success which made all this possible needs a special illustration, it may be found in Napoleon’s sending Murat’s regiment over the lake to place a mere two thousand bayonets across the line of retreat of a whole army. Alvintzi’s manœuvre was faulty neither strategically in the first instance nor tactically as regards the project of enveloping Joubert on the 14th. It failed because Joubert and his men were better soldiers than his own, and because a French division could move twice as fast as an Austrian, and from these two factors a new form of war was evolved, the essence of which was that, for a given time and in a given area, a small force of the French should engage and hold a much larger force of the enemy. The remaining operations can be very briefly summarized. Provera, still advancing on Mantua, joined hands there with Wurmser, and for a time held Sérurier at a disadvantage. But hearing of this, Napoleon sent back Masséna from the field of Rivoli, and that general, with Augereau and Sérurier, not only forced Wurmser to retire again into the fortress, but compelled Provera to lay down his arms. On the 2nd of February 1797, after a long and honourable defence, Mantua, and with it what was left of Wurmser’s army, surrendered. The campaign of 1797, which ended the war of the First Coalition, was the brilliant sequel of these hard-won victories. Austria had decided to save Mantua at all costs, and had lost her armies in the attempt, a loss which was not compensated by the “strategic” victories of the archduke. Thus the Republican “visitation” of Carinthia and Carniola was one swift march—politically glorious, if dangerous from a purely military standpoint—of Napoleon’s army to the Semmering. The archduke, who was called thither from Germany, could do no more than fight a few rearguard actions, and make threats against Napoleon’s rear, which the latter, with his usual “tact,” ignored. On the Rhine, as in 1795 and 1796, the armies of the Sambre-and-Meuse (Hoche) and the Rhine-and-Moselle (Moreau) were opposed by the armies of the Lower Rhine (Werneck) and of the Upper Rhine (Latour). Moreau crossed the river near Strassburg and fought a series of minor actions. Hoche, like his predecessors, crossed at Düsseldorf and Neuwied and fought his way to the Lahn, where for the last time in the history of these wars, there was an irregular widespread battle. But Hoche, in this his last campaign, displayed the brilliant energy of his first, and delivered the “series of incessant blows” that Carnot had urged upon Jourdan the year before. Werneck was driven with ever-increasing losses from the lower Lahn to Wetzlar and Giessen. Thence, pressed hard by the French left wing under Championnet, he retired on the Nidda, only to find that Hoche’s right had swung completely roundLeoben. him. Nothing but the news of the armistice of Leoben saved him from envelopment and surrender. This general armistice was signed by Bonaparte, on his own authority and to the intense chagrin of the Directory and of Hoche, on the 18th of April, and was the basis of the peace of Campo Formio. Napoleon in Egypt Within the scope of this article, yet far more important from its political and personal than from its general military interest, comes the expedition of Napoleon to Egypt and its sequel (see also Egypt: History; Napoleon, &c. ). A very brief summary must here suffice. Napoleon left Toulon on the 19th of May 1798, at the same time as his army (40,000 strong in 400 transports) embarked secretly at various ports. Nelson’s fleet was completely evaded, and, capturing Malta en route, the armada reached the coast of Egypt on the 1st of July. The republicans stormed Alexandria on the 2nd. Between Embabeh and Gizeh, on the left bank of the Nile, 60,000 Mamelukes were defeated and scattered on the 21st (battle of the Pyramids), the French for the most part marching and fighting in the chequer of infantry squares that afterwards became the classical formation for desert warfare. While his lieutenants pursued the more important groups of the enemy, Napoleon entered Cairo in triumph, and proceeded to organize Egypt as a French protectorate. Meantime Nelson, though too late to head off the expedition, had annihilated the squadron of Admiral Brueys. This blow severed the army from the home country, and destroyed all hope of reinforcements. But to eject the French already in Egypt, military invasion of that country was necessary. The first attempts at this were made in September by the Turks as overlords of Egypt. Napoleon—after suppressing a revolt in Cairo—marched into Syria to meet them, and captured El Arish and Jaffa (at the latter place the prisoners, whom he could afford neither to feed, to release, nor to guard, were shot by his order). But he was brought to a standstill (March 17-May 20) before the half-defensible fortifications of Acre, held by a Turkish garrison and animated by the leadership of Sir W. Sidney Smith (q. v.). In May, though meantime a Turkish relieving army had been severely beaten in the battle of Mount Tabor (April 16, 1799), Napoleon gave up his enterprise, and returned to Egypt, where he won a last victory in annihilating at Aboukir, with 6000 of his own men, a Turkish army 18,000 strong that had landed there (July 25, 1799). With this crowning tactical success to set against the Syrian reverses, he handed over the command to Kléber and returned to France (August 22) to ride the storm in a new coup d’état, the “18th Brumaire.” Kléber, attacked by the English and Turks, concluded the convention of El Arish (January 27, 1800), whereby he secured free transport for the army back to France. But this convention was disavowed by the British government, and Kléber prepared to hold his ground. On the 20th of March 1800 he thoroughly defeated the Turkish army at Heliopolis and recovered Cairo, and French influence was once more in the ascendant in Egypt, when its director was murdered by a fanatic on the 14th of June, the day of Marengo. Kléber’s successor, the incompetent Menou, fell an easy victim to the British expeditionary force under Sir Ralph Abercromby in 1801. The British forced their way ashore at Aboukir on the 8th of March. On the 21st, Abercromby won a decisive battle, and himself fell in the hour of victory (see Alexandria: Battle of 1801). His successor, General Hely Hutchinson, slowly followed up this advantage, and received the surrender of Cairo in July and of Alexandria in August, the débris of the French army being given free passage back to France. Meantime a mixed force of British and native troops from India, under Sir David Baird, had landed at Kosseir and marched across the desert to Cairo. The War of the Second Coalition In the autumn of 1798, while Napoleon’s Egyptian expedition was in progress, and the Directory was endeavouring at home to reduce the importance and the predominance of the army and its leaders, the powers of Europe once more allied themselves, not now against the principles of the Republic, but against the treaty of Campo Formio. Russia, Austria, England, Turkey, Portugal, Naples and the Pope formed the Second Coalition. The war began with an advance into the Roman States by a worthless and ill-behaved Neapolitan army (commanded, much against his will, by Mack), which the French troops under Championnet destroyed with ease. Championnet then revolutionized Naples. After this unimportant prelude the curtain rose on a general European war. The Directory which now had at its command neither numbers nor enthusiasm, prepared as best it could to meet the storm. Four armies, numbering only 160,000, were set on foot, in Holland (Brune, 24,000); on the Upper Rhine (Jourdan, 46,000); in Switzerland, which had been militarily occupied in 1798 (Masséna, 30,000); and in upper Italy (Schérer, 60,000). In addition there was Championnet’s army, now commanded by Macdonald, in southern Italy. All these forces the Directory ordered, in January and February 1799, to assume the offensive. Jourdan, in the Constance and Schaffhausen region, had only 40,000 men against the archduke Charles’s 80,000, and was soon brought to a standstill and driven back on Stokach. The archduke had won these preliminary successes with seven-eighths of his army acting as one concentrated mass. But as he had only encountered a portion of Jourdan’s army, he became uneasy as to his flanks, checked his bold advance, and ordered a reconnaissance in force. This practically extended his army while Jourdan was closing his, and thus the French began the battle of Stokach (March 25) in superior numbers, and it was not until late in the day that the archduke brought up sufficient strength (60,000) to win a victory. This was a battle of the “strategic” type, a widespread straggling combat in which each side took fifteen hours to inflict a loss of 12% on the other, and which ended in Jourdan accepting defeat and drawing off, unpursued by the magnificent Austrian cavalry, though these counted five times as many sabres as the French. The French secondary army in Switzerland was in the hands of the bold and active Masséna. The forces of both sides in the Alpine region were, from a military point of view, mere flank guards to the main armies on the Rhine and the Adige. But unrest, amounting to civil war, among the Swiss and Grison peoples tempted both governments to give these flank guards considerable strength. Masséna in Switzerland. The Austrians in the Vorarlberg and Grisons were under Hotze, who had 13,000 men at Bregenz, and 7000 commanded by Auffenberg around Chur, with, between them, 5000 men at Feldkirch and a post of 1000 in the strong position of the Luziensteig near Mayenfeld. Masséna’s available force was about 20,000, and he used almost the whole of it against Auffenberg. The Rhine was crossed by his principal column near Mayenfeld, and the Luziensteig stormed (March 6), while a second column from the Zürich side descended upon Disentis and captured its defenders. In three days, thanks to Masséna’s energy and the ardent attacking spirit of his men, Auffenberg’s division was broken up, Oudinot meanwhile holding off Hotze by a hard-fought combat at Feldkirch (March 7). But a second attack on Feldkirch made on the 23rd by Masséna with 15,000 men was repulsed and the advance of his left wing came to a standstill. Behind Auffenberg and Hotze was Bellegarde in Tirol with some 47,000 men. Most of these were stationed north of Innsbruck and Landeck, probably as a sort of strategic reserve to the archduke. The rest, with the assistance of the Tirolese themselves, were to ward off irruptions from Italy. Here the French offensive was entrusted to two columns, one from Masséna’s command under Lecourbe, the other from the Army of Italy under Dessolle. Simultaneously with Masséna, Lecourbe marched from Bellinzona with 10,000 men, by the San Bernadino pass into the Splügen valley, and thence over the Julier pass into the upper Engadine. A small Austrian force under Major-General Loudon attacked him near Zernetz, but was after three days of rapid manœuvres and bold tactics driven back to Martinsbrück, with considerable losses, especially in prisoners. But ere long the country people flew to arms, and Lecourbe found himself between two fires, the levies occupying Zernetz and Loudon’s regulars Martinsbrück. But though he had only some 5000 of his original force left, he was not disconcerted, and, by driving back the levies into the high valleys whence they had come, and constantly threatening Loudon, he was able to maintain himself and to wait for Dessolles. The latter, moving up the Valtelline, by now fought his way to the Stelvio pass, but beyond it the defile of Tauffers (S.W. of Glurns) was entrenched by Loudon, who thus occupied a position midway between the two French columns, while his irregulars beset all the passes and ways giving access to the Vintschgau and the lower Engadine. In this situation the French should have been destroyed in detail. But as usual their speed and dash gave them the advantage in every manœuvre and at every point of contact. Lecourbe and Dessolles in Tirol. On the 25th Lecourbe and Dessolles attacked Loudon at Nauders in the Engadine and Tauffers in the Vintschgau respectively. At Nauders the French passed round the flanks of the defence by scrambling along the high mountain crests adjacent, while at Tauffers the assailants, only 4500 strong, descended into a deep ravine, debouched unnoticed in the Austrians’ rear, and captured 6000 men and 16 guns. The Austrian leader with a couple of companies made his way through Glurns to Nauders, and there, finding himself headed off by Lecourbe, he took to the mountains. His corps, like Auffenberg’s, was annihilated. This ended the French general offensive. Jourdan had been defeated by the archduke and forced or induced to retire over the Rhine. Masséna was at a standstill before the strong position of Feldkirch, and the Austrians of Hotze were still massed at Bregenz, but the Grisons were revolutionized, two strong bodies of Austrians numbering in all about 20,000 men had been destroyed, and Lecourbe and Dessolles had advanced far into Tirol. A pause followed. The Austrians in the mountains needed time to concentrate and to recover from their astonishment. The archduke fell ill, and the Vienna war council forbade his army to advance lest Tirol should be “uncovered,” though Bellegarde and Hotze still disposed of numbers equal to those of Masséna and Lecourbe. Masséna succeeded Jourdan in general command on the French side and promptly collected all available forces of both armies in the hilly non-Alpine country between Basel, Zürich and Schaffhausen, thereby directly barring the roads into France (Berne-Neuchâtel-Pontarlier and Basel-Besançon) which the Austrians appeared to desire to conquer. The protection of Alsace and the Vosges was left to the fortresses. There was no suggestion, it would appear, that the Rhine between Basel and Schaffhausen was a flank position sufficient of itself to bar Alsace to the enemy. It is now time to turn to events in Italy, where the Coalition intended to put forth its principal efforts. At the beginning of March the French had 80,000 men in Upper Italy and some 35,000 in the heart of the Peninsula, the latter engaged chiefly in supporting newly-founded republics. Of the former, 53,000 formed the field army on the Mincio under Schérer. The Austrians, commanded by Kray, numbered in all 84,000, but detachments reduced this figure to 67,000, of whom, moreover, 15,000 had not yet arrived when operations began. They were to be joined by a Russian contingent under the celebrated Suvárov, who was to command the whole on arrival, and whose extraordinary personality gives the campaign its special interest. Kray himself was a resolute soldier, and when the French, obeying the general order to advance, crossed the Adige, he defeated them in a severely fought battle at Magnano near Verona (March 5), the French losing 4000 killed and wounded and 4500 taken, out of 41,000. The Austrians lost some 3800 killed and wounded and 1500 prisoners, out of 46,000 engaged. The war, however, was undertaken not to annihilate, but to evict the French, and, probably under orders from Vienna, Kray allowed the beaten enemy to depart. Suvárov appeared with 17,000 Russians on the 4th of April. His first step was to set Russian officers to teach the Austrian troops—whose feelings can be imagined—how to attack with the bayonet, his next to order the whole army forward. The Allies broke camp on the 17th, 18th and 19th of April, and on the 20th, after a forced march of close on 30 m. , they passed the Chiese. Brescia had a French garrison, but Suvárov soon cowed it into surrender by threats of a massacre, which no one doubted that he would carry into execution. At the same time, dissatisfied with the marching of the Austrian infantry, he sent the following characteristic reproof to their commander: “The march was in the service of the Kaiser. Fair weather is for my lady’s chamber, for dandies, for sluggards. He who dares to cavil against his high duty (der Grosssprecher wider den hohen Dienst) is, as an egoist, instantly to vacate his command. Whoever is in bad health can stay behind. The so-called reasoners (raisonneurs) do no army any good. . . . ” One day later, under this unrelenting pressure, the advanced posts of the Allies reached Cremona and the main body, the Oglio. The pace became slower in the following days, as many bridges had to be made, and meanwhile Moreau, Schérer’s successor, prepared with a mere 20,000 men to defend Lodi, Cassano and Lecco on the Adda. On the 26th the Russian hero attacked him all along the line. The moral supremacy had passed over to the Allies. Melas, under Suvárov’s stern orders, flung his battalions regardless of losses against the strong position of Cassano. The story of 1796 repeated itself with the rôles reversed. The passage was carried, and the French rearguard under Sérurier was surrounded and captured by an inferior corps of Austrians. The Austrians (the Russians at Lecco were hardly engaged) lost 6000 men, but they took 7000 prisoners, and in all Moreau’s little army lost half its numbers and retreated in many disconnected bodies to the Ticino, and thence to Alessandria. Everywhere the Italians turned against the French, mindful of the exactions of their commissaries. The strange Cossack cavalry that western Europe had never yet seen entered Milan on the 29th of April, eleven days after passing the Mincio, and next day the city received with enthusiasm the old field marshal, whose exploits against the Turks had long invested him with a halo of romance and legend. Here, for the moment, his offensive culminated. He desired to pass into Switzerland and to unite his own, the archduke’s, Hotze’s and Bellegarde’s armies in one powerful mass. But the emperor would not permit the execution of this scheme until all the fortresses held by the enemy in Upper Italy should have been captured. In any case, Macdonald’s army in southern Italy, cut off from France by the rapidity of Suvárov’s onslaught, and now returning with all speed to join Moreau by force or evasion, had still to be dealt with. Suvárov’s mobile army, originally 90,000 strong, had now dwindled, by reason of losses and detachments for sieges, to half that number, and serious differences arose between the Vienna government and himself. If he offended the pride of the Austrian army, he was at least respected as a leader who gave it victories, but in Vienna he was regarded as a madman who had to be kept within bounds. But at last, when he was becoming thoroughly exasperated by this treatment, Macdonald came within striking distance and the active campaign recommenced. In the second week of June, Moreau, who had retired into the Apennines about Gavi, advanced with the intention of drawing upon himself troops that would otherwise have been employed against Macdonald. He succeeded, for Suvárov with his usual rapidity collected 40,000 men at Alessandria, only to learn that Macdonald with 35,000 men was coming up on the Parma road. When this news arrived, Macdonald had already engaged an Austrian detachment at Modena and driven it back, and Suvárov found himself between Moreau and Macdonald with barely enough men under his hand to enable him to play the game of “interior lines. ” But at the crisis the rough energetic warrior who despised “raisonneurs,” displayed generalship of the first order, and taking in hand all his scattered detachments, he manœuvred them in the Napoleonic fashion. On the 14th Macdonald was calculated to be between Modena, Reggio and Carpi, but his destination was uncertain. Would he continue to hug the Apennines to join Moreau, or would he strike out northwards against Kray, who with 20,000 men was besieging Mantua? From Alessandria it is four marches to Piacenza and nine to Mantua, while from Reggio these places are four and two marches respectively. Piacenza, therefore, was the crucial point if Macdonald continued westward, while, in the other case, nothing could save Kray but the energetic conduct of Hohenzollern’s detachment, which was posted near Reggio. This latter, however, was soon forced over the Po, and Ott, advancing from Cremona to join it, found himself sharply pressed in turn. The field marshal had hoped that Ott and Hohenzollern together would be able to win him time to assemble at Parma, where he could bring on a battle whichever way the French took. But on receipt of Ott’s report he was convinced that Macdonald had chosen the western route, and ordering Ott to delay the French as long as possible by stubborn rearguard actions and to put a garrison into Piacenza under a general who was to hold out “on peril of his life and honour,” he collected what forces were ready to move and hurried towards Piacenza, the rest being left to watch Moreau. He arrived just in time. When after three forced marches the main body (only 26,000 strong) reached Castel San Giovanni, Ott had been driven out of Piacenza, but the two joined forces safely. Both Suvárov and Macdonald spent the 17th in closing up and deploying for battle. The respective forces were Allies 30,000, French 35,000. Suvárov believed the enemy to be only 26,000 strong, and chiefly raw Italian regiments, but his temperament would not have allowed him to stand still even had he known his inferiority. He had already issued one of his peculiar battle-orders, which began with the words, “The hostile army will be taken prisoners” and continued with directions to the Cossacks to spare the surrendered enemy. But Macdonald too was full of energy, and believed still that he could annihilate Ott before the field marshal’s arrival. Thus the battle of the Trebbia (June 17-19) was fought by both sides in the spirit of the offensive. It was one of the severest struggles in the Republican wars, and it ended in Macdonald’s retreat with a loss of 15,000 men—probably 6000 in the battle and 9000 killed and prisoners when and after the equilibrium was broken—for Suvárov, unlike other generals, had the necessary surplus of energy after all the demands made upon him by a great battle, to order and to direct an effective pursuit. The Allies lost about 7000. Macdonald retreated to Parma and Modena, harassed by the peasantry, and finally recrossed the Apennines and made his way to Genoa. The battle of the Trebbia is one of the most clearly-defined examples in military history of the result of moral force—it was a matter not merely of energetic leading on the battlefield, but far more of educating the troops beforehand to meet the strain, of ingraining in the soldier the determination to win at all costs. “It was not,” says Clausewitz, “a case of losing the key of the position, of turning a flank or breaking a centre, of a mistimed cavalry charge or a lost battery . . . it is a pure trial of strength and expense of force, and victory is the sinking of the balance, if ever so slightly, in favour of one side. And we mean not merely physical, but even more moral forces. ” To return now to the Alpine region, where the French offensive had culminated at the end of March. Their defeated left was behind the Rhine in the northern part of Switzerland, the half-victorious centre athwart the Rhine between Mayenfeld and Chur, and their wholly victorious right far within Tirol between Glurns, Nauders and Landeck. But neither the centre nor the right could maintain itself. The forward impulse given by Suvárov spread along the whole Austrian front from left to right. Dessolles’ column (now under Loison) was forced back to Chiavenna. Bellegarde drove Lecourbe from position to position towards the Rhine during April. There Lecourbe added to the remnant of his expeditionary column the outlying bodies of Masséna’s right wing, but even so he had only 8000 men against Bellegarde’s 17,000, and he was now exposed to the attack of Hotze’s 25,000 as well. The Luziensteig fell to Hotze and Chur to Bellegarde, but the defenders managed to escape from the converging Austrian columns into the valley of the Reuss. Having thus reconquered all the lost ground and forced the French into the interior of Switzerland, Bellegarde and Hotze parted company, the former marching with the greater part of his forces to join Suvárov, the latter moving to his right to reinforce the archduke. Only a chain of posts was left in the Rhine Valley between Disentis and Feldkirch. The archduke’s operations now recommenced. Charles and Hotze stood, about the 15th of May, at opposite ends of the lake of Constance. The two together numbered about 88,000 men, but both had sent away numerous detachments to the flanks, and the main bodies dwindled to 35,000 for the archduke and 20,000 for Hotze. Masséna, with 45,000 men in all, retired slowly from the Rhine to the Thur. The archduke crossed the Rhine at Stein, Hotze at Balzers, and each then cautiously felt his way towards the other. Their active opponent attempted to take advantage of their separation, and an irregular fight took place in the Thur valley (May 25), but Masséna, finding Hotze close on his right flank, retired without attempting to force a decision. On the 27th, having joined forces, the Austrians dislodged Masséna from his new position on the Töss without difficulty, and this process was repeated from time to time in theAction of Zurich. next few days, until at last Masséna halted in the position he had prepared for defence at Zürich. He had still but 25,000 of his 45,000 men in hand, for he maintained numerous small detachments on his right, behind the Zürcher See and the Wallen See, and on his left towards Basel. These 25,000 occupied an entrenched position 5 m. in length; against which the Austrians, detaching as usual many posts to protect their flanks and rear, deployed only 42,000 men, of whom 8000 were sent on a wide turning movement and 8000 held in reserve 4 m. in rear of the battlefield. Thus the frontal attack was made with forces not much greater than those of the defence and it failed accordingly (June 4). But Masséna, fearing perhaps to strain the loyalty of the Swiss to their French-made constitution by exposing their town to assault and sack, retired on the 5th. He did not fall back far, for his outposts still bordered the Limmat and the Linth, while his main body stood in the valley of the Aar between Baden and Lucerne. The archduke pressed Masséna as little as he had pressed Jourdan after Stokach (though in this case he had less to gain by pursuit), and awaited the arrival of a second Russian army, 30,000 strong, under Korsákov, before resuming the advance, meantime throwing out covering detachments towards Basel, where Masséna had a division. Thus for two months operations, elsewhere than in Italy, were at a standstill, while Masséna drew in reinforcements and organized the fractions of his forces in Alsace as a skeleton army, and the Austrians distributed arms to the peasantry of South Germany. In the end, under pressure from Paris, it was Masséna who resumed active movements. Towards the middle of August, Lecourbe, who formed a loose right wing of the French army in the Reuss valley, was reinforced to a strength of 25,000 men, and pounced upon the extended left wing of the enemy, which had stretched itself, to keep pace with Suvárov, as far westward as the St Gothard. The movement began on the 14th, and in two days the Austrians were driven back from the St Gothard and the Furka to the line of the Linth, with the loss of 8000 men and many guns. At the same time an attempt to take advantage of Masséna’s momentary weakness by forcing the Aar at Döttingen near its mouth failed completely (August 16-17). Only 200 men guarded the point of passage, but the Austrian engineers had neglected to make a proper examination of the river, and unlike the French, the Austrian generals had no authority to waste their expensive battalions in forcing the passage in boats. No one regarded this war as a struggle for existence, and no one but Suvárov possessed the iron strength of character to send thousands of men to death for the realization of a diplomatic success—for ordinary men, the object of the Coalition was to upset the treaty of Campo Formio. This was the end of the archduke’s campaign in Switzerland. Though he would have preferred to continue it, the Vienna government desired him to return to Germany. An Anglo-Russian expedition was about to land in Holland, and the French were assembling fresh forces on the Rhine, and, with the double object of preventing an invasion of South Germany and of inducing the French to augment their forces in Alsace at the expense of those in Holland, the archduke left affairs in Switzerland to Hotze and Korsákov, and marched away with 35,000 men to join the detachment of Sztarray (20,000) that he had placed in the Black Forest before entering Switzerland. His new campaign never rose above the level of a war of posts and of manœuvres about Mannheim and Philippsburg. In the latter stage of it Lecourbe commanded the French and obtained a slight advantage. Suvárov’s last exploit in Italy coincided in time, but in no other respect, with the skirmish at Döttingen. Returning swiftly from the battlefield of the Trebbia, he began to drive back Moreau to the Riviera. At this point Joubert succeeded to the command on the French side, and against the advice of his generals, gave battle. Equally against the advice of his own subordinates, the field marshal accepted it, and won his last great victory at Novi on the 13th of August, Joubert being killed. This was followed by another rapid march against a new French “Army of the Alps” (Championnet) which had entered Italy by way of the Mont Cenis. But immediately after this he left all further operations in Italy to Melas with 60,000 men and himself with the Russians and an Austrian corps marched away, via Varese, for the St Gothard to combine operations against Masséna with Hotze and Korsákov. It was with a heavy heart that he left the scene of his battles, in which the force of his personality had carried the old-fashioned “linear” armies for the last time to complete victory. In the early summer he had himself suggested, eagerly and almost angrily, the concentration of his own and the archduke’s armies in Switzerland with a view, not to conquering that country, but to forcing Jourdan and Masséna into a grand decisive battle. But, as we have seen, the Vienna government would not release him until the last Italian fortress had been reoccupied, and when finally he received the order that a little while before he had so ardently desired, it was too late. The archduke had already left Switzerland, and he was committed to a resultless warfare in the high mountains, with an army which was a mere detachmentSuvárov ordered to Switzerland. and in the hope of co-operating with two other detachments far away on the other side of Switzerland. As for the reasons which led to the issue of such an order, it can only be said that the bad feeling known to exist between the Austrians and Russians induced England to recommend, as the first essential of further operations, the separate concentration of the troops of each nationality under their own generals. Still stranger was the reason which induced the tsar to give his consent. It was alleged that the Russians would be healthier in Switzerland than the men of the southern plains! From such premises as these the Allied diplomats evolved a new plan of campaign, by which the Anglo-Russians under the duke of York were to reconquer Holland and Belgium, the Archduke Charles to operate on the Middle Rhine, Suvárov in Switzerland and Melas in Piedmont—a plan destitute of every merit but that of simplicity. It is often said that it is the duty of a commander to resign rather than undertake an operation which he believes to be faulty. So, however, Suvárov did not understand it. In the simplicity of his loyalty to the formal order of his sovereign he prepared to carry out his instructions to the letter. Masséna’s command (77,000 men) was distributed, at the beginning of September, along an enormous S, from the Simplon, through the St Gothard and Glarus, and along the Linth, the Züricher See and the Limmat to Basel. Opposite the lower point of this S, Suvárov (28,000) was about to advance. Hotze’s corps (25,000 Austrians), extending from Utznach by Chur to Disentis, formed a thin line roughly parallel to the lower curve of the S, Korsákov’s Russians (30,000) were opposite the centre at Zürich, while Nauendorff with a small Austrian corps at Waldshut faced the extreme upper point. Thus the only completely safe way in which Suvárov could reach the Zürich region was by skirting the lower curve of the S, under protection of Hotze. But this detour would be long and painful, and the ardent old man preferred to cross the mountains once for all at the St Gothard, and to follow the valley of the Reuss to Altdorf and Schwyz—i. e. to strike vertically upward to the centre of the S—and to force his way through the French cordon to Zürich, and if events, so far as concerned his own corps, belied his optimism, they at any rate justified his choice of the shortest route. For, aware of the danger gathering in his rear, Masséna gathered up all his forces within reach towards his centre, leaving Lecourbe to defend the St Gothard and the Reuss valley and Soult on the Linth. On the 24th he Battle of Zürich. forced the passage of the Limmat at Dietikon. On the 25th, in the second battle of Zürich, he completely routed Korsákov, who lost 8000 killed and wounded, large numbers of prisoners and 100 guns. All along the line the Allies fell back, one corps after another, at the moment when Suvárov was approaching the foot of the St Gothard. Suvárov in the Alps. On the 21st the field marshal’s headquarters were at Bellinzona, where he made the final preparations. Expecting to be four days en route before he could reach the nearest friendly magazine, he took his trains with him, which inevitably augmented the difficulties of the expedition. On the 24th Airolo was taken, but when the far greater task of storming the pass itself presented itself before them, even the stolid Russians were terrified, and only the passionate protests of the old man, who reproached his “children” with deserting their father in his extremity, induced them to face the danger. At last after twelve hours’ fighting, the summit was reached. The same evening Suvárov pushed on to Hospenthal, while a flanking column from Disentis made its way towards Amsteg over the Crispalt. Lecourbe was threatened in rear and pressed in front, and his engineers, to hold off the Disentis column, had broken the Devil’s Bridge. Discovering this, he left the road, threw his guns into the river and made his way by fords and water-meadows to Göschenen, where by a furious attack he cleared the Disentis troops off his line of retreat. His rearguard meantime held the ruined Devil’s Bridge. This point and the tunnel leading to it, called the Urner Loch, the Russians attempted to force, with the most terrible losses, battalion after battalion crowding into the tunnel and pushing the foremost ranks into the chasm left by the broken bridge. But at last a ford was discovered and the bridge, cleared by a turning movement, was repaired. More broken bridges lay beyond, but at last Suvárov joined the Disentis column near Göschenen. When Altdorf was reached, however, Suvárov found not only Lecourbe in a threatening position, but an entire absence of boats on the Lake of the Four Cantons. It was impossible (in those days the Axenstrasse did not exist) to take an army along the precipitous eastern shore, and thus passing through one trial after another, each more severe than the last, the Russians, men and horses and pack animals in an interminable single file, ventured on the path leading over the Kinzig pass into the Muotta Thal. The passage lasted three days, the leading troops losing men and horses over the precipices, the rearguard from the fire of the enemy, now in pursuit. And at last, on arrival in the Muotta Thal, the field marshal received definite information that Korsákov’s army was no longer in existence. Yet even so it was long before he could make up his mind to retreat, and the pursuers gathered on all sides. Fighting, sometimes severe, and never altogether ceasing, went on day after day as the Allied column, now reduced to 15,000 men, struggled on over one pass after another, but at last it reached Ilanz on the Vorder Rhine (October 8). The Archduke Charles meanwhile had, on hearing of the disaster of Zürich, brought over a corps from the Neckar, and for some time negotiations were made for a fresh combined operation against Masséna. But these came to nothing, for the archduke and Suvárov could not agree, either as to their own relations or as to the plan to be pursued. Practically, Suvárov’s retreat from Altdorf to Ilanz closed the campaign. It was his last active service, and formed a gloomy but grand climax to the career of the greatest soldier who ever wore the Russian uniform. Marengo and Hohenlinden The disasters of 1799 sealed the fate of the Directory, and placed Bonaparte, who returned from Egypt with the prestige of a recent victory, in his natural place as civil and military head of France. In the course of the campaign the field strength of the French had been gradually augmented, and in spite of losses now numbered 227,000 at the front. These were divided into the Army of Batavia, Brune (25,000), the Army of the Rhine, Moreau (146,000), the Army of Italy, Masséna (56,000), and, in addition, there were some 100,000 in garrisons and depots in France. Most of these field armies were in a miserable condition owing to the losses and fatigues of the last campaign. The treasury was empty and credit exhausted, and worse still—for spirit and enthusiasm, as in 1794, would have remedied material deficiencies—the conscripts obtained under Jourdan’s law of 1798 (see Conscription) came to their regiments most unwillingly. Most of them, indeed, deserted on the way to join the colours. A large draft sent to the Army of Italy arrived with 310 men instead of 10,250, and after a few such experiences, the First Consul decided that the untrained men were to be assembled in the fortresses of the interior and afterwards sent to the active battalions in numerous small drafts, which they could more easily assimilate. Besides accomplishing the immense task of reorganizing existing forces, he created new ones, including the Consular Guard, and carried out at this moment of crisis two such far-reaching reforms as the replacement of the civilian drivers of the artillery by soldiers, and of the hired teams by horses belonging to the state, and the permanent grouping of divisions in army corps. The Army of Reserve. As early as the 25th of January 1800 the First Consul provided for the assembly of all available forces in the interior in an “Army of Reserve.” He reserved to himself the command of this army, which gradually came into being as the pacification of Vendée and the return of some of Brune’s troops from Holland set free the necessary nucleus troops. The conscription law was stringently reenforced, and impassioned calls were made for volunteers (the latter, be it said, did not produce five hundred useful men). The district of Dijon, partly as being central with respect to the Rhine and Italian Armies, partly as being convenient for supply purposes, was selected as the zone of assembly. Chabran’s division was formed from some depleted corps of the Army of Italy and from the depots of those in Egypt. Chambarlhac’s, chiefly of young soldiers, lost 5% of its numbers on the way to Dijon from desertion—a loss which appeared slight and even satisfactory after the wholesale débandade of the winter months. Lechi’s Italian legion was newly formed from Italian refugees. Boudet’s division was originally assembled from some of the southern garrison towns, but the units composing it were frequently changed up to the beginning of May. The cavalry was deficient in saddles, and many of its units were new formations. The Consular Guard of course was a corps d’élite, and this and two and a half infantry divisions and a cavalry brigade coming from the veteran “Army of the West” formed the real backbone of the army. Most of the newer units were not even armed till they had left Dijon for the front. Such was the first constitution of the Army of Reserve. We can scarcely imagine one which required more accurate and detailed staff work to assemble it—correspondence with the district commanders, with the adjutant-generals of the various armies, and orders to the civil authorities on the lines of march, to the troops themselves and to the arsenals and magazines. No one but Napoleon, even aided by a Berthier, could have achieved so great a task in six weeks, and the great captain, himself doing the work that nowadays is apportioned amongst a crowd of administrative staff officers, still found time to administer France’s affairs at home and abroad, and to think out a general plan of campaign that embraced Moreau’s, Masséna’s and his own armies. The Army of the Rhine, by far the strongest and best equipped, lay on the upper Rhine. The small and worn-out Army of Italy was watching the Alps and the Apennines from Mont Blanc to Genoa. Between them Switzerland, secured by the victory of Zürich, offered a starting-point for a turning movement on either side—this year the advantage of the flank position was recognized and acted upon. The Army of Reserve was assembling around Dijon, within 200 m. of either theatre of war. The general plan was that the Army of Reserve should march through Switzerland to close on the right wing of the Army of the Rhine. Thus supported to whatever degree might prove to be necessary, Moreau was to force the passage of the Rhine about Schaffhausen, to push back the Austrians rapidly beyond the Lech, and then, if they took the offensive in turn, to hold them in check for ten or twelve days. During this period of guaranteed freedom the decisive movement was to be made. The Army of Reserve, augmented by one large corps of the Army of the Rhine, was to descend by the Splügen (alternatively by the St Gothard and even by Tirol) into the plains of Lombardy. Magazines were to be established at Zürich and Lucerne (not at Chur, lest the plan should become obvious from the beginning), and all likely routes reconnoitred in advance. The Army of Italy was at first to maintain a strict defensive, then to occupy the Austrians until the entry of the Reserve Army into Italy was assured, and finally to manœuvre to join it. Moreau, however, owing to want of horses for his pontoon train and also because of the character of the Rhine above Basel, preferred to cross below that place, especially as in Alsace there were considerably greater supply facilities than in a country which had already been fought over and stripped bare. With the greatest reluctance Bonaparte let him have his way, and giving up the idea of using the Splügen and the St Gothard, began to turn his attention to the more westerly passes, the St Bernard and the Simplon. It was not merely Moreau’s scruples that led to this essential modification in the scheme. At the beginning of April the enemy took the offensive against Masséna. On the 8th Melas’s right wing dislodged the French from the Mont Cenis, and most of the troops that had then reached Dijon were shifted southward to be ready for emergencies. By the 25th Berthier reported that Masséna was seriously attacked and that he might have to be supported by the shortest route. Bonaparte’s resolution was already taken. He waited no longer for Moreau (who indeed so far from volunteering assistance, actually demanded it for himself). Convinced from the paucity of news that Masséna’s army was closely pressed and probably severed from France, and feeling also that the Austrians were deeply committed to their struggle with the Army of Italy, he told Berthier to march with 40,000 men at once by way of the St Bernard unless otherwise advised. Berthier protested that he had only 25,000 effectives, and the equipment and armament was still far from complete—as indeed it remained to the end—but the troops marched, though their very means of existence were precarious from the time of leaving Geneva to the time of reaching Milan, for nothing could extort supplies and money from the sullen Swiss. Napoleon’s plan of campaign. At the beginning of May the First Consul learned of the serious plight of the Army of Italy. Masséna with his right wing was shut up in Genoa, Suchet with the left wing driven back to the Var. Meanwhile Moreau had won a preliminary victory at Stokach, and the Army of Reserve had begun its movement to Geneva. With these data the plan of campaign took a clear shape at last—Masséna to resist as long as possible; Suchet to resume the offensive, if he could do so, towards Turin; the Army of Reserve to pass the Alps and to debouch into Piedmont by Aosta; the Army of the Rhine to send a strong force into Italy by the St Gothard. The First Consul left Paris on the 6th of May. Berthier went forward to Geneva, and still farther on the route magazines were established at Villeneuve and St-Pierre. Gradually, and with immense efforts, the leading troops of the long column were passed over the St Bernard, drawing their artillery on sledges, on the 15th and succeeding days. Driving away small posts of the Austrian army, the advance guard entered Aosta on the 16th and Châtillon on the 18th and the alarm was given. Melas, committed as he was to his Riviera campaign, began to look to his right rear, but he was far from suspecting the seriousness of his opponent’s purpose. Infinitely more dangerous for the French than the small detachment that Melas opposed to them, or even the actual crossing of the pass, was the unexpected stopping power of the little fort of Bard. The advanced guard of the French appeared before it on the 19th, and after three wasted days the infantry managed to find a difficult mountain by-way and to pass round the obstacle. Ivrea was occupied on the 23rd, and Napoleon hoped to assemble the whole army there by the 27th. But except for a few guns that with infinite precautions were smuggled one by one through the streets of Bard, the whole of the artillery, as well as a detachment (under Chabran) to besiege the fort, had to be left behind. Bard surrendered on the 2nd of June, having delayed the infantry of the French army for four days and the artillery for a fortnight. The military situation in the last week of May, as it presented itself to the First Consul at Ivrea, was this. The Army of Italy under Masséna was closely besieged in Genoa, where provisions were running short, and the population so hostile that the French general placed his field artillery to sweep the streets. But Masséna was no ordinary general, and the First Consul knew that while Masséna lived the garrison would resist to the last extremity. Suchet was defending Nice and the Var by vigorous minor operations. The Army of Reserve, the centre of which had reached at Ivrea the edge of the Italian plains, consisted of four weak army corps under Victor, Duhesme, Lannes and Murat. There were still to be added to this small army of 34,000 effectives, Turreau’s division, which had passed over the Mont Cenis and was now in the valley of the Dora Riparia, Moncey’s corps of the Army of the Rhine, which had at last been extorted from Moreau and was due to pass the St Gothard before the end of May, Chabran’s division left to besiege Bard, and a small force under Béthencourt, which was to cross the Simplon and to descend by Arona (this place proved in the event a second Bard and immobilized Béthencourt until after the decisive battle). Thus it was only the simplest part of Napoleon’s task to concentrate half of his army at Ivrea, and he had yet to bring in the rest. The problem was to reconcile the necessity for time, which he wanted to ensure the maximum force being brought over the Alps, with the necessity for haste, in view of the impending fall of Genoa and the probability that once this conquest was achieved, Melas would bring back his 100,000 men into the Milanese to deal with the Army of Reserve. As early as the 14th of May he had informed Moncey that from Ivrea the Army of Reserve would move on Milan. On the 25th of May, in response to Berthier’s request for guidance, the First Consul ordered Lannes (advanced guard) to push out on the Turin road, “in order to deceive the enemy and to obtain news of Turreau,” and Duhesme’s and Murat’s corps to proceed along the Milan road. On the 27th, after Lannes had on the 26th defeated an Austrian column near Chivasso, the main body was already advancing on Vercelli. The march to Milan. Very few of Napoleon’s acts of generalship have been more criticized than this resolution to march on Milan, which abandoned Genoa to its fate and gave Melas a week’s leisure to assemble his scattered forces. The account of his motives he dictated at St Helena (Nap. Correspondence, v. 30, pp. 375-377), in itself an unconvincing appeal to the rules of strategy as laid down by the theorists—which rules his own practice throughout transcended—gives, when closely examined, some at least of the necessary clues. He says in effect that by advancing directly on Turin he would have “risked a battle against equal forces without an assured line of retreat, Bard being still uncaptured. ” It is indeed strange to find Napoleon shrinking before equal forces of the enemy, even if we admit without comment that it was more difficult to pass Bard the second time than the first. The only incentive to go towards Turin was the chance of partial victories over the disconnected Austrian corps that would be met in that direction, and this he deliberately set aside. Having done so, for reasons that will appear in the sequel, he could only defend it by saying in effect that he might have been defeated—which was true, but not the Napoleonic principle of war. Of the alternatives, one was to hasten to Genoa; this in Napoleon’s eyes would have been playing the enemy’s game, for they would have concentrated at Alessandria, facing west “in their natural position. ” It is equally obvious that thus the enemy would have played his game, supposing that this was to relieve Genoa, and the implication is that it was not. The third course, which Napoleon took, and in this memorandum defended, gave his army the enemy’s depots at Milan, of which it unquestionably stood in sore need, and the reinforcement of Moncey’s 15,000 men from the Rhine, while at the same time Moncey’s route offered an “assured line of retreat” by the Simplon and the St Gothard. He would in fact make for himself there a “natural position” without forfeiting the advantage of being in Melas’s rear. Once possessed of Milan, Napoleon says, he could have engaged Melas with a light heart and with confidence in the greatest possible results of a victory, whether the Austrians sought to force their way back to the east by the right or the left bank of the Po, and he adds that if the French passed on and concentrated south of the Po there would be no danger to the Milan-St Gothard line of retreat, as this was secured by the rivers Ticino and Sesia. In this last, as we shall see, he is shielding an undeniable mistake, but considering for the moment only the movement to Milan, we are justified in assuming that his object was not the relief of Genoa, but the most thorough defeat of Melas’s field army, to which end, putting all sentiment aside, he treated the hard-pressed Masséna as a “containing force” to keep Melas occupied during the strategical deployment of the Army of Reserve. In the beginning he had told Masséna that he would “disengage” him, even if he had to go as far east as Trent to find a way into Italy. From the first, then, no direct relief was intended, and when, on hearing bad news from the Riviera, he altered his route to the more westerly passes, it was probably because he felt that Masséna’s containing power was almost exhausted, and that the passage and reassembly of the Reserve Army must be brought about in the minimum time and by the shortest way. But the object was still the defeat of Melas, and for this, as the Austrians possessed an enormous numerical superiority, the assembly of all forces, including Moncey’s, was indispensable. One essential condition of this was that the points of passage used should be out of reach of the enemy. The more westerly the passes chosen, the more dangerous was the whole operation—in fact the Mont Cenis column never reached him at all—and though his expressed objections to the St Bernard line seem, as we have said, to be written after the event, to disarm his critics, there is no doubt that at the time he disliked it. It was a pis aller forced upon him by Moreau’s delay and Masséna’s extremity, and from the moment at which he arrived at Milan he did, as a fact, abandon it altogether in favour of the St Gothard. Lastly, so strongly was he impressed with the necessity of completing the deployment of all his forces, that though he found the Austrians on the Turin side much scattered and could justifiably expect a series of rapid partial victories, Napoleon let them go, and devoted his whole energy to creating for himself a “natural” position about Milan. If he sinned, at any rate he sinned handsomely, and except that he went to Milan by Vercelli instead of by Lausanne and Domodossola (on the safe side of the mountains), his march is logistically beyond cavil. Napoleon’s immediate purpose, then, was to reassemble the Army of Reserve in a zone of manœuvre about Milan. This was carried out in the first days of June. Lannes at Chivasso stood ready to ward off a flank attack until the main army had filed past on the Vercelli road, then leaving a small force to combine with Turreau (whose column had not been able to advance into the plain) in demonstrations towards Turin, he moved off, still acting as right flank guard to the army, in the direction of Pavia. The main body meanwhile, headed by Murat, advanced on Milan by way of Vercelli and Magenta, forcing the passage of the Ticino on the 31st of May at Turbigo and Buffalora. On the same day the other divisions closed up to the Ticino, and faithful to his principles Napoleon had an examination made of the little fortress of Novara, intending to occupy it as a place du moment to help in securing his zone of manœuvre. On the morning of the 2nd of June Murat occupied Milan, and in the evening of the same day the headquarters entered the great city, the Austrian detachment under Vukassovich (the flying right wing of Melas’s general cordon system in Piedmont) retiring to the Adda. Duhesme’s corps forced that river at Lodi, and pressed on with orders to organize Crema and if possible Orzinovi as temporary fortresses. Lechi’s Italians were sent towards Bergamo and Brescia. Lannes meantime had passed Vercelli, and on the evening of the 2nd his cavalry reached Pavia, where, as at Milan, immense stores of food, equipment and warlike stores were seized. Napoleon was now safe in his “natural” position, and barred one of the two main lines of retreat open to the Austrians. But his ambitions went further, and he intended to cross the Po and to establish himself on the other likewise, thus establishing across the plain a complete barrage between Melas and Mantua. Here his end outranged his means, as we shall see. But he gave himself every chance that rapidity could afford him, and the moment that some sort of a “zone of manœuvre” had been secured between the Ticino and the Oglio, he pushed on his main body—or rather what was left after the protective system had been provided for—to the Po. He would not wait even for his guns, which had at last emerged from the Bard defile and were ordered to come to Milan by a safe and circuitous route along the foot of the Alps. At this point the action of the enemy began to make itself felt. Melas had not gained the successes that he had expected in Piedmont and on the Riviera, thanks to Masséna’s obstinacy and to Suchet’s brilliant defence of the Var. These operations had led him very far afield, and the protection of his over-long line of communications had caused him to weaken his large army by throwing off many detachments to watch the Alpine valleys on his right rear. One of these successfully opposed Turreau in the valley of the Dora Riparia, but another had been severely handled by Lannes at Chivasso, and a third (Vukassovich) found itself, as we know, directly in the path of the French as they moved from Ivrea to Milan, and was driven far to the eastward. He was further handicapped by the necessity of supporting Ott before Genoa and Elsnitz on the Var, and hearing of Lannes’s bold advance on Chivasso and of the presence of a French column with artillery (Turreau) west of Turin, he assumed that the latter represented the main body of the Army of Reserve—in so far indeed as he believed in the existence of that army at all. Next, when Lannes moved away towards Pavia, Melas thought for a moment that fate had delivered his enemy into his hands, and began to collect such troops as were at hand at Turin with a view to cutting off the retreat of the French on Ivrea while Vukassovich held them in front. It was only when news came of Moncey’s arrival in Italy and of Vukassovich’s fighting retreat on Brescia that the magnitude and purpose of the French column that had penetrated by Ivrea became evident. Melas promptly decided to give up his western enterprises, and to concentrate at Alessandria, preparatory to breaking his way through the network of small columns—as the disseminated Army of Reserve still appeared to be—which threatened to bar his retreat. But orders circulated so slowly that he had to wait in Turin till the 8th of June for Elsnitz, whose retreat was, moreover, sharply followed up and made exceedingly costly by the enterprising Suchet. Ott, too, in spite of orders to give up the siege of Genoa at once and to march with all speed to hold the Alessandria-Piacenza road, waited two days to secure the prize, and agreed (June 4) to allow Masséna’s army to go free and to join Suchet. And lastly, the cavalry of O’Reilly, sent on ahead from Alessandria to the Stradella defile, reached that point only to encounter the French. The barrage was complete, and it remained for Melas to break it with the mass that he was assembling, with all these misfortunes and delays, about Alessandria. His chances of doing so were anything but desperate. On the 5th of June Murat, with his own corps and part of Duhesme’s, had moved on Piacenza, and stormed the bridge-head there. Duhesme with one of his divisions pushed out on Crema and Orzinovi and also towards Pizzighetone. Moncey’s leading regiments approached Milan, and Berthier thereupon sent on Victor’s corps to support Murat and Lannes. Meantime the half abandoned line of operations, Ivrea-Vercelli, was briskly attacked by the Austrians, who had still detachments on the side of Turin, waiting for Elsnitz to rejoin, and the French artillery train was once more checked. On the 6th Lannes from Pavia, crossing the Po at San Cipriano, encountered and defeated a large force, (O’Reilly’s column), and barred the Alessandria-Parma main road. Opposite Piacenza Murat had to spend the day in gathering material for his passage, as the pontoon bridge had been cut by the retreating garrison of the bridge-head. On the eastern border of the “zone of manœuvre” Duhesme’s various columns moved out towards Brescia and Cremona, pushing back Vukassovich. Meantime the last divisions of the Army of Reserve (two of Moncey’s excepted) were hurried towards Lannes’s point of passage, as Murat had not yet secured Piacenza. On the 7th, while Duhesme continued to push back Vukassovich and seized Cremona, Murat at last captured Piacenza, finding there immense magazines. Meantime the army, division by division, passed over, slowly owing to a sudden flood, near Belgiojoso, and Lannes’s advanced guard was ordered to open communication with Murat along the main road Stradella-Piacenza. “Moments are precious” said the First Consul. He was aware that Elsnitz was retreating before Suchet, that Melas had left Turin for Alessandria, and that heavy forces of the enemy were at or east of Tortona. He knew, too, that Murat had been engaged with certain regiments recently before Genoa and (wrongly) assumed O’Reilly’s column, beaten by Lannes at San Cipriano, to have come from the same quarter. Whether this meant the deliverance or the surrender of Genoa he did not yet know, but it was certain that Masséna’s holding action was over, and that Melas was gathering up his forces to recover his communications. Hence Napoleon’s great object was concentration. “Twenty thousand men at Stradella,” in his own words, was the goal of his efforts, and with the accomplishment of this purpose the campaign enters on a new phase. On the 8th of June, Lannes’s corps was across, Victor following as quickly as the flood would allow. Murat was at Piacenza, but the road between Lannes and Murat was not known to be clear, and the First Consul made the establishment of the Napoleon’s disposition. connexion, and the construction of a third point of passage midway between the other two, the principal objects of the day’s work. The army now being disseminated between the Alps, the Apennines, the Ticino and the Chiese, it was of vital importance to connect up the various parts into a well-balanced system. But the Napoleon of 1800 solved the problem that lay at the root of his strategy, “concentrate, but be vulnerable nowhere,” in a way that compares unfavourably indeed with the methods of the Napoleon of 1806. Duhesme was still absent at Cremona. Lechi was far away in the Brescia country, Béthencourt detained at Arona. Moncey with about 15,000 men had to cover an area of 40 m. square around Milan, which constituted the original zone of manœuvre, and if Melas chose to break through the flimsy cordon of outposts on this side (the risk of which was the motive for detaching Moncey at all) instead of at the Stradella, it would take Moncey two days to concentrate his force on any battlefield within the area named, and even then he would be outnumbered by two to one. As for the main body at the Stradella, its position was wisely chosen, for the ground was too cramped for the deployment of the superior force that Melas might bring up, but the strategy that set before itself as an object 20,000 men at the decisive point out of 50,000 available, is, to say the least, imperfect. The most serious feature in all this was the injudicious order to Lannes to send forward his advanced guard, and to attack whatever enemy he met with on the road to Voghera. The First Consul, in fact, calculated that Melas could not assemble 20,000 men at Alessandria before the 12th of June, and he told Lannes that if he met the Austrians towards Voghera, they could not be more than 10,000 strong. A later order betrays some anxiety as to the exactitude of these assumptions, warns Lannes not to let himself be surprised, indicates his line of retreat, and, instead of ordering him to advance on Voghera, authorizes him to attack any corps that presented itself at Stradella. But all this came too late. Acting on the earlier order Lannes fought the battle of Montebello on the 9th. ThisMontebello. was a very severe running fight, beginning east of Casteggio and ending at Montebello, in which the French drove the Austrians from several successive positions, and which culminated in a savage fight at close quarters about Montebello itself. The singular feature of the battle is the disproportion between the losses on either side—French, 500 out of 12,000 engaged; Austrians, 2100 killed and wounded and 2100 prisoners out of 14,000. These figures are most conclusive evidence of the intensity of the French military spirit in those days. One of the two divisions (Watrin’s) was indeed a veteran organization, but the other, Chambarlhac’s, was formed of young troops and was the same that, in the march to Dijon, had congratulated itself that only 5% of its men had deserted. On the other side the soldiers fought for “the honour of their arms”—not even with the courage of despair, for they were ignorant of the “strategic barrage” set in front of them by Napoleon, and the loss of their communications had not as yet lessened their daily rations by an ounce. Meanwhile, Napoleon had issued orders for the main body to stand fast, and for the detachments to take up their definitive covering positions. Duhesme’s corps was directed, from its eastern foray, to Piacenza, to join the main body. Moncey was to provide for the defence of the Ticino line, Lechi to form a “flying camp” in the region of Orzinovi-Brescia and Cremona, and another mixed brigade was to control the Austrians in Pizzighetone and in the citadel of Piacenza. On the other side of the Po, between Piacenza and Montebello, was the main body (Lannes, Murat and part of Victor’s and Duhesme’s corps), and a flank guard was stationed near Pavia, with orders to keep on the right of the army as it advanced (this is the first and only hint of any intention to go westward) and to fall back fighting should Melas come on by the left bank. One division was to be always a day’s march behind the army on the right bank, and a flotilla was to ascend the Po, to facilitate the speedy reinforcement of the flank guard. Farther to the north was a small column on the road Milan-Vercelli. All the protective troops, except the division of the main body detailed as an eventual support for the flank guard, was to be found by Moncey’s corps (which had besides to watch the Austrians in the citadel of Milan) and Chabran’s and Lechi’s weak commands. On this same day Bonaparte tells the Minister of War, Carnot, that Moncey has only brought half the expected reinforcements and that half of these are unreliable. As to the result of the impending contest Napoleon counts greatly upon the union of 18,000 men under Masséna and Suchet to crush Melas against the “strategic barrage” of the Army of Reserve, by one or other bank of the Po, and he seems equally confident of the result in either case. If Genoa had held out three days more, he says, it would have been easy to count the number of Melas’s men who escaped. The exact significance of this last notion is difficult to establish, and all that could be written about it would be merely conjectural. But it is interesting to note that, without admitting it, Napoleon felt that his “barrage” might not stand before the flood. The details of the orders of the 9th to the main body (written before the news of Montebello arrived at headquarters) tend to the closest possible concentration of the main body towards Casteggio, in view of a decisive battle on the 12th or 13th. But another idea had begun to form itself in his mind. Still believing that Melas would attack him on the Stradella side, and hastening his preparations to meet this, he began to allow for the contingency of Melas giving up or failing in his attempt to re-establish his communication with the Mantovese, and retiring on Genoa, which was now in his hands and could be provisioned and reinforced by sea. On the 10th Napoleon ordered reserve ammunition to be sent from Pavia, giving Serravalle, which is south of Novi, as its probable destination. But this was surmise, and of the facts he knew nothing. Would the enemy move east on the Stradella, north-east on the Ticino or south on Genoa? Such reports as were available indicated no important movements whatever, which happened to be true, but could hardly appear so to the French headquarters. On the 11th, though he thereby forfeited the reinforcements coming up from Duhesme’s corps at Cremona, Napoleon ordered the main body to advance to the Scrivia. Lapoype’s division (the right flank guard), which was observing the Austrian posts towards Casale, was called to the south bank of the Po, the zone around Milan was stripped so bare of troops that there was no escort for the prisoners taken at Montebello, while information sent by Chabran (now moving up from Ivrea) as to the construction of bridges at Casale (this was a feint made by Melas on the 10th) passed unheeded. The crisis was at hand, and, clutching at the reports collected by Lapoype as to the quietude of the Austrians toward Valenza and Casale, Bonaparte and Berthier strained every nerve to bring up more men to the Voghera side in the hope of preventing the prey from slipping away to Genoa. On the 12th, consequently, the army (the ordre de bataille of which had been considerably modified on the 11th) moved to the Scrivia, Lannes halting at Castelnuovo, Desaix (who had just joined the army from Egypt) at Pontecurone, Victor at Tortona with Murat’s cavalry in front towards Alessandria. Lapoype’s division, from the left bank of the Po, was marching in all haste to join Desaix. Moncey, Duhesme, Lechi and Chabran were absent. The latter represented almost exactly half of Berthier’s command (30,000 out of 58,000), and even the concentration of 28,000 men on the Scrivia had only been obtained by practically giving up the “barrage” on the left bank of the Po. Even now the enemy showed nothing but a rearguard, and the old questions reappeared in a new and acute form. Was Melas still in Alessandria? Was he marching on Valenza and Casale to cross the Po? or to Acqui against Suchet, or to Genoa to base himself on the British fleet? As to the first, why had he given up his chances of fighting on one of the few cavalry battlegrounds in north Italy—the plain of Marengo—since he could not stay in Alessandria for any indefinite time? The second question had been answered in the negative by Lapoype, but his latest information was thirty-six hours old. As for the other questions, no answer whatever was forthcoming, and the only course open was to postpone decisive measures and to send forward the cavalry, supported by infantry, to gain information. On the 13th, therefore, Murat, Lannes and Victor advanced into the plain of Marengo, traversed it without difficulty and carrying the villages held by the Austrian rearguard, established themselves for the night within a mile of the fortress. But meanwhile Napoleon, informed we may suppose of their progress, had taken a step that was fraught with the gravest consequences. He had, as we know, no intention of forcing on a decision until his reconnaissance produced the information on which to base it, and he had therefore kept back three divisions under Desaix at Pontecurone. But as the day wore on without incident, he began to fear that the reconnaissance would be profitless, and unwilling to give Melas any further start, he sent out these divisions right and left to find and to hold the enemy, whichever way the latter had gone. At noon Desaix with one division was despatched southward to Rivalta to head off Melas from Genoa and at 9 A.M. on the 14th, Lapoype was sent back over the Po to hold the Austrians should they be advancing from Valenza towards the Ticino. Thus there remained in hand only 21,000 men when at last, in the forenoon of the 14th the whole of Melas’s army, more than 40,000 strong, moved out of Alessandria, not southward nor northward, but due west into the plain of Marengo (q. v.). The extraordinary battle that followed is described elsewhere. The outline of it is simple enough. The Austrians advanced slowly and in the face of the most resolute opposition, until their attack had gathered weight, and at last they were carrying all before them, when Desaix returned from beyond Rivalta and initiated a series of counterstrokes. These were brilliantly successful, and gave the French not only local victory but the supreme self-confidence that, next day, enabled them to extort from Melas an agreement to evacuate all Lombardy as far as the Mincio. And though in this way the chief prize, Melas’s army, escaped after all, Marengo was the birthday of the First Empire. One more blow, however, was required before the Second Coalition collapsed, and it was delivered by Moreau. We have seen that he had crossed the upper Rhine and defeated Kray at Stokach. This was followed by other partial victories, and Kray then retired to Ulm, where he reassembled his forces, hitherto scattered in a long weak line from the Neckar to Schaffhausen. Moreau continued his advance, extending his forces up to and over the Danube below Ulm, and winning several combats, of which the most important was that of Höchstädt, fought on the famous battlegrounds of 1703 and 1704, and memorable for the death of La Tour d’Auvergne, the “First Grenadier of France” (June 19). Finding himself in danger of envelopment, Kray now retired, swiftly and skilfully, across the front of the advancing French, and reached Ingolstadt in safety. Thence he retreated over the Inn, Moreau following him to the edge of that river, and an armistice put an end for the moment to further operations. This not resulting in a treaty of peace, the war was resumed both in Italy and in Germany. The Army of Reserve and the Army of Italy, after being fused into one, under Masséna’s command, were divided again into a fighting army under Brune, who opposed the Austrians (Bellegarde) on the Mincio, and a political army under Murat, which re-established French influence in the Peninsula. The former, extending on a wide front as usual, won a few strategical successes without tactical victory, the only incidents of which worth recording are the gallant fight of Dupont’s division, which had become isolated during a manœuvre, at Pozzolo on the Mincio (December 25) and the descent of a corps under Macdonald from the Grisons by way of the Splügen, an achievement far surpassing Napoleon’s and even Suvárov’s exploits, in that it was made after the winter snows had set in. In Germany the war for a moment reached the sublime. Kray had been displaced in command by the young archduke John, who ordered the denunciation of the armistice and a general advance. His plan, or that of his advisers, was to cross the lower Inn, out of reach of Moreau’s principal mass, and then to swing round the French flank until a complete chain was drawn across their rear. But during the development of the manœuvre, Moreau also moved, and by rapid marching made good the time he had lost in concentrating his over-dispersed forces. The weather was appalling, snow and rain succeeding one another until the roads were almost impassable. On the 2nd of December the Austrians were brought to a standstill, but the inherent mobility of the Revolutionary armies enabled them to surmount all difficulties, and thanks to the respite afforded him by the archduke’s halt, Moreau was able to see clearly into the enemy’s plans and dispositions. On the 3rd of December, while the Austrians in many disconnected columns were struggling through the dark and muddy forest paths about Hohenlinden, Moreau struck the decisive blow. While Ney and Grouchy held fast the head of the Austrian main column at Hohenlinden, Richepanse’s corps was directed on its left flank. In the forest Richepanse unexpectedly met a subsidiary Austrian column which actually cut his column in two. But profiting by the momentary confusion he drew off that part of his forces which had passed beyond the point of contact and continued his march, striking the flank of the archduke’s main column, most of which had not succeeded in deploying opposite Ney, at the village of Mattempost. First the baggage train and then the artillery park fell into his hands, and lastly he reached the rear of the troops engaged opposite Hohenlinden, whereupon the Austrian main body practically dissolved. The rear of Richepanse’s corps, after disengaging itself from the Austrian column it had met in the earlier part of the day, arrived at Mattempost in time to head off thousands of fugitives who had escaped from the carnage at Hohenlinden. The other columns of the unfortunate army were first checked and then driven back by the French divisions they met, which, moving more swiftly and fighting better in the broken ground and the woods, were able to combine two brigades against one wherever a fight developed. On this disastrous day the Austrians lost 20,000 men, 12,000 of them being prisoners, and 90 guns. Marengo and Hohenlinden decided the war of the Second Coalition as Rivoli had decided that of the First, and the Revolutionary Wars came to an end with the armistice of Steyer (December 25, 1800) and the treaty of Lunéville (February 9, 1801). But only the first act of the great drama was accomplished. After a short respite Europe entered upon the Napoleonic Wars. Bibliography.—By far the most important modern works are A. Chuquet’s Guerres de la Révolution (11 monographs forming together a complete history of the campaigns of 1792-93), and the publications of the French General Staff. The latter appear first, as a rule, in the official “Revue d’histoire” and are then republished in separate volumes, of which every year adds to the number. V. Dupuis’ L’Armée du nord 1793; Coutanceau’s L’Armée du nord 1794; J. Colin’s Éducation militaire de Napoléon and Campagne de 1793 en Alsace; and C. de Cugnac’s Campagne de l’armée de réserve 1800 may be specially named. Among other works of importance the principal are C. von B(inder)-K(rieglstein), Geist und Stoff im Kriege (Vienna, 1896); E. Gachot’s works on Masséna’s career (containing invaluable evidence though written in a somewhat rhetorical style); Ritter von Angeli, Erzherzog Karl (Vienna, 1896); F. N. Maude, Evolution of Modern Strategy; G. A. Furse, Marengo and Hohenlinden; C. von Clausewitz, Feldzug 1796 in Italien and Feldzug 1799) (French translations); H. Bonnal, De Rosbach à Ulm; Krebs and Moris, Campagnes dans les Alpes (Paris, 1891-1895); Yorck von Wartenburg, Napoleon als Feldherr (English and French translations); F. Bouvier, Bonaparte en Italie 1796; Kuhl, Bonaparte’s erster Feldzug; J. W. Fortescue, Hist. of the British Army, vol. iv. ; G. D. v. Scharnhorst, Ursache des Glücks der Franzosen 1793-1794 (reprinted in A. Weiss’s Short German Military Readings, London, 1892); E. D’Hauterive, L’Armée sous la Révolution; C. Rousset, Les Volontaires; Max Jähns, Das französische Heer; Shadwell, Mountain Warfare; works of Colonel Camon (Guerre Napoléonienne, &c. ); Austrian War Office, Krieg gegen die franz. Revolution 1792-1797 (Vienna, 1905); Archduke Charles, Grundsätze der Strategie (1796 campaign in Germany), and Gesch. des Feldzuges 1799 in Deutschl. und der Schweiz; v. Zeissberg, Erzherzog Karl; the old history called Victoires et conquêtes des Français (27 volumes, Paris, 1817-1825); M. Hartmann, Anteil der Russen am Feldzug 1799 in der Schweiz (Zürich, 1892); Danélewski-Miliutin, Der Krieg Russlands gegen Frankreich unter Paul I. (Munich, 1858); German General Staff, “Napoleons Feldzug 1796-1797” (Suppl. Mil. Wochenblatt, 1889), and Pirmasens und Kaiserslautern (“Kriegsgesch. Einzelschriften,” 1893). The naval side of the wars arising out of the French Revolution was marked by unity, and even by simplicity. France had but one serious enemy, Great Britain, and Great Britain had but one purpose, to beat down France. Other states were drawn into the strife, but it was as the allies, the enemies and at times the victims, of the two dominating powers. The field of battle was the whole expanse of the ocean and the landlocked seas. The weapons, the methods and the results were the same. When a general survey of the whole struggle is taken, its unity is manifest. The Revolution produced a profound alteration in the government of France, but none in the final purposes of its policy. To secure for France its so-called “natural limits”—the Rhine, the Alps, the Pyrenees and the ocean; to protect both flanks by reducing Holland on the north and Spain on the south to submission; to confirm the mighty power thus constituted, by the subjugation of Great Britain, were the objects of the Republic and of Napoleon, as they had been of Louis XIV. The naval war, like the war on land, is here considered in the first of its two phases—the Revolutionary (1792-99). (For the Napoleonic phase (1800-15), see Napoleonic Campaigns.) The Revolutionary war began in April 1792. In the September of that year Admiral Truguet sailed from Toulon to co-operate with the French troops operating against the Austrians and their allies in northern Italy. In December Latouche Tréville was sent with another squadron to cow the Bourbon rulers of Naples. The extreme feebleness of their opponents alone saved the French from disaster. Mutinies, which began within ten days of the storming of the Bastille (14th of July 1789), had disorganized their navy, and the effects of these disorders continued to be felt so long as the war lasted. In February 1793 war broke out with Great Britain and Holland. In March Spain was added to the list of the powers against which France declared war. Her resources at sea were wholly inadequate to meet the coalition she had provoked. The Convention did indeed order that fifty-two ships of the line should be commissioned in the Channel, but it was not able in fact to do more than send out a few diminutive and ill-appointed squadrons, manned by mutinous crews, which kept close to the coast. The British navy was in excellent order, but the many calls made on it for the protection of world-wide commerce and colonial possessions caused the operations in the Channel to be somewhat languid. Lord Howe cruised in search of the enemy without being able to bring them to action. The severe blockade which in the later stages of the war kept the British fleet permanently outside of Brest was not enforced in the earlier stages. Lord Howe preferred to save his fleet from the wear and tear of perpetual cruising by maintaining his headquarters at St Helens, and keeping watch on the French ports by frigates. The French thus secured a freedom of movement which in the course of 1794 enabled them to cover the arrival of a great convoy laden with food from America (see First of June, Battle of). This great effort was followed by a long period of languor. Its internal defects compelled the French fleet in the Channel to play a very poor part till the last days of 1796. Squadrons were indeed sent a short way to sea, but their inefficiency was conspicuously displayed when, on the 17th of June 1795, a much superior number of their line of battle ships failed to do any harm to the small force of Cornwallis, and when on the 22nd of the same month they fled in disorder before Lord Bridport at the Isle de Groix. Operations of a more decisive character had in the meantime taken place both in the Mediterranean and in the West Indies. In April 1793 the first detachment of a British fleet, which was finally raised to a strength of 21 sail of the line, under the command of Lord Hood, sailed for the Mediterranean. By August the admiral was off Toulon, acting in combination with a Spanish naval force. France was torn by the contentions of Jacobins and Girondins, and its dissensions led to the surrender of the great arsenal to the British admiral and his Spanish colleague Don Juan de Lángara, on the 27th of August. The allies were joined later by a contingent from Naples. But the military forces were insufficient to hold the land defences against the army collected to expel them. High ground commanding the anchorage was occupied by the besieging force, and on the 18th of December 1793 the allies retired. They carried away or destroyed thirty-three French vessels, of which thirteen were of the line. But partly through the inefficiency and partly through the ill-will of the Spaniards, who were indisposed to cripple the French, whom they considered as their only possible allies against Great Britain, the destruction was not so complete as had been intended. Twenty-five ships, of which eighteen were of the line, were left to serve as the nucleus of an active fleet in later years. Fourteen thousand of the inhabitants fled with the allies to escape the vengeance of the victorious Jacobins. Their sufferings, and the ferocious massacre perpetrated on those who remained behind by the conquerors, form one of the blackest pages of the French Revolution. The Spanish fleet took no further part in the war. Lord Hood now turned to the occupation of Corsica, where the intervention of the British fleet was invited by the patriotic party headed by Pascual Paoli. The French ships left at Toulon were refitted and came to sea in the spring of 1794, but Admiral Martin who commanded them did not feel justified in giving battle, and his sorties were mere demonstrations. From the 25th of January 1794 till November 1796 the British fleet in the Mediterranean was mainly occupied in and about Corsica, securing the island, watching Toulon and co-operating with the allied Austrians and Piedmontese in northern Italy. It did much to hamper the coastwise communications of the French. But neither Lord Hood, who went home at the end of 1794, nor his indolent successor Hotham, was able to deliver an effective blow at the Toulon squadron. The second of these officers fought two confused actions with Admiral Martin in the Gulf of Lyons on the 16th of March and the 12th of July 1795, but though three French ships were cut off and captured, the baffling winds and the placid disposition of Hotham united to prevent decisive results. A new spirit was introduced into the command of the British fleet when Sir John Jervis, afterwards Earl Saint Vincent, succeeded Hotham in November 1795. Jervis came to the Mediterranean with a high reputation, which had been much enhanced by his recent command in the West Indies. In every war with France it was the natural policy of the British government to seize on its enemy’s colonial possessions, not only because of their intrinsic value, but because they were the headquarters of active privateers. The occupation of the little fishing stations of St Pierre and Miquelon (14th May 1793) and of Pondicherry in the East Indies (23rd Aug. 1793) were almost formal measures taken at the beginning of every war. But the French West Indian islands possessed intrinsic strength which rendered their occupation a service of difficulty and hazard. In 1793 they were torn by dissensions, the result of the revolution in the mother country. Tobago was occupied in April, and the French part of the great island of San Domingo was partially thrown into British hands by the Creoles, who were threatened by their insurgent slaves. During 1794 a lively series of operations, in which there were some marked alternations of fortune, took place in and about Martinique and Guadaloupe. The British squadron, and the contingent of troops it carried, after a first repulse, occupied them both in March and April, together with Santa Lucia. A vigorous counter-attack was carried out by the Terrorist Victor Hugues with ability and ferocity. Guadaloupe and Santa Lucia were recovered in August. Yet on the whole the British government was successful in its policy of destroying the French naval power in distant seas. The seaborne commerce of the Republic was destroyed. The naval supremacy of Great Britain was limited, and was for a time menaced, in consequence of the advance of the French armies on land. The invasion of Holland in 1794 led to the downfall of the house of Orange, and the establishment of the Batavian Republic. War with Great Britain under French dictation followed in January 1795. In that year a British expedition under the command of Admiral Keith Elphinstone (afterwards Lord Keith) occupied the Dutch colony at the Cape (August-September) and their trading station in Malacca. The British colonial empire was again extended, and the command of the sea by its fleet confirmed. But the necessity to maintain a blockading force in the German Ocean imposed a fresh strain on its naval resources, and the hostility of Holland closed a most important route to British commerce in Europe. In 1795 Spain made peace with France at Basel, and in September 1796 re-entered the war as her ally. The Spanish navy was most inefficient, but it required to be watched and therefore increased the heavy strain on the British fleet. At the same time the rapid advance of the French arms in Italy began to close the ports of the peninsula to Great Britain. Its ships were for a time withdrawn from the Mediterranean. Poor as it was in quality, the Spanish fleet was numerous. It was able to facilitate the movements of French squadrons sent to harass British commerce in the Atlantic, and a concentration of forces became necessary. It was the more important because the cherished French scheme for an attack on the heart of the British empire began to take shape. While Spain occupied one part of the British fleet to the south, and Holland another in the north, a French expedition, which was to have been aided by a Dutch expedition from the Texel, was prepared at Brest. The Dutch were confined to harbour by the vigilant blockade of Admiral Duncan, afterwards Lord Camperdown. But in December 1796 a French fleet commanded by Admiral Morard de Galle, carying[P2: typo? carrying? ] 13,000 troops under General Hoche, was allowed to sail from Brest for Ireland, by the slack management of the blockade under Admiral Colpoys. Being ill-fitted, ill-manned and exposed to constant bad weather the French ships were scattered. Some reached their destination, Bantry Bay, only to be driven out again by north-easterly gales. The expedition finally returned after much suffering, and in fragments, to Brest. Yet the year 1797 was one of extreme trial to Great Britain. The victory of Sir John Jervis over the Spaniards near Cape Saint Vincent on the 14th of February (see Saint Vincent, Battle of) disposed of the Spanish fleet. In the autumn of the year the Dutch, having put to sea, were defeated at Camperdown by Admiral Duncan on the 11th of October. Admiral Duncan had the more numerous force, sixteen ships to fifteen, and they were on the average heavier. Attacking from windward he broke through the enemy’s line and concentrated on his rear and centre. Eight line of battleships and two frigates were taken, but the good gunnery and steady resistance of the Dutch made the victory costly. Between these two battles the British fleet was for a time menaced in its very existence by a succession of mutinies, the result of much neglect of the undoubted grievances of the sailors. The victory of Camperdown, completing what the victory of Cape Saint Vincent had begun, seemed to put Great Britain beyond fear of invasion. But the government of the Republic was intent on renewing the attempt. The successes of Napoleon at the head of the army of Italy had reduced Austria to sign the peace of Campo Formio, on the 17th of October 1797,and he was appointed commander of the new army of invasion. It was still thought necessary to maintain the bulk of the British fleet in European waters, within call in the ocean. The Mediterranean was left free to the French, whose squadrons cruised in the Levant, where the Republic had become possessed of the Ionian Islands by the plunder of Venice. The absence of a British force in the Mediterranean offered to the government of the French Republic an alternative to an invasion of Great Britain or Ireland, which promised to be less hazardous and equally effective. It was induced largely by the persuasion of Napoleon himself, and the wish of the politicians who were very willing to see him employed at a distance. The expedition to Egypt under his command sailed on the 19th of May 1798, having for its immediate purpose the occupation of the Nile valley, and for its ultimate aim an attack on Great Britain “from behind” in India (see Nile, Battle of the). The British fleet re-entered the Mediterranean to pursue and baffle Napoleon. The destruction of the French squadron at the anchorage of Aboukir on the 1st of August gave it the complete command of the sea. A second invasion of Ireland on a smaller scale was attempted and to some extent carried out, while the great attack by Egypt was in progress. One French squadron of four frigates carrying 1150 soldiers under General Humbert succeeded in sailing from Rochefort on the 6th of August. On the 22nd Humbert was landed at Killala Bay, but after making a vigorous raid he was compelled to surrender at Ballinamuck on the 8th of September. Eight days after his surrender, another French squadron of one sail of the line and eight frigates carrying 3000 troops, sailed from Brest under Commodore Bompart to support Humbert. It was watched and pursued by frigates, and on the 12th of October was overtaken and destroyed by a superior British force commanded by Sir John Borlase Warren, near Tory Island. From the close of 1798 till the coup d’état of the 18th Brumaire (9th November) 1799, which established Napoleon as First Consul and master of France, the French navy had only one object—to reinforce and relieve the army cut off in Egypt by the battle of the Nile. The relief of the French garrison in Malta was a subordinate part of the main purpose. But the supremacy of the British navy was by this time so firmly founded that neither Egypt nor Malta could be reached except by small ships which ran the blockade. On the 25th of April, Admiral Bruix did indeed leave Brest, after baffling the blockading fleet of Lord Bridport, which was sent on a wild-goose chase to the south of Ireland by means of a despatch sent out to be captured and to deceive. Admiral Bruix succeeded in reaching Toulon, and his presence in the Mediterranean caused some disturbance. But, though his twenty-five sail of the line formed the best-manned fleet which the French had sent to sea during the war, and though he escaped being brought to battle, he did not venture to steer for the eastern Mediterranean. On the 13th of August he was back at Brest, bringing with him a Spanish squadron carried off as a hostage for the fidelity of the government at Madrid to its disastrous alliance with France. On the day on which Bruix re-entered Brest, the 13th of August 1799, a combined Russian and British expedition sailed from the Downs to attack the French army of occupation in the Batavian Republic. The military operations were unsuccessful, and terminated in the withdrawal of the allies. But the naval part was well executed. Vice-admiral Mitchell forced the entrance to the Texel, and on the 30th of August received the surrender of the remainder of the Dutch fleet—thirteen vessels in the Nieuwe Diep—the sailors having refused to fight for the republic. In spite of the failure on land, the expedition did much to confirm the naval supremacy of Great Britain by the entire suppression of the most seamanlike of the forces opposed to it. Authorities.—Chevalier, Histoire de la marine française sous la première République (Paris, 1886); James’s Naval History (London, 1837); Captain Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon the French Revolution and the Empire (London, 1892). The French schemes of invasion are exhaustively dealt with in Captain E. Desbrière’s Projets et tentatives de débarquements aux Îles Britanniques (Paris, 1900, &c. ). - For the following operations see map in Spanish Succession War. - Coburg refrained from a regular siege of Condé. He wished to gain possession of the fortress in a defensible state, intending to use it as his own depot later in the year. He therefore reduced it by famine. During the siege of Valenciennes the Allies appear to have been supplied from Mons. - Henceforth to the end of 1794 both armies were more or less “in cordon,” the cordon possessing greater or less density at any particular moment or place, according to the immediate intentions of the respective commanders and the general military situation. - In the course of this the column from Bouchain, 4500 strong, was caught in the open at Avesnes-le-Sec by 5 squadrons of the allied cavalry and literally annihilated. - One of the generals at Maubeuge, Chancel, was guillotined. - Each of the fifteen armies on foot had been allotted certain departments as supply areas, Jourdan’s being of course far away in Lorraine. - Liguria was not at this period thought of, even by Napoleon, as anything more than a supply area. - Vukassovich had received Beaulieu’s order to demonstrate with two battalions, and also appeals for help from Argenteau. He therefore brought most of his troops with him. - We have seen that after Tourcoing, taught by experience, Souham posted Vandamme’s covering force 14 or 15 m. out. But Napoleon’s disposition was in advance of experience. - The proposed alliance with the Sardinians came to nothing. The kings of Sardinia had always made their alliance with either Austria or France conditional on cessions of conquered territory. But, according to Thiers, the Directory only desired to conquer the Milanese to restore it to Austria in return for the definitive cession of the Austrian Netherlands. If this be so, Napoleon’s proclamations of “freedom for Italy” were, if not a mere political expedient, at any rate no more than an expression of his own desires which he was not powerful enough to enforce. - On entering the territory of the duke of Parma Bonaparte imposed, besides other contributions, the surrender of twenty famous pictures, and thus began a practice which for many years enriched the Louvre and only ceased with the capture of Paris in 1814. - See C. von B.-K., Geist und Stoff, pp. 449-451. - The assumption by later critics (Clausewitz even included) that the “flank position” held by these forces relatively to the main armies in Italy and Germany was their raison d’être is unsupported by contemporary evidence. - For this expedition, which was repulsed by Brune in the battle of Castricum, see Fortescue’s Hist. of the British Army, vol. iv. , and Sachot’s Brune en Hollande. - He afterwards appointed Berthier to command the Army of Reserve, but himself accompanied it and directed it, using Berthier as chief of staff. - Only one division of the main body used the Little St Bernard. - When he made his decision he was unaware that Béthencourt had been held up at Arona. - This may be accounted for by the fact that Napoleon’s mind was not yet definitively made up when his advanced guard had already begun to climb the St Bernard (12th). Napoleon’s instructions for Moncey were written on the 14th. The magazines, too, had to be provided and placed before it was known whether Moreau’s detachment would be forthcoming. - Six guns had by now passed Fort Bard and four of these were with Murat and Duhesme, two with Lannes. - It is supposed that the foreign spies at Dijon sent word to their various employers that the Army was a bogy. In fact a great part of it never entered Dijon at all, and the troops reviewed there by Bonaparte were only conscripts and details. By the time that the veteran divisions from the west and Paris arrived, either the spies had been ejected or their news was sent off too late to be of use. - On the strength of a report, false as it turned out, that the Austrian rearguard had broken the bridges of the Bormida.

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To successfully control gophers, the sooner you detect their presence and take control measures the better. Most people control gophers in lawns, gardens, or small orchards by trapping and/or by using poison baits. Successful trapping or baiting depends on accurately locating the gopher’s main burrow. To locate the burrow, you need to use a gopher probe. Probes are commercially available, or you can construct one from a pipe and metal rod. Probes made from dowels or sticks work in soft soil but are difficult to use in hard or dry soils. An enlarged tip that is wider than the shaft of the probe is an important design feature that increases the ease of locating burrows. To find burrows, first locate areas of recent gopher activity based on fresh mounds of dark, moist soil. Fresh mounds that are visible aboveground are the plugged openings of lateral tunnels. You can find the main burrow by probing about 8 to 12 inches from the plug side of the mound; it usually is located 6 to 12 inches deep. When the probe penetrates the gopher’s burrow, there will be a sudden, noticeable drop of about 2 inches. You might have to probe repeatedly to locate the gopher’s main burrow, but your skill will improve with experience. Because the gopher might not revisit lateral tunnels, trapping and baiting them is not as successful as in the main burrow.

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If you are focusing on classical greek philosophy with your students, you are sure to devote some time to aristotle's 'metaphysics' this lesson. View this essay on aristotle aquinas kant and anselm views on god philosophy is the study of wisdom while theology is the study of god some of the earliest. The differences between aristotle and kant essay, buy custom the differences between aristotle and kant essay paper cheap, the differences between aristotle and kant essay paper sample, the differences between aristotle and kant essay sample service online. The aim of this work is to discuss the evil from the viewpoint of aristotle, kant and arendt, and to see how the concept of genocide applies to their ideas we. The moral worth of happiness by diana mertz hsieh date: 22 apr 97 particularly in comparison to aristotle's perspective kant's primary objection to happiness as a moral end is that it does not give rise to the universality, necessity. Kant had a different ethical system which was based on reason according to kant reason was the fundamental authority in determining morality all humans possess the ability to reason, and out of this ability comes two basic commands: the hypothetical imperative and the categorical imperative. Scottish skeptic david hume and german critic immanuel kant were both philosophers that attempted to address similar concepts of reason and human nature, albeit in very different ways. Essays, term papers, article writing, research work, freelance writing, success in school, we make you succeedwriting papers for schools,orders, order management. 4 this diagnosis of the difference (and similarity) between aristotle and kant suggests that this may be another good example for nozick's distinction between a best. Bindu puri and heiko sievers (eds), reason, morality, and beauty: essays on the philosophy of immanuel kant, oxford university press, 2007, 191pp, $3500 (hbk) as it depends on a nearly irrelevant quote from aristotle and the bizarre assertion that, for aristotle. Read kant vs virtue ethics free essay and over 88,000 other research documents kant vs virtue ethics when we talk about whether or not a person is ethically right, we can look at the actions that he. Reprint/reissue date 1998 original date 1996 note essays originally prepared for a conference entitled 'duty, interest, and practical reason : aristotle, kant, and the stoics, ' held at the university of pittsburg in march 1994--acknowledgments. Read aristotle's ordinary versus kant's revisionist definition of virtue as habit free essay and over 88,000 other research documents aristotle's ordinary versus kant's revisionist definition of virtue as habit aristotle's ordinary versus kant's revisionist definition of virtue as habit. Explain the differences between plato and aristotle's view of reality plato imagined that there existed an ideal or perfect world beyond. Suggested essay topics and study questions for 's aristotle perfect for students who have to write aristotle essays. Free essay: the platonic rationalist and aristotelian empirical way of thinking philosophical inquiry section on22 erich grunder jim cook 3/2/2007 during the. Social science 2570 - second essay assignment question six: contrasting marx with kant and aristotle cleo sewell 209 386 723 course. Aristotle's ethics: essay q&a, free study guides and book notes including comprehensive chapter analysis, complete summary analysis, author biography information, character profiles, theme analysis, metaphor analysis, and top ten quotes on classic literature. Kant, mill and aristotle essay, buy custom kant, mill and aristotle essay paper cheap, kant, mill and aristotle essay paper sample, kant, mill and aristotle essay sample service online. An essay or paper on moral theories of aristotle, mill & kant this study will examine and compare the views of three philosophers on how we should decide the right course of action the study will consider the moral theories of aristotle (in nicomachean ethics), john stuart mill (in utilitarianis. Professionally written essays aristotle and the moral law of immanuel kant aristotle and the moral law of immanuel kant in five pages this paper examines the individual rights' differences in opinion between aristotle and kant and considers how kant prefers the state to the individual. To be good is good but it has to be done for the right reason aristotle and kant are two famous philosophers who have different ethical theories. The aim of this essay is to examine the following question does it make a difference in moral psychology whether one adopts aristotle's ordinary or immanuel kant's revisionist definition of virtue as a moral habit. Open document below is an essay on compare and contrast immanuel kant and aristotle's theories of ethics from anti essays, your source for research papers, essays, and term paper examples.

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Why and How You Should Reduce Your Child’s Daily Screen Time March 11, 2021 Summer Camp 2021 – Why it’s so important this year Originally published on the American Camp Association‘s blog. Our 12 schools are gearing up for a SUMMER OF PLAY at Camp Blue Sky. And we are here to answer your questions about what we are doing to safely host summer day camps and give your children the much-deserved break after a challenging school year. Summer Camp Is Even More Vital for 2021 and Beyond The events of 2020 had a significant global impact, especially on those who will experience their long-term aftermath: children and adolescents. While processing this is important, it is essential to begin to shift our mental energy forward. How can we prepare for the future? How do we keep young people healthy and safe, yet also ensure that they are growing emotionally, physically, and relationally? How can we take inventory of children’s education, relationships, and general activity in order to set them up for developmental success moving forward? As a mental health professional who works in the camping industry, I am convinced that summer camp is no longer an optional add-on to enrich a child’s experience while they are out of school; it is a vital need for all children and adolescents in 2021 and beyond. 1. Camp provides a forced sabbatical from technology/screens. There has been a marked rise in screen usage amongst all ages for obvious and essential reasons. While technology has been crucial in allowing work, education, and connection to continue, we also know that screen time negatively impacts mental health over the long haul, especially in children (Twenge & Campbell, 2018). Using screens as a primary means of relational connection during key periods of childhood development is particularly alarming. Now more than ever, it is crucial that we strategically and consciously create space for young people to move their bodies, be outside, and connect face-to-face with peers. Camps are one of the only contexts that provide this pivotal combination for extended amounts of time: authentic connection with others in an outdoor, technology-free context. 2. Camp creates community, not polarization. During an election year that would have already been fraught with political tension, the added effects of COVID-19 (isolation, increased social media usage) only heightened polarization; feelings of division and hostility are as present as the air we breathe. Social hierarchies and divisions which may exist in other spheres of life are not present at summer camp because of two key elements: staff who model acceptance and kindness, and the shared connection of trying (and perhaps failing) at something new, away from the loving (yet often stifling) gaze of parents. Cabin mates whose families may vote differently, look differently, and think differently from one another will still become friends for life at summer camp. Healthy, deep friendships inherently welcome and hold space for differences; learning how to make and maintain these relationships is both pivotal for development and challenging to see modeled in the current climate. Camp is one of the few spaces where life in the community prevails over all else. 3. Camp fosters imagination and free play. Finally, in a world where most activity and social interaction is necessary and increasingly structured for health and safety precautions, camp offers the gift of freedom. At summer camp, children participate in the imaginative, free play that is so crucial for development. Activities at camp are inherently playful: staff and campers alike sing, run, dance, and create. The Project Zero Team at Harvard created a research initiative entitled The Pedagogy of Play, which focused on play as a key element of learning (2016). In this project, their team identified choice, wonder, and delight as “indicators of playful learning” (Mardell et al. , 2016). These elements exist in abundance at summer camp: campers are able to learn independence by making their own choices and taking on responsibility, engage with nature in a way that stirs up awe and wonder, and experience the delight that comes from jumping off a rope swing or belly-laughing with a friend at a meal. While health and safety precautions are undoubtedly in full force at summer camp, imagination and creativity are in every nook and cranny. Author J. R. R. Tolkien writes in his famous novel, The Hobbit: “It does not do to leave a live dragon out of your calculations, if you live near him” (1982). We must notice the “dragon” that has been this past year; however, we cannot spend our time only noticing — we must strategically calculate and prepare, as Tolkien writes. Moving forward, summer camps must be an indispensable element of this preparation as we seek to help children grow into healthy, empathetic, confident adults. Mardell, B., Wilson, D., Ryan, J., Ertel, K., Krechevsky, M., & Baker, M. (2016). Towards a pedagogy of play: A project zero working paper. 1-17. Retrieved from pz. harvard. edu/sites/default/files/Towards%20a%20Pedagogy%20of%20Play. pdf. Tolkien, J. R. R. 1. (1982-1980). The Hobbit, or, There and back again. Authorized ed. , Rev. ed. New York: Ballantine Books. Twenge, J. M., & Campbell, W. K. (2018). Associations between screen time and lower psychological well-being among children and adolescents: Evidence from a population-based study. Preventive medicine reports, 12, 271–283. doi. org/10. 1016/j. pmedr. 2018. 10. 003 Photo courtesy of Camp Kippewa in Monmouth, Maine Catherine Menendez is a licensed clinical mental health counselor associate (LCMHCA) who works with her husband John as a camp director for Camps Timberlake and Merri-Mac in Black Mountain, North Carolina.

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benefits of cloud computing what is cloud computing ? - Cloud computing is computing based on the internet. - Where in the past, we would run applications or programs from software downloaded on a physical computer or server in our building, cloud computing allows us access to the same kinds of applications through the internet. - When we update our Facebook status, we’re using cloud computing. - Checking our bank balance on our phone? we’re in the cloud again. - Chances are, we rely on enterprise cloud computing to solve the challenges faced by small businesses, whether we’re firing off emails on the move or using a bunch of apps to help us to manage our workload. - Why are so many businesses moving to the cloud ? It’s because cloud computing services increases efficiency, helps improve cash flow and offers many more benefits. Less Environmental Impact - The IT ecosystem represents around 10% of the world’s electricity consumption. - Cloud computing - Has enormous potential to positively impact the world of IT—not only businesses’ performance but also their carbon emissions. - With fewer cloud computing data centers worldwide and more efficient operations, we are collectively having less of an impact on the environment. - Enterprise Cloud computing - reduces hardware consumption, carbon dioxide emissions and energy costs. - At any given time, servers are used as per requirement and this saves a lot of energy. - Companies who use shared resources improve their ‘green’ credentials. - One of the greatest benefits of “cloud” or “clouds” is that it enables small businesses to access the type of technological resources they wouldn't afford. - This makes them even more competitive and gives them a chance to face big companies with already established market presence. - Small companies that use these services are more focused, directing all their energy towards the core business activities instead of maintaining & updating software and hardware. - Without the in-house servers, computers and other expenses, small companies have more funds to re-invest in themselves. - As the fortunes rise & fall, they can scale their cloud services to accommodate the changing needs'. - For example, if the small company suddenly gets a huge client, it can easily accommodate this by changing its storage subscription plan to create room for the big image files they'll be creating for the big client. - cloud computing services - One way of providing increased business productivity and competitiveness.

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For a little over 11 years, a British spacecraft named Beagle 2 sat on the surface of Mars without a peep. The European Space Agency launched the lander in December 2003 as part of the Mars Express Mission — its first ever attempted research expedition to study the red planet. Unfortunately, the ESA lost contact with the lander just as it was supposed to touch down on the surface of the red planet. By February 2004, the ESA had to declare the Beagle 2 lost to space after repeated failed attempts to communicate with the lander. But then, in January 2015, NASA’s Mars Reconnaissance Orbiter managed to photograph Beagle 2 using its HiRISE camera. Now, scientists from the University College London have used a new imaging technique to show off Beagle 2 and other parts of the Martian surface in never-before-seen detail — at a resolution 400 percent greater than what was possible before. Here’s what scientists could see before: But thanks to something called Super-Resolution Restoration, or SRR, they have stacked and matched pictures of the same area taken from different angles by the HiRISE camera. In a new paper published in the journal Planetary and Space Science, the UCL team explains its methods. Among the other landmarks the team can now see with beefed-up resolution: lakebeds discovered and photographed by the Mars Curiosity rover, tracks left behind by the old Spirit rover that went out of commission in 2010, and impressive rocks located in the “Home Plate” region of the planet. More importantly, however, is that the new findings show the potential for the SRR technique to allow us to basically explore Mars from a bird’s eye view. “We now have the equivalent of drone-eye vision anywhere on the surface of Mars where there are enough clear repeat pictures,” said UCL scientist and study co-author Jan-Peter Muller in a news release. “It allows us to see objects in much sharper focus from orbit than ever before and the picture quality is comparable to that obtained from landers. ” In short, SRR is allowing us to image the planet in ways only rovers and landers have been able to before. Orbiters are getting better and better, but their capabilities are still limited — especially if there are atmospheric and climatic issues. Current orbiters have cameras that can take images at about a 10-inch resolution. Impressive, but obviously researchers want to do better. SRR essentially takes those images and compiles them together in such a way to achieve resolution as small as two inches. The implications mean we might be able to ramp up study of the Martian surface by leaning more on orbiters — which are easier and less expensive to build and launch — and instead using rovers and landers for more geological analysis. That’s exactly the idea behind the Mars 2020 rover and the InSight Lander: to conduct less imaging work and more scientific study directly of the surface and the composition of the planet. Inadvertently, the study helps lend more support to NASA’s desire to build another orbiter to launch to Mars sometime around 2022. The launch of the Odyssey orbiter helped revive the agency’s Mars program. More investment in orbiter spacecraft would only serve to ramp up research that would inevitably help us in getting human boots on the ground. Oh, and as for why the Beagle 2 went quiet? After reviewing the images, the popular theory remains that one of the Beagle 2’s solar panels didn’t open fully, which would have helped enable radio communication with Earth. At least we can see the lander in high resolution, even if it can’t talk back.

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Virtual Consultation Hours (booked via Calendly): How does the mind create the reality we perceive? How do experiences shape the brain, and how do processes in the brain influence thought, emotion and behavior? This course investigates these and similar questions by studying the science of the human mind and behavior. The course covers topics such as memory, perception, development, psychopathology, personality, and social behavior. A focus is on the biological, cognitive, and social/cultural roots that give rise to human experience. Additionally, the course will consider how behavior differs among people, and across situations.

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The Balze and Badia Camaldolese THE BALZE (Cliffs) Besides the monuments and the numerous testimonies to art and history, Volterra offers the view over the hilly landscape surrounding, that is suddenly arrested by the wild and awesome view over the Balze (cliffs). One of the most famous areas of Volterra, the Balze are an interesting natural phenomenon of soil erosion. This phenomenon has destroyed the largest necropolis of the town, used since the Villanovian period, the most ancient Christian churches and caused the ruin of the Camaldolite Abbey (Badia) of the 11th century. Only a few tombs have been found in the ground that remained untouched, around the Camaldolite Abbey or in the surroundings of the plain of Guerruccia, the most western area of the town. Also a large part of the Etruscan walls, together with a number of houses, disappeared in a sudden landslide at the beginning of 1800s. THE ABBEY (Badia) Not far from the church of San Giusto, the abbey was founded at the beginning of the 11th century. A religious complex commissioned by the bishop of Volterra. The monastery, abandoned in the last century due to the ever approaching Balze has been partly restored. The existing structure dates to the 16th century, built on a design by Leon Battista Alberti. Inside the complex famous artists and painters worked, well-known are the frescoes located in the refectory, created at the end of the 17th century by Fra Arsenio, representing a series of episodes in the life of San Giusto. |Satellite Coordinates||Lat. 43. 415647 – Long. 10. 850285| |Download the Guide||Guide of Volterra|

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MPM brings mummies to life: Better than zombies? The Milwaukee Public Museum is hosting what is considered the largest exhibition of mummies and related artifacts ever assembled. The purpose of the exhibition is to show viewers the various processes of mummification, and how and why today’s researchers study mummies. Throughout the exhibit, several scientific techniques are described, such as the use of MRIs, radiocarbon dating, and rapid prototyping, a process that allows three-dimensional replicated models of the specimens to be created. These tools help researcher study the dead without disturbing their natural state. Representatives of U.S. religious, university, and medical organizations assisted in developing the exhibition. The mummies and artifacts on display are from 20 museum and university collections around the world, according to information provided in the exhibit. According to information provided in the exhibit, the study of mummies brings light to not only their pasts, but also history as a whole. It gives a glimpse into what life for these people was like thousands of years ago. When most people think of the terms “mummies,” an image of ancient Egypt consumes their thoughts. However, the mummies in this exhibit come from all over the world, and the processes by which they were mummified vary. “Many of the mummies in this exhibit are ‘accidental mummies,’ so to speak, being bodies that became mummified due to climactic conditions,” said Dr. Scott Hendrix, an Assistant Professor of History at Carroll University. According to the exhibit, mummification can occur due to extreme dryness, cold, or heat, all of which either evaporate or preserve the water in the body, slowing decomposition. This allows for the soft tissues of the body to remain intact and be preserved over the course of many years. Some mummies have been preserved in damp areas, called bogs, which causes the bones and tissue to become of a consistency similar to rubber. “These bogs are anaerobic environments so whatever falls into them … is preserved since bacteria and whatnot that would otherwise break the body down cannot live and function without air,” said Hendrix. “Some of them are preserved to such an extent that the person’s facial features are still recognizable. ” Other mummies, such as those found in a crypt in Vac, Hungary, were naturally preserved due to being exposed to a cool, dry climate. Mummies found in South America were often laid to rest in a sitting burial posed, in which their arms were folded around their waist and their knees were brought up to their chest. This differed from the traditional ancient Egyptian burial pose, in which the deceased lay flat with his or her arms folded across the chest. The exhibit also displays animals that have been both naturally and artificially mummified. Those that were naturally preserved were found in places such as desert and even the dry attics of houses. Others, such as those from Egypt, were seen as sacred and were mummified artificially, similar to the way humans were, according to the exhibit. On display alongside the mummies are artifacts that were used in burial rituals or found in tombs next to the dead. Among these artifacts are fragments of the Egyptian Book of the Dead. The book tells the process a soul must withstand in order to reach an afterlife. Other artifacts, such as amulets or jewelry that were placed on the bodies or somewhere nearby in the tomb, give researchers a glimpse into the belief systems and burial rituals of ancient cultures. “We can learn a great deal about what any culture views as important by considering the way in which the dead are treated within the culture,” said Hendrix. “Mummies of the World” opened at the Milwaukee Public Museum Dec. 17, and will remain on display through May 30. For more information on the exhibit, visit www. mummiesoftheworld. com, or for ticket information, visit www. mpm. edu.

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A Search For Equality: The National Urban League, 1910 1961 A history of the Urban League that places it within the mainstream of African-American thought, this book shows the League as a major force for civil rights. Understanding the roots of the African-American search for equality, as the author demonstrates, is essential both to students of black history and to participants in the ongoing struggle for universal human rights. Correcting previous interpretations, Professor Moore contends that a number of individuals involved in forming the Urban League rose above the Washington-DuBois controversy, attending to the needs and aspirations of blacks already acculturated to urban life as well as those who arrived in cities without the skills to prosper in a modern, industrial, and increasingly complex society. The book starts by reviewing the changes—psychological, educational, political, social, and geographic —which American Negroes experienced between 1830 and 1910 in the context of similar (if less dramatic) changes affecting American whites. The record presented here shows that cooperation between the NUL and the NAACP has been the norm, despite occasional differences, and that the two organizations remain vibrant forces in the search for equality. - Condition: -- HPB condition ratings - New: Item is brand new, unused and unmarked, in flawless condition. - Fine/Like New (F): Book may have been read. Looks new and has no defects. May show remainder marks. Used textbooks do not come with supplemental materials. - Near Fine (NF): Clean, with no defects, but may show slight wear at edges of book or dust jacket. Used textbooks do not come with supplemental materials. - Very Good (VG): Shows signs of wear. May have minor defects: clipped or chipped dust jacket; owner’s inscription; remainder mark; minor foxing or bumping. Used textbooks do not come with supplemental materials. - Good (G): Average used book with all pages present. May have any of the defects above to a greater degree, including highlighting, library markings, or loose bindings. Rare and collectible books may have cocked spine, cracked hinges, water stains; torn or repaired dust jacket. Used textbooks do not come with supplemental materials. - Fair (FR): May be very worn, soiled, torn, or barely holding together. Used textbooks do not come with supplemental materials. - Poor (P): May have extensive damage from moisture or insects; detached boards; parts may be missing; marginally salable unless very unusual. Used textbooks do not come with supplemental materials. - Format: Hardcover - Sold by: -- - Language: English - Publisher: Pennsylvania State Univ Pr - ISBN-13: 9780271003023 - ISBN: 0271003022 - Publication Year: 1981

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Everyone is feeling the pinch in this economic crisis - but in the developing world, it is girls and women who stand to lose the most. This week Plan International will publish a joint report* (www. plan-international. org/economicreport) with the Overseas Development Institute (http://www.odi.org.uk) showing how girls and women are bearing the brunt of the global economic crisis. The report finds that family poverty hits girls hardest - with a 1% fall in GDP increasing infant mortality by 7. 4 deaths per 1000 girls, versus 1. 5 for boys. Long standing economic trends, entrenched gender inequality and austerity budgets have impacted survival rates, development - including education and employment - and protection from violence, neglect and abuse. The impacts are likely to reverse gains made in meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the research concludes. The findings also indicate that food shortages and malnutrition are more common among girls than boys. Women tend to reduce their own food consumption to become 'shock absorbers' for household security. As women go out to work longer hours for less money, more girls are pushed out of school and into filling the gaps at home with domestic work, into hazardous child labour or even transactional sex. Many girls are being pushed from school as times get tighter in developing countries. Girls drop out of school more - with 29% decrease in primary school completion for girls versus 22% for boys. I believe the world is failing girls and women. They need more targeted support in social protection, job creation and education if we are to turn the tide of this trend and close this unacceptable and growing gap. One result of girls dropping out of school is that they find themselves without access to ICT, and are thus further distanced from the modern world. Girls are left not only illiterate - but technologically illiterate. In turn, their potential earning power is decreased and the gap will continue to grow. Part of growing up in the 21st century means having a mobile phone and spending time online. These are things we take for granted. Again, I believe access to a computer or a mobile phone is a basic human right, and to fail to provide girls with access is to fail them once again. Nowadays, as technology leaps ahead into previously unimagined realms, one can argue that to be ill-educated in ICT is to be immediately disadvantaged for living and working in the modern world. The key, I believe, is to make sure that girls and women have the same access to such technologies as men. Discrimination, lack of confidence and lack of basic language skills all affect teenage girls' access to computers, for example. In many countries it's considered inappropriate for a girl to go to an internet cafe, thus preventing her from completing her homework. Girls are less likely than their brothers to have the financial resources to pay for, say, a mobile phone and its running costs. In countries where girls are the bottom of the pile, having the fastest broadband in the world won't make ICTs more accessible to them. Changing attitudes will. Working with families and schools, and changing government policy is key; give girls social approval and opportunity and they will find a way to get connected, even in areas where it's difficult to access the internet, because they know how important it is to their future. We must be addressing gender stereotypes to change attitudes that girls are of a lower status and should not participate in technology; we should be building support among parents and communities for girls' access to ICT and putting more computers into schools. As we improve technology and connections, and make equipment cheaper, we should also be providing girls with ICT training at school - and increasing communities' access to technology. As world leaders gather in Davos this week for the annual World Economic Forum, I believe discussion and collaboration between the best of industry and development can be a powerful tool to achieve these goals. If we can change these gender stereotypes and transform attitudes to technology, I feel sure that we will see girls in the developing world attain their human right to technology, and make massive leaps in the sector, both in their private and their working lives. *Off the balance sheet: the impact of the economic crisis on girls and young women (January 2013) by Maria Stavropoulou and Nicola Jones is available to read at this link: www. plan-international. org/economicreport

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More Multiplication Mosaics Presenting multiplication exercises that top out the fun factor! Each page features 18 to 24 skill-building multiplication problems. After students have solved all the exercises, the answers provide color-coded clues for revealing the secret image hidden in the coordinate grid. Great for students who enjoy visual challenges and direct feedback, this book is a stimulating way to encourage motivation and make students eager to work one problem after another until the puzzle is complete. In addition to providing multiplication practice, More Multiplication Mosaics activities help students become proficient with locating ordered pairs on a grid, an important mathematical graphing skill. This book includes 30 single-page mini-mysteries plus illustrated solutions. Softcover; 48 pages. Reproducible for single-classroom use. Intended for ages 8 to 12 years.

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DIZER, FALAR ou CONTAR? Join the Speaking Brazilian YouTube Club to have access to the transcript of this video and many other videos. Do you know what is the difference between the verbs FALAR (talk/speak), DIZER (say/tell) AND CONTAR (tell)? The verbs FALAR, DIZER and CONTAR have different meanings, but in colloquial language in Brazil, these verbs are often used as if they were synonyms, especially the verbs FALAR (speak/talk) and DIZER (say/tell). It’s very common to use the verb FALAR in place of the verb DIZER, but the opposite is not common. The verb FALAR is much more used than the verb DIZER. I’m talking about the use of these verbs in Brazil, in Portugal it’s different. The verb FALAR is used to refer to the ability to speak, or the act of expressing oneself through words. On the other hand, the verb DIZER is used in the sense of informing or communicating something. When I hear someone talking about something for a long time, but without clearly communicating an idea, I usually say: - Essa pessoa fala muito, mas não diz nada. (That person talks a lot but doesn’t say anything. ) What does that mean? It means that the person has the ability to speak, to produce sounds through speech, but she/he is not communicating anything, she/he is not passing on information. Let’s talk about each one of these verbs separately so you can better understand how to use them. Let's start by talking about the verb FALAR (talk/speak). This verb can be used in many different contexts. We’ll study the most common uses. 1. Express yourself through words. - João não fala muito. (João doesn't talk much. ) - Maria fala demais. (Maria talks too much. ) - Pedrinho começou a falar com 2 anos. (Pedrinho started talking at the age of 2. ) 2. Talk about a subject. - Eles estão falando sobre o trabalho. (They're talking about work. ) - Ana gosta de falar sobre livros. (Ana likes to talk about books. ) 3. Express yourself in any language. - Ana fala inglês e português muito bem. (Ana speaks English and Portuguese very well. ) - Falar alemão é muito difícil. (Speaking German is very difficult. ) 4. Communicate with someone. - Eu falo com minha mãe uma vez por semana. (I talk with my mom once a week. ) - Maria precisa falar com seu chefe. (Maria needs to talk with her boss. ) 5. Maintain a social relationship. - Mariana não fala com Pedro. (Mariana and Pedro are not talking. ) - Mariana e Pedro fizeram as pazes e voltaram a se falar. (Mariana and Pedro made up and are talking again. ) 6. Common expressions with the verb FALAR: to say good things or bad things about someone, to tell the truth. - Ana fala muito bem da vizinha. (Ana says good things about the neighbor. ) - O candidato fala mal de seu adversário. (The candidate says bad things about his opponent. ) - Eu sempre falo a verdade. (I always tell the truth. ) Now let's talk about the verb DIZER. This verb can also be used in many different contexts. We’ll study the most common uses. 1. Communicate or affirm something. - Maria disse que vai se mudar na próxima semana. (Maria said she'll move next week. ) - João disse que não quer ir ao cinema. (João said he doesn't want to go to the movies. ) 2. Narrate, report or describe something. - Ela disse várias coisas boas sobre você. (She said a lot of good things about you. ) - Ela me disse as novidades. (She told me the news. ) - O que ela disse para ele? (What did she say to him? ) 3. Direct and indirect speech. - O réu disse: “Sou inocente! ”. (The defendant said: "I’m innocent! ". ) - O réu disse que era inocente. (The defendant said he was innocent. ) Now let's talk about the verb CONTAR. This verb is less used than the verbs DIZER and FALAR, but it’s also very common. We often use this verb in place of the verb DIZER. - Ela me contou o que aconteceu. (She told me what happened. ) - Ela me disse o que aconteceu. (She told me what happened. ) We use the verb CONTAR a lot in order to tell the news or something that happened. - Me conta! Como foi sua viagem? (Tell me! How was your trip? ) The most traditional use of the verb CONTAR is in the sense of telling a story. - Minha avó adorava contar histórias. (My grandmother loved to tell stories. ) Now it's homework time. Write a comment below using these three words. Write a sentence with each verb to practice. Até a próxima!

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I giardini di Ninfa - The garden of Nymph - by Domenico Russumanno Could this be the biblical Garden of Eden as described in the Book of Genesis , chapter 2 and 3 ? . . . and here it is, a splendid example of poetry and medieval architecture, surrounded by nature, walls and towers, churches, monasteries and villages, lying half submerged in the marshes or buried under the very thick ivy, a timid reminder of the passage of man. A nymph (Greek: νύμφη, nymphē) in Greek and Latin mythology is a minor female nature deity typically associated with a particular location or landform. Different from other goddesses, nymphs are generally regarded as divine spirits who animate nature, and are usually depicted as beautiful, young nubile maidens who love to dance and sing; their amorous freedom sets them apart from the restricted and chaste wives and daughters of the Greek polis. They are beloved by many and dwell in mountainous regions and forests by lakes and streams. Although they would never die of old age nor illness, and could give birth to fully immortal children if mated to a god, they themselves were not necessarily immortal, and could be beholden to death in various forms. Charybdis and Scylla were once nymphs. It has a surface of 105 hectares. Nearby towns include Norma and Sermoneta. The garden is located at the foot of the Lepini mountains in the province of Latina; and is where many writers, such as Virgina Woolf, Truman Capote, Ungaretti, and Moravia, found inspiration for their creations, a true literary salon. It is classified among the top 10 most beautiful garden in the world. In the present day the gardens appear as a picturesque ruins with the remains of a castle, palazzos, churches, and medieval clock towers, all surrounded by the embrace of luxuriant vegetation. Numerous streams run down from the mountain to form a small lake. The location is just perfect, at the foot of the mountains, built on several spring waters, with a pristine river that touches the ruins. The garden is more than a dream, its a landscape masterpiece, an incredible mix of color, scents and design. The garden includes the remains of the ancient city of Ninfa, perhaps founded by the Volscians at the feet of the Monti Lepini. In the Middle Ages the town was a rich commune on the Appian Way. The ancient town, where today the gardens lies, had a difficult existence: frequently fought over by varying families it was destroyed and rebuilt on more than one occasion. In 1159, Pope Alexander III was crowned there. It was destroyed by order of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, after his enemy Pope had taken refuge in the town. In 1298 it was acquired by the Caetani family and for around a hundred years was a point of contention between them and the Borgias. At the end of the 1300s the town began its fall into decline, mainly caused by the spread of malaria. It was not until the end of the 1800s that the Caetani family returned: they drained the marshes, removed most of the weeds covering the ruins, planted the first cypresses, holm oaks, beeches, a large number of roses, and restored some of the ruins, thereby creating an English style romantic garden. Towards 1930, thanks to the sensitivity of Marguerite Chapin and later her daughter Leila, the garden began to acquire the enchantment that distinguishes it today: since then the creation of the park has been mainly guided by sensitivity and sentiment, following a free, spontaneous, and informal direction, not following a pre-established plan. Marguerite Chapin (Waterford, June 24, 1880 - Ninfa, December 17, 1963) was born in New London, Connecticut, in 1880, in a rich and cultured family. Orphaned at a very young age of both parents (Chapin and Lindley Hoffinan Lelia Gilbert), she moved to Paris to study singing with the tenor Jean de Reszke. Here she met the musician Roffredo Caetani (1871-1977), who married in 1911, and they had two children: Lelia painter (1913-1977), and Camillo (1915), who died on the Albanian front in 1940. Naturalized Italian, princess of Bassiano, Duchess of Sermoneta, expert and connoisseur of fine art, Marguerite Chapin Caetani also founded two of the most prestigious European literary magazines. Commerce in France and Botteghe Oscure in Italy. Roffredo Caetani (1871-1961) - Since childhood, music was Roffredo's main vocation, thanks to the influence of his father Onorato Caetani (1842 - 1917). Onorato, a gifted musician himself, met Richard Wagner whose music he promoted in Rome. He was also a friend of Franz Liszt, who recognized Roffredo's musical talent and urged him to study the piano. Roffredo studied in Italy with Guido Tacchinardi and Giuseppe Martucci and also at the Vienna and Berlin conservatories where he met Johannes Brahms and Cosima Wagner. Most of Roffredo's work as a composer and performer was concentrated between 1887 and 1907. His work, including two operas - Hypathia (300 signed copies in 1924) and L'Isola del Sole (1943) - was published by Schott of Mainz (Germany). Roffredo married Marguerite Chapin in 1911 and they had a daughter Lelia and son Camillo. After Camillo's death in 1940, Roffredo ceased giving public concerts and in 1956 he founded the Camillo Caetani Foundation in his memory. In July 1972, his daughter Lelia founded the Roffredo Caetani Foundation, named after her father. Important - Please note : In order to preserve the delicate environmental balance of the place the garden only opens for a limited number of days per year. Opening times are very restricted so you will have to plan your trip around those times. Best time to be visiting : April and May , during the 'blooming' period - Quando tutto e' in fiore. Opening days -2015 (Verify dates - U R are in Italy) APRIL - APRILE: 5 / 6 / 20 / 21 / 25 MAY - MAGGIO: 1 / 3 / 4 / 11 / 18 / 25 JUNE - GIUGNO: 1 / 2 / 7 / 8 / 15 JULY - LUGLIO: 5 / 6 AUGUST - AGOSTO: 2 / 3 SEPTEMBER - SETTEMBRE: 6 / 7 OCTOBER - OTTOBRE: 4 / 5 NOVEMBER - NOVEMBRE: 2 Plenty of free parking . Visits will be 'regulated' by the guides, translated in pedestrian English it means that you will be part of a tour. There might be a slight chance that your guide . . . 'no speek nglish' . . . don't despair, you will be so taken by the place you wont even notice. The tour will usually last less then two hours (1. 30 more or less),. . . if you are taking the morning tour and decide for a second one in the afternoon (you wouldn't be the first one) you might want to drive to the charming town of Sermoneta for a few hours until the re-opening of the garden in the afternoon (pomeriggio). Cost - 10 Euros x person - No booking needed. On the average, there will be no more then 20 person on each tour. No benches to sit on. . . for obvious reasons. Don't stray away from the group, they have marksmen pointing at you from the time you enter the gate. . . and by lunch time they are already a bit nervous. Taking pictures -They almost never turnout as you hope, so , don't be disappointed and don't blame your 'other half '. GETTING THERE : From the Da Vinci Airport is about 2 hours drive. If you decide for the morning tour, you might consider leaving early, stop in the town of Sermoneta for a fresh baked cornetto with caffe-latte and be at the garden gate by 9 am. Sermoneta is one of the best-preserved Medieval villages in Italy. Vas called Sulmo in antiquity, it is even cited by Virgil in his tale of The Aeneid. Located in the Province of Latina, and just a few miles from the Via Appia , it rises up on a hill at 843 feet above sea level, dominating over the Pontine Plain. To the present day, Sermoneta still preserves its immense historical, artistic and cultural heritage – tortuous but picturesque streets, intriguing monuments and an overall calm – make it ideal for a vacation or even a brief visit, especially for those who want to travel back in time.

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DEVELOP YOUR SUBJECT KNOWLEDGE SO YOU CAN BUILD AND IMPROVE THE MENTAL FITNESS OF YOUR STUDENTS Improved mental health for all in your school setting, through practical strategies based on academic research. Perfect for PE teachers, PSHE teachers or leaders with a passion for improving the life chances of their students. You wouldn’t wait until you are obese before you start working on your physical fitness so why do we wait until our pupils are struggling with their mental health before developing their mental fitness? Our 'Building mental fitness course' is a proactive approach to dealing with the mental health epidemic we have seen develop in our pupils over the last 10 years, & has never been so important with the Covid 19 Pandemic. This program will give you, your pupils and staff the tools to strengthen their mental fitness for the rest of their lives. Benefits to you: Become the leader of improved mental health within your school community and have whole school impact. Expert subject knowledge on how to build mental fitness. Editable Scheme of learning, student powerpoints, lesson resources, and knowledge planner included saving you hours of planning and enabling you to introduce your building mental fitness knowledge to your classes and colleagues straight away. A proactive methodology to improve your own mental health and the mental health of your colleagues through leading whole school staff CPD using the resources. CPD videos to share with colleagues within your school to improve their subject knowledge. Official Future Action 'Building Mental Fitness' tutor. Able to access the course content at a time and place that suits you. Ideas on how to implement in your school in six different ways. Benefits for your students: Improved mental health. Increased confidence and belief in themselves. Improved knowledge of practical strategies to apply to build their mental fitness. Improved mindfulness, flexibility, strength and balance. Improved sleep and nutrition. Greater ideas on how to exercise if low on confidence. Greater awareness of the dangers of social media. Improved culture to talk about mental health issues within school setting. A personalised mental fitness development plan. What will you get when you purchase this product? A series of CPD videos developing your subject knowledge on how to build mental fitness and how to deliver this unit. A scheme of learning for the unit. 10 Powerpoint lessons. An electronic student work book that you can print out for your pupils. A knowledge planner for the unit. Ideas on how this unit can be adapted to be taught in PSHE, used within form times, on social media, and for staff CPD to raise the profile of mental health in your school. A personalised Future Action 'Building Mental Fitness ' trainer certificate. Superb value for money: A course like this would normally cost £250+VAT without the resources. We understand that money is tight in schools at the moment and we want to help you and your students at this challenging time. At just £200 this course represents fantastic value for money. Introduction to building mental fitness key points & yoga. To understand the mental health continuum. To learn how to body scan and journal. To create a confidence and kindness foundation. To understand how to use worries as a positive & create a vision for your future. Healthy habits & the impact of sleep on the brain. Healthy habits & the impact of exercise on the brain. Healthy habits & the impact of nutrition on the brain. To understand the impact of social media on the brain and develop effective coping strategies. To understand what OCD is and to develop coping strategies. I'm really busy - How will this course save me time? The editable resources will save you hours of planning time so you can get on and deliver the unit straight away. The course is broken down into a series of 12 videos so you can watch the course at a time and place that suits your busy life. What if I am not happy with my purchase? We are so confident in the quality of this course that if you are not happy with the product, we will give you a full refund within 7 days of purchase, no questions asked! You have got nothing to lose and healthier happier students and staff to gain. Do I need to be based in the UK for it to be relevant? No, the key concepts and questions can be applied to any educational setting across the world. The resources are adaptable so you can make some minor tweaks to meet your needs if required. Have you got staff that can come in and deliver the course at school? Yes, we have got awesome trainer's that can come to your school and deliver the course to students and/or staff if you prefer. Please get in touch so we can discuss your individual needs. "The course gave me the confidence and tools to have a major impact building my students mental health. It has become a permanent addition to our curriculum map. Thank you Future Action! " Katie C, Head of PE, Manchester. 10% of all profits from this course is donated to MIND so that they can provide advice and support to empower anyone experiencing a mental health problem. Improve your subject knowledge now for healthier, happier students and staff!

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Welcome to Part 4 of the Outdoor Learning Webinar Series hosted by Big Green, EcoRise, FreshFarm Foodprints, Green Schoolyards America, and Out Teach with appearances by the U.S. Department of Education! During the pandemic, thousands of educators across the country began exploring the possibilities of outdoor learning to improve safety and bring momentum to the already growing outdoor learning movement. Now that schools have returned to in-person instruction, schools and educators are looking to outdoor learning to help students get healthier and happier while making lessons more engaging and effective. The 4-Part Outdoor Learning Webinar Series was created to offer clear and direct guidance on why and how teachers, schools, and districts can invest in outdoor education utilizing programmatic and funding resources that are available. Explore the well-documented benefits of outdoor education, tools, and funds (including the ESSER funds provided by the American Rescue Plan Act) available to bring the multitude of benefits of outdoor learning to your students through the webinar series recordings here. On May 25, 2022, EcoRise hosted the final webinar in the series about Equity in Outdoor Education & Environmental Justice. As educators, our most important task is to determine how we can create equitable learning for all students. Educators from across the country joined us to hear from school leadership and environmental education experts about their personal and professional experience in ingraining equity into outdoor learning and education. During the session, we established an understanding of equity and environmental justice, learned about the history of public spaces and the impact of that history, and explored the interconnected nature of environmental justice and education. Director of Project Learning Garden and Project Giving Gardens, Captain Planet Foundation Over the past 15 years. Ashley Rouse has spent her time working in food justice, nutrition justice, racial equity, and social transformation in the local food system by being a leader in the farm-to-school movement. She was the Out of School Time sector director for HealthMPowers, where she created a “farm to after-school” program in partnership with Boys and Girls Clubs of Metro Atlanta. She has been a partner of Captain Planet Foundation since 2010 with the launch of the school garden program in Cobb County. She taught 7th-grade life science and engineering and founded a rooftop garden with students at Maynard Jackson High School that quickly grew into a garden to cafeteria pilot. She enjoys practicing yoga and meditation in her spare time. Attorney, Program Legal Group, Office for Civil Rights, U.S. Department of Education Bridget Joyce joined the Office for Civil Rights (OCR) at the U.S. Department of Education in September 2013. Bridget’s work in OCR has focused on the prevention of discrimination based on race, with an emphasis on the civil rights of English learners, prevention of discrimination based on race in special education, and school integration. Before joining OCR, Bridget worked as a litigation associate at Arnold & Porter LLP, where her pro bono practice focused on the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. In 2019, Bridget and OCR colleagues established the Green Team, an affinity group to promote environmental sustainability. Bridget has a law degree from the University of Virginia and an undergraduate degree from The George Washington University. Director of Diversity in Green Careers, Project Learning Tree Jerri Taylor leverages successful tools and resources to build support programs for diverse young people as they navigate green careers. She leads the career pathways programming, the Green Mentor program, and the Green Jobs employer training efforts. Jerri will also support the Chief Sustainability and Diversity Officer in diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts across all SFI pillars. She is an experienced K-12 professional school counselor and has dedicated her professional life to connecting youth with resources and opportunities. Jerri holds a Masters of Education and Human Development, with a concentration in school counseling from George Washington University, and a Bachelors in Family and Consumer Sciences from the University of Maryland. Jerry is the Director of Diversity in Green Careers for Project Learning Tree. Principal, Whittier Elementary School Tiffany Johnson is the proud Principal of Whittier Elementary School located in Washington, DC. Ms. Johnson has led the school to become a Green Ribbon school which is endorsed by the U.S. Department of Education. Ms. Johnson has spent nearly 18 years in the District of Columbia Public School system. Here she served as a teacher, assistant principal, and principal. Tiffany knows what truly drives student success and enhances sustainable leadership capacity. Ms. Johnson coaches new principals and leads professional development for DC Public Schools. Her goal is to connect and support school administrators while ensuring students are always first across sectors. Tiffany holds a bachelors from Howard University. In addition, she has two masters from Trinity University. Ms. Johnson is a lifelong learner evidenced by her ongoing attendance at many conferences held across the country. When Ms. Johnson is not leading her phenomenal school, she is spending time with her two teenage sons. Education Specialist, EcoRise Anel Torres is a former K–6 classroom teacher and math specialist. She has over 7 years of experience planning and designing learning experiences for audiences with diverse needs and learning styles that facilitate deep learning and engagement. I am experienced in coaching adults in various content and instructional practices as well. At EcoRise, she is developing and designing curriculum for a K–12 audience. She’s been immersed in learning all she can about planetary health and how it’s interconnected with human health and the health of all living beings, as well as staying curious to her role as a steward to Earth. Kizzy Hannibal Xolani Co-Founder and Program Manager, EcoRise Kizzy is a co-founder of EcoRise and has played key roles in every department since the organization’s inception. In her current position, she manages programming in D.C. and California, where she supports K-12 teachers with their sustainability and environmental justice initiatives. She is a co-collaborator of EcoRise’s Introduction to Environmental Justice (EJ) curriculum and EJ Professional Development workshops and initiatives and co-leads EcoRise’s equity, diversity, and inclusion initiatives. She is also a facilitation and development advisor for EcoRise’s year-long Youth Climate Council programs and has 20 years of experience in teaching, developing, and running outdoor youth leadership programs; training and mentoring facilitators; and launching non-profit organizations. Kizzy feels that collaboration, representation, and a healing-centered approach are key to community engagement, transformation, and well-being. To use with students: - Access the Introduction to Environmental Justice Lessons by EcoRise - Read Black Faces in Green Spaces: The Journeys of Black Professionals In Green Careers by Project Learning Tree and the Sustainable Forestry Initiative - Explore Project Learning Tree’s Curriculum Offerings - Explore FreshFarm FoodPrints’ Conservation and Food Justice lessons - Learn how to become a food justice advocate in this video lesson - Explore the terms fair and equal and practice fractions in this lesson from FoodPrints To learn more about equity in outdoor learning: - Address Systemic Inequities in School Infrastructure - Learn about Project Learning Garden by Captain Planet Foundation - Learn about Project Giving Garden by Captain Planet Foundation - Learn about the U.S. Department of Education Green Ribbon Schools designation - Check out the Green Strides School Sustainability Resource Hub - Read the No Child Left Inside Act of 2022 Questions Asked & Answered During the Webinar 1. Carol asked: I am a retired educator in Chicago where the violence among youth from economically poor neighborhoods occurs daily. Youth are killing other youth. I also have first-hand knowledge of Learning Gardens and in most cases, there is a disconnect with the in-school curriculum, and it has been an add-on for a handful of students after school. Environmental racism is blatant in Chicago. Where do we start? Ashley Rousse answered: Start in your community where you can co-create and design what programming can look like for your youth. In the past. I’ve worked with youth in my neighborhood. We worked with kids that had dropped out of school and gone on to serve time in prison. They were used to digging in the soil because they were digging graves. We work with kids in kids in high school and had a program that operated during the summer where we taught them how to make mounds and grow food. They became entrepreneurs, selling the food to chefs and local restaurants. They attended local farmers’ markets. They wanted to learn how to cook the food, so we had a chef come in and prepare the food with them and teach them how to cook. We shared meals together. Then we incorporated law into the program because they wanted to know how they can respond to police officers if they’re approached on the street. So I do believe that our youth are the answer, and having a conversation with them, finding out what they need, and how they want to be a part of something, is the best way to decide design what programming looks like. 2. Emily asked: What system-level supports do you think we need to help build capacity for all DC schools to go as deep with outdoor learning/environmental learning as you have at Whittier? Do you think it’s funding for partners, more infrastructure, training for school leaders? (i. e. what should we prioritize when advocating? ) Tiffany Johnson answered: The first thing is establishing a team so that the work can live outside of the leader. Establish a green team—a team of stakeholders who understand the mission and vision, who can support with the advocacy for programming and funding. This is a community thing. So, I had to partner with my community. I got parents, students, and get local businesses to buy into helping us install a compost station at the school. I told them we’re gonna have a full farmers’ market, this is what we need from the community to help support this. Next identify partnerships that are in alignment with your mission and vision. Then seek out the funding for the green initiatives. Most of the time, if you find that partner. I’ll tell you clear-as-day, FreshFarm FoodPrints and Out Teach have been the best school partners because they will so help you find findings. So if you find the partnership that’s your that’s an alignment to your school vision, the partners are going to really help you secure funding to move forward with what you’re trying to do. If your vision is misaligned, if you don’t have a team that’s going to help see this thing through, then it’s not gonna work. You’re just getting funding but you’re not going to really embody the impact. 3. Janette asked: How are school cafeterias involved in offering fresh food? Is the U.S. DOE improving the food quality that is served at the schools? Jerri Taylor answered: I can speak about my experiences when I was in DC. We had local farmers’ markets come to our school, we planted our own produce, and the Michelle Obama act brought in healthy foods. We had to do a lot of nutrition classes for our students because they did not have food recognition. I.E. “I’ve never seen a squash, I’m not eating a squash. ” “I’ve only seen something canned. ” So my students were not eating regular apples. To help this at my school, we worked with the University of Maryland and the Public Health Department to have lessons for our students to learn the different food and about nutrition. And other organizations, like the Mary Center, also helped our parents understand of the benefits of nutritious meals. That increased the number of families that were actually eating the foods at our school as well as seeking our weekend options of healthy food. This wasn’t really done through the school system but was a project of our counseling team because we knew without healthy food they were not going to be able to achieve. Tiffany Johnson answered: The district is doing more if you have a garden and you’re growing your food. There’s now a process of working with the kitchen staff to support the integration of the produce that has been grown in the school gardens. I know with our partnership with FreshFarm, our students make it, and sometimes they eat that for lunch because they’re so excited, like you said. If they have never been introduced to kale salads and now they’re making it in the FoodPrints room they’re like “Oh, no, I’m not gonna eat this lunch today, this is what I’m gonna eat! ” Not-as-fresh cafeteria food is still a thing because as a district you have vendors that you have paid. But now it is changing—is it changing at the pace that we will like it to, that’s another question. However, it is changing because more healthy options are getting into the hands of students through these partnerships. 4. Laura asked: Where do you recommend teachers should start when getting started on equity work. Jerri Taylor answered: You have to start in your school. You cannot start outside of your organization. So when you start with equity work, my experience has been that you have to start with the people that are working within. And make sure they are comparable for that conversation before we can start talking outside about it. So I always say the work starts on the inside while still doing work on the outside. Because if everybody is not ready to do equity work—I have seen the disasters as a counselor doing DEI work—it doesn’t really work well. At my organization, we started having the conversation at the board level. That meant changing up our board, making sure the board of the school was diverse, making sure that the people that were in leadership were diverse, and then starting to have those conversations with staff. Because if you’re not comfortable, it can be traumatic for the youth you serve. 5. Christine asked: Can you speak to the importance of ecotherapy and overcoming barriers that urban schools face in regards to access to green spaces? “Jerri Tayor answered: I’ve only worked in urban education and there’s important factors that come from ag therapy. One of the things that I notice is there are not a lot of green spaces. Within the school building, we made sure everybody put their feet on the ground for grounding techniques everyday. I also made sure that every student I worked with had a garden—a space within my office where they had plants, but also outside of the building. Just because it’s important for youth to see things grow. Especially in communities where they’re not seeing a lot of growth, whether it’s high murder rates or things of that nature. We’ve worked with a lot of students in North Carolina that have come from programs like Yes, I Can that worked on our farm. We saw a lot of differences in behaviors once we incorporated agro therapy. So I would definitely say, there are ways that you can do it. Even if there are not a lot of green spaces, go outside and let them grow their own plant. It doesn’t have to always be like this huge hiking adventure. Outdoors can look many ways as long as they get sun touching their skin. Those are things that can bring up your energy, that can build the momentum. Smelling lemongrass can change your whole energy. There are little things that you can do in your classroom that may not require outdoor space. So I think we have to think outside of the box, specifically in urban environments, about how you can present the outdoors even inside of the class. Tiffany Johnson answered: For us, for the winter months it was hard because it’s so cold outside. So what we did was we wrote a grant to get more plants and greenery inside of the school, so that it gives that nature vibe for our students and staff members. Recently, we just created a courtyard for our teachers, so that they have a place for them to go out, decompress, and reap the benefits of nature as well. For our students, now as it’s getting warmer outside, not only are they like doing the garden, they are going on miniature hikes because the front yard is hilly. We also have 2 teachers who like doing yoga outside with the students before they transition back into the school building. So we are definitely reaping the benefits of Eco-Therapy, as well, at Whittier Elementary.

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You can access the distribution details by navigating to My Print Books(POD) > Distribution The main purpose of this book is to throw light on the insurmountable blindness that was prevalent in the villages of India 50 years ago. This highest incidence of blindness in India was fought by private agencies and the Government of India and state governments through the National Program for Control of Blindness (NPCB). This book describes the various programs undertaken which controlled this blindness to a manageable level. A description on Cataract as a cause for preventable blindness has been described. The modern techniques of surgery with phaco-emulsification and Intra Ocular Implants have been illustrated. Cataract being mainly an age-related problem, everyone must read this book to have a basic knowledge of this disease and the latest treatment modalities.

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An Introduction To Complex Arithmetic Calculus And An Original Reformulation Of The Goldbach Conjecture. Prime numbers are well known ( for simple characterizations of primes via divisibility, see and and and and ), and the Goldbach conjecture (see or or or or or or or or or or ) states that every even integer e 4 is of the form e = p + q, where q and p are prime. In this paper, we give an original reformulation of the Goldbach conjecture via complex arithmetic calculus. This reformulation shows that the Goldbach conjecture can be attacked without using strong investigations that have been on this conjecture in the past < Share this article

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Finally, after four chapters separately introducing science and faith, we can begin to relate the two. What we usually hear in the 20th century is that there is conflict between science and faith, especially Christian faith. In this chapter we must first deal with these apparent conflicts. Then in the next chapter we can proceed to the positive side, discussing the constructive relationship between science and Christianity. Each category’s relationship with science We will discuss each of the six categories introduced in ch. 3 sec. I. This viewpoint rejects anything supernatural, and believes that science can explain everything by natural laws. For those who promote this position, science is their religion, so there cannot be any conflict between their science and their religion. They are reductionists, reducing all of human personality and society to the result of impersonal laws and processes (see the introduction of this term in ch. 2, IV). They object to the diagram at the end of ch. 2 showing the natural world as only a part of a larger reality. Materialists believe that the physical, material universe is all that exists. They believe there is nothing outside it that could be its cause, so it must be eternal, with no beginning or cause. They must believe that it “just happens to be” uniform and intelligible to our minds (the two basic assumptions of science), or at least believe that this is true of all that we have observed. They have no reason why it should be true, because such a reason would have to be something outside the material universe. Atheists and many others hold the opinion that science is a war against religion in general and Christian theism in particular, and that Christianity in turn is inherently at war with science. As will be discussed in sec. F below, this view is not supported either by logic or by history. Atheists often say that they choose to believe in an eternal and probably infinite universe, but Christians choose to believe in an eternal infinite God. They view this as simply a matter of philosophical preference, though of course they give many reasons why they consider their choice preferable. But in saying this they are at least honestly admitting that their opinions are a philosophical and religious choice, not a conclusion from facts or a necessary aspect of scientific thinking. In this they are inconsistent; in many other contexts they insist their position is a necessary conclusion from facts and is the only one consistent with modern science, not merely a personal choice. But, as atheists themselves would agree, truth is not determined by personal choice about what we like to believe or consider believable. There is an objective reality outside ourselves, about which our beliefs are either true or false (ch. 3, II, C). Christian belief is based on the Bible’s teachings, and we have many reasons why we believe the Bible is a true representation of reality, which is discussed in ch. 6, III. The origin of the universe, living things, and the Bible will be discussed in detail in ch. 6. An atheist has no way to explain many of these things, except to say they all must have just happened by lucky accident. Therefore, even if we view it as a choice, Christian teaching explains many more things than atheism, using simpler assumptions, so from a logical and scientific viewpoint it is a stronger theory. But of course the crucial question is not whether we like it nor how much it can explain, but whether it is true. In their good-natured moments, atheists accept religious faith (for others) in a shadow world of uplifting fiction andpsychological effects, but it is clearly not allowed to encroach upon anything within the realm of science. Wherever faith and science overlap, science must come first. This is represented in the first, simpler diagram. What they really believe is represented in the second, more complex diagram: that all consciousness, thought and feeling is a subdivision of the natural world; humans and all other living things are merely complex physical and chemical systems, no different in principle from a computer. And personal religious faith is then a subdivision of this realm of consciousness. The evaluation of atheism is continued in sec. V, A and B. Agnostics often assume the same thing as atheists, or at least insist that religion is totally separate from science. For an agnostic who says “I don’t know whether there is a God,” we can discuss the many reasons to believe in the God of the Bible, and the many scientific questions that are left unanswered if we choose atheism. But as introduced in ch. 3, sec. I, many agnostics also say “I know you don’t know either,” and the only thing we say in reply is to ask how he knows we don’t know. His answer is that it is impossible to know, and we then ask how he knows that! Basically, he is saying that he does not dare be as presumptuous as the atheist who claims to know enough to prove God does not exist. We of course commend this glimmer of humility. But in denying that it is possible to know anything about God, he is denying that there could be any action into the physical world from a realm beyond it. The agnostic’s diagram places the X not on all wider reality beyond the natural world, but only on miracles. This makes God’s existence inaccessible to us, and if there is a God He is therefore irrelevant and indistinguishable fromnonexistent. So an agnostic’s view is in practice equivalent to atheism. It may be true that, as many agnostics assert, we cannot by our limited human capacities locate or capture God. In fact, this is precisely what the Bible teaches, and therefore what Judaism and Christianity believe. But on what basis can agnostics assert that God, if He exists, might not wish, and be able, to locate and contact us? That possibility cannot be so summarily X-ed out of our diagram. C, D Pantheism and animism Pantheists and animists are unsure whether science can or should succeed, because they have no reason to expect uniformity or intelligibility in the physical world. Pantheists invert the diagram of atheists, asserting that consciousness is most fundamental and the physical world is a mere illusion or dream, an unimportant byproduct of our consciousness, as represented in this diagram. Animists leave the atheist’s diagram unchanged, but they believe reality is ruled by capricious spirits instead of inherent natural laws. Both groups can only be amazed that the two assumptions of uniformity and intelligibility of nature have succeeded as well as they have. In fact, they should expect these two assumptions to be false, so it seems that these faiths contradict science, and it is no coincidence that science did not begin to develop in cultures dominated by these viewpoints (see sec. II). The most favorable thing that can be said, giving them the benefit of the doubt, is that pantheism and animism have no connection with modern science. There are some purported analogies between these religions and science (see VI, C below), but no support for the two assumptions. There are of course many who believe these religions and also have learned to be top-rate scientists, but their science and their faith must be kept mostly separated with a wall dividing them, as represented in this diagram. Most liberal Christians would draw the same diagram. Some conservative Christians have also adopted this viewpoint, but this is inconsistent and unnecessary, as will be discussed in F below. This kind of faith is detached from real life. Is this the kind of faith we want? That question alone of course does not determine what is true, but it is significant, as discussed in sec. V, B. Hinduism teaches that time is endless and cyclic, with a very long period. This too seems to contradict science, especially the second law of thermodynamics. These two types of faith simply assume, but do not explain, the existence of living things, apart from some creation myths that are generally not taken as historical fact even by believers. Even such myths start from some population of gods or beings, and a material world, whose origin is unaccounted for. These faiths can accept the idea of a form of supernatural revelation and “religious experience,” but they cannot accept the Bible on its own terms nor explain the details of its content and origin (ch. 6, III). Perhaps the closest approach to a basis for science among such religions is found in Chinese Taoism. The “Tao” is a rule, or order, or truth, giving some support to the first assumption, that nature is orderly. So there is a germ of truth in attempts to relate this particular faith to science (again, see VI, C). But from ancient times Taoism in practice also incorporated much that is animistic. It developed a mystical approach to truth, considering it inexpressible, or inscrutable, and this failed to support the second assumption. This left no motivation for pursuing research of some very interesting discoveries that were made in China beginning several centuries before Christ: the compass, gunpowder, paper, printing, timekeeping machines, breeding of plants and animals, many medicines, etc. Thus a golden opportunity was missed; a potential scientific revolution was stillborn. In the many centuries since, there have been some amazing individuals in China who accomplished great things in what would now be called science and medicine, but with such a worldview in the society as a whole, their work was not encouraged nor developed by others. There was no consensus that it can and should be done. It is impossible (and tragic) to estimate how many people with the talents of a Newton must have lived and died in the great populations of China, India, and elsewhere, but due to the limitations of economy, society, and above all religious assumptions, their gifts could not be applied and developed for the benefit of humanity. Deists borrow from Christianity the concept that nature is created, therefore it can and should be studied. But since they do not believe God has acted since creation, they cannot explain the Bible or Christian believers’ experience. They are in practice equivalent to agnostics. The only remaining category of religious faith is theism, specifically monotheism. Theistic religions include Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (ch. 4 sec. 1). We often refer to the Judeo-Christian faith as a single entity in its concept of God and creation. Islam has a concept of God which is different in some important respects, but conservative Islam shares most of the Judeo-Christian outlook on God and creation, and therefore on the relationship between science and faith. Monotheism is in some way based on objective written teachings considered to be revelation from God, or scripture, so the above diagrams must be modified to reflect this difference. This is more specific than a nebulous “faith. ” The nature of the connection between scripture and faith is subject to debate, which is the essential difference between liberal and conservative theology. As with other types of faith, the content of scripture-based faith either does or does not have an overlap with the realm of nature, or physical reality. If there is no overlap, then it is isolated or separated, as represented in the diagram above for pantheism. If there is an overlap, the next question is the extent and content of that overlap. Once that is determined, there are two options in dealing with the overlap, priority or consistency. If they are consistent, then there is no need for priority, because there is no genuine conflict to resolve. Another common term for consistency is “concordist. ” If priority is assumed, the question is the order of priority: Which comes first? Liberal Christians almost unanimously assert that scripture and nature are separate, which agrees with the pantheist viewpoint, and in fact in practice is indistinguishable from the atheist viewpoint. Some atheists happily notice this, accept liberal theology as the final authority on the content of the Christian faith, and therefore pronounce that faith meaningless. Among conservative Christians, who believe the Bible is an authoritative revelation from the Maker of heaven and earth, there is a wide range of opinions on the precise relationship between our faith and science. We are unavoidably concerned about any possible conflicts that might call into question the authority of the Bible as God’s inerrant revelation. Although we do not accept the conclusions of liberal theology, some among us agree with it up to the point of adopting separation as a seemingly happy solution to all possible apparent conflicts, letting science and theology go their separate ways with conflict impossible by definition. This gives a feeling of safety. It also avoids the complicated business of working out some form of relationship between scripture and nature. Those who adopt this viewpoint criticize as misguided all those who advocate either a priority or a consistency. However, for conservative Christians this position is inconsistent, as briefly stated above in C and D, and discussed specifically in point 3 below. The Bible does not permit theology to go its separate way. The two circles have an undeniable area of overlap, and in that area they sometimes appear to conflict. Bible-believing Christians must resolve that conflict, through either priority or consistency. I believe that any attempt to assign a priority between nature and the Bible is misguided and impossible. But both possible orders of priority are widely propagated by people who profess belief in the Bible, and both must be considered briefly. If priority is given to nature, then discrepancies with scripture are expected to occur and must be accounted for in a way that retains some sort of validity for the Bible as a revelation from God. Advocates of this viewpoint assert that God for various practical reasons had to write the Bible with a misleading apparent meaning in some respects, but this cannot be called deception because He made the truth apparent to us in nature. They insist that the Bible was not intended to give accurate information in areas of overlap with nature. Thus this viewpoint leans close to, and in practice overlaps with, the liberal viewpoint of separation. On the other hand, if priority is given to scripture, then discrepancies with nature are expected to occur and must be accounted for in some way that retains the reality and rationality of nature as the work of a real and rational God. Advocates of this viewpoint assert that God for various practical reasons had to create nature with a false appearance in some respects, but this cannot be called deception because He informed us of the truth in the Bible. They insist that nature was not intended to give us accurate information in areas of overlap with the Bible. Thus this viewpoint leans close to, and in practice overlaps with, the liberal viewpoint of separation, though its advocates would be horrified at any such association. One specific example is nature’s apparent permanence and autonomous order, leading many nonbelievers to conclude that a Creator or Maintainer is unnecessary and even excluded. Another example is the universe’s appearance of an age of billions of years, which clashes with many people’s understanding of the Biblical creation account as teaching an age of a few thousand years; this is the subject of ch. 7. This viewpoint is widespread and influential among conservative Christians. It is the reverse of the polite atheist’s outlook: “Revelation (e. g. the Bible) is certain, but science is man-made, uncertain, often changing, and any scientific theory therefore will certainly be overthrown eventually. So revelation must take priority over science. ” This gives the appearance of loyalty to the scriptures, and of rushing to the defense of the faith against the onslaughts of unbelief which often wield science as their primary weapon. It sounds like what a lot of us want to hear. There is an obvious symmetry in the logical structure of both orders of priority. The advocates of each one present their case as obviously correct and convincing, and also convincingly point out fallacies in the other’s logic. Neither side seems to realize how readily all their statements can be transmuted into the other’s statements by the interchange of the words “nature” and “scripture. ” Despite the differences between scripture and nature, they have much in common, and any flaws in one logical position can be expected to be present also in the corresponding point of the other position. The two should stand or fall together. But since they cannot stand together, they can only fall together. At the very least, all attempts to defend one or the other as the way things “must” be would seem doomed to self-inflicted failure, and one side’s valid criticisms of the other would almost automatically correspond with valid criticisms of itself. It would take very careful analysis to evade such failure, and I have seen no-one in either of these groups who seemed aware of the problem, let alone successfully solved it. It must be admitted that abandonment of the logical defense of one of these positions does not require abandonment of belief in it as true. Such an abandonment would itself be an assertion of what God “had to” do. God in His transcendent wisdom has done plenty of things for reasons that for now are unexplained and inexplicable to us, and we cannot exclude separation or priority from possible inclusion in that category. In the absence of logical guidance on the subject, we can only seek evidence to indicate whether He has in fact acted in one of these ways. I have seen no such evidence, after listening to both sides’ claims to present such evidence. Both sides would lose their appeal if deprived of their claim to strong logical necessity. It seems that the advocates of both positions do subconsciously sense the weakness of both the logical and the factual basis they present, and therefore they keep switching from one basis to the other, hoping that the two approaches cumulatively are reinforcing and convincing. But in fact it is the weaknesses of both that are cumulative and convincing. I believe there is another alternative position with a better basis in both logic and evidence. I and many other Christians consider consistency between the Bible and nature to be more nearly correct, represented by a somewhat more complex diagram. The first question is where to place God in the diagram. Neither inside nor outside the circle of reality seems right; God is neither merely a part of reality nor unreal. So we must first clarify the label on reality, calling it “created reality. ” Then God is placed outside of created reality, as its source; all that exists outside of Himself was created by Him. (My thanks to Del Ratzsch for suggesting this point in personal correspondence. ) The information we can obtain from the Bible and from nature are mostly different, and each has its limitations. But they are not totally separated; the Bible makes many references to the everyday material world. They can be represented by two overlapping circles within the larger circle of created reality, with the Bible’s circle of information stretched beyond created reality to include what it tells us about God. This of course does not mean it tells us all about God. Conservative Christians believe that the Bible is a revelation from the one true God, therefore it is absolute truth, not subject to correction by anything else (The concept of “inerrant” is discussed later in this section, and in ch. 6, III, A as “inspiration. ”). But we believe that nature, the physical universe He created, is also an absolute thing, independent of our thoughts about it. Nature is as inerrant as Scripture. If the Bible is God’s Word, and nature is God’s work or world, then it is impossible that there could be any genuine conflict between these two. Or they could be referred to respectively as His handwriting and handiwork. It is the same God and the same hand. Therefore we have neither basis nor need for assigning any priority to one or the other where they overlap. It is unnecessary and mistaken to try to say one or the other is “first,” or has priority. The burden of proof is on any such assertion. All attempts to make this assertion have led to blunders. Liberal theologians say science and philosophy overrule the Bible, and they proceed to depart from all the basic Biblical teachings of God’s supernatural power and actions, Jesus Christ’s deity and role as Savior, etc. Church leaders in Galileo’s day, and present-day advocates of recent creation, say the Bible overrules science, and they stumble into countless embarrassing scientific errors; see ch. 7. The fact that a particular assumption has led to errors does not in itself prove that assumption false. All truth has been misused. Perhaps the deductions were mistaken. Not all who accept these assumptions of an order of priority have fallen into all the errors associated with them. But these assumptions seem to have no inherent self-correction built into them. Whether priority is assigned to scripture or nature, they are both slippery slopes with no rocks or trees to stop the slide at any point. Those who stop partway down do so only by clinging to a rope attached to the path of balance at the top, though they often do not realize or admit that that is what they are doing. Let us consider two aspects of priority: time and content. Regarding priority in time, we contact nature sooner than we contact the Bible, and the Bible assumes and refers to this prior contact as teaching us some things about God (see examples listed in sec. 1). For instance, in Psalm 19 the wonders of nature are described in the first half, then the teachings of God’s word in the second half. In many passages the Bible uses things in nature to teach us about God’s greatness, wisdom, and love: Psalm 8; 19; Job 38 to 41; Romans 1:18-20; and many more. Understanding nature helps us to understand God who created it. Job, Proverbs, and Jesus’ teaching contain many lessons drawn from weather, crops, flocks, trees, beasts, ants, etc. This all clearly means that God was very much involved in the origin of nature, and continues to act in various ways as the controller of present events. We are to observe and understand what we see. In John 10:38, Jesus said that if people could not believe His words yet, they should begin by believing because they saw His miracles. A major theme of the Bible is recording events which are interpreted as God’s action in the visible physical world, intended to teach us something about Him. This includes both His miraculous, or exceptional, actions, and His “natural” actions. There is no indication in the Bible that the appearances of nature will mislead us (the second logical possibility listed above), or produce contradictions with the Bible, so there is no Biblical indication that there is even a need to assign priority between nature and the Bible. So there is no basis for the suggestion, as some said in the 19th century, that in order to test our faith God created fossils and many other things that appear to prove that the Bible’s story of creation is wrong. The same is true of the present-day assumption of “apparent age” or “created age” of the universe in order to explain the many evidences that the universe is billions of years old. These facts are there to tell us something, and we need not fear that it will overthrow the Bible. That is the subject of ch. 7. Regarding priority of content, the Bible is verbal, and therefore more direct and personal than nature, and able to tell us things nature cannot: heaven, hell, God’s love and plan, forgiveness, the Trinity, inerrancy, etc. This certainly rules out any assertion that nature takes priority over verbal revelation, or can be considered equivalent to it. The Bible claims to be our sole guide for faith and life, true in everything it asserts. As the leaders of the Reformation put it in Latin, “sola scriptura. ” But they said this primarily in response to conflict between the Bible and the Roman Catholic Church’s centuries of accumulated man-made tradition and philosophy. The reformers were not responding to any apparent conflicts between the Bible and the natural world that God made. It never occurred to them that there were or could be any such conflicts. The Bible and nature are just objects, which become meaningful to us only as we study them. Meaning is the product of research and interpretation. Verbal and material subject matter must of course be approached with different methods, but both methods can be regarded as research. And here is the source of problems. Theology is our interpretation of the Bible. Science is our interpretation of nature. Both may be mistaken. Neither the Bible nor nature is entitled to priority in correcting our understanding of the other where they overlap. Theology does not determine science, nor does science determine theology. Rather, both are determined by the truth, and are two means in our search for truth, which must be self-consistent. Neither one can be, nor need be, overruled by the other. Both are seeking the truth, from different directions, and together they guide us toward the truth. This means that theology must not be ruled by the current consensus of the scientific community, but it also meansthat science must not be ruled by the current consensus of the theological community. There must be a symmetry and balance in the relationship of the two. When something in the area of overlap is approached from both directions, usually consistency results. But there may be, and in fact has been, conflict between theology and science, which is often misunderstood to mean there is a conflict between the Bible and the facts of nature. But it actually means that we have misinterpreted the Bible or nature or both. Our theology or our science is mistaken, or perhaps both. Conflicts between science and theology must be handled on a case-by-case basis, not by a rule of “science first” or “the Bible first,” which in fact means a particular theological viewpoint first. Inconsistency means our work is not yet done. Christians often discuss the topic of “the Bible and science,” meaning resolving the apparent conflicts between them, but as can be seen in the diagram this is a mistaken phrase. The Bible and science are on different levels, and do not touch, let alone conflict. I myself sometimes lecture on this topic, and then proceed to explain what is wrong with it! Francis Bacon and others referred to “two books,” meaning the Bible and nature. Some people refer to nature as “the sixty-seventh book of the Bible.” This expresses a legitimate point, which applies only in the area of overlap. Within this limitation, “two books” is no threat to “sola scriptura. ” But referring to nature as a book is vulnerable to misunderstanding, as if it can be placed on a par with the Bible in areas where only verbal revelation is adequate. This may be one factor that led to overzealous attempts up to the 19th century to develop a “natural theology” in which all truth about God is obtained from nature alone with no reference at all to the Bible, and thus science and philosophy virtually displace theology. This overestimates the area of overlap. But the failure of such attempts is no excuse for going to the opposite extreme of neglecting the importance of consistency between our theology and our science, which amounts to underestimating the overlap or denying that there is any, or applying an arbitrary priority within it as represented by the earlier diagrams. Unfortunately the conflicts between theology and science have generated a large amount of heat and smoke which has injured many people, and their faith in the Bible has never recuperated. Many people have the mistaken impression that wherever there is overlap there is conflict. The main reason is that this is not merely a detached matter of reconciling two systems of thought. Thought is done by thinkers, viewpoints are viewed by people, theology is produced by theologians, and science by scientists. So the conflict is not between theology and science but between theologians and scientists, who each have a deep sentimental attachment and investment in the products of their respective labors. Both science and theology have a spectrum of certainty. While science is technically incapable of absolute certainty, some things are now beyond reasonable doubt (ch. 2, III). Things that were once unconventional speculations are long since in the category of simple fact and common knowledge. They are no longer even theories. If the planets, including the solid earth beneath our feet, are not really circling the sun, and many diseases are not really caused by microbes, then our sense perceptions are meaningless. Despite the limitations of language (sec. 4), theology can regard as certainties the doctrines of God’s divine attributes, the deity of Jesus Christ, salvation by faith alone through Jesus Christ, and many more. If these are not true, then Biblical language is meaningless. The conflicts between science and theology are in areas of lower certainty. Each one’s area of highest certainty is mostly beyond the realm of the other, while their overlap is mostly in areas of lower certainty. The trouble is that it is difficult to admit that a long-accepted point has a low certainty. There is a very human tendency to develop a mind-set, which a layman would call a rut. Theologians who devoted much labor to developing a particular theological position tend to assume that when conflict occurs it must of course be science that is wrong, though even the most conservative theologian when pressed will not claim that his conclusions are as infallible as the inspired Scriptures on which they claim to be based. Similarly, scientists who spend long years on research and analysis leading them to a particular conclusion tend to assume that conflict must indicate an error in theology, though of course no scientist will claim that the final unquestionable interpretation of nature has flowed from his pen (well, computer keyboard). To make such a claim would be to invite unemployment. Thus the conflicts are polarized and exaggerated. A calmer bystander viewpoint is more objective and constructive. I attempt to take such a viewpoint, though I stand well within both camps, with my official credentials mostly on the scientific side. Another phenomenon is that only conflict is news, so attention is attracted to problem areas, giving the impression that those areas dominate the overlap. We will never read an article or hear a news broadcast beginning with the information that today theologians and scientists agreed on 100 things. But we will hear about one thing they disagree about. Many previous “conflicts” have been solved when an interpretation was found to be wrong. Sometimes theology has been wrong. For instance, Christians were misinterpreting the Bible when they thought it says the earth is immovable at the center of the universe. I believe the present-day young-universe recent-creation interpretation of the Bible is also wrong (see ch. 7). Sometimes science has been wrong. Many anti-Biblical interpretations of history have been proven wrong when further historical information was discovered. I believe the evolutionary interpretation of biology is wrong (see ch. 6, II). Both recent creation and evolution are deeply-entrenched mindsets that inspire great attachment and loyalty but in fact have a low degree of certainty based on their respective data sources. But neither camp is ready to agree to those assessments. The Bible and nature can provide input to each other’s interpretation, even to the extent of correcting errors that have become widespread. The Bible clearly teaches that there is no natural origin of the universe, living things, design, or human consciousness. It tells us miracles can and do occasionally occur. The scientific community should have heeded these teachings long before it belatedly discovered so much natural evidence for a beginning of the universe (ch. 6, I), and the scientific community still is resisting the overwhelming evidence regarding the origin and design of life (ch. 6, II). The universe clearly shows that the earth moves about the sun, and we now clearly see that the theologians who denied this misinterpreted the Bible and resisted the evidence for too long. The Bible was not wrong, but their interpretation was. Many facts about the universe also clearly indicate that it has been around much longer than a few thousand years, and this should be allowed to direct us to a different interpretation of the Bible no matter how popular or widespread the recent-creation viewpoint may be. This requires hard work to pinpoint where that viewpoint goes astray and what contrary textual information it overlooks (see ch. 7). An objection, in defense of the supremacy of the BibleVery conservative Christians who have listened to this presentation nod approvingly up to the point where theologymust accept input from science, and then they suddenly raise startled objections to this conclusion. They insist that theology must be immune to influence from science, but must be guided by study of the Scriptural text alone. They insist that science must be interpreted through the glasses of Biblical revelation, and not vice versa. But they have not yet been able to show me a flaw in the reasoning that led to my conclusion. It seems obvious and irresistible, and it seems that any different conclusion must therefore be false. To support their contention against this conclusion, they invoke a doctrine called “perspicuity,” which is a big word for clear, direct meaning. They insist this means that the text must be interpreted by itself with no input from scientific considerations, and that to accept such input is compromise, accommodation, and abandonment of the principles of inspiration and perspicuity. The concept of perspicuity has become so deeply entrenched in their minds that it is maintained even in the face of such a conflict with the logic represented by the above diagram of the relationship between theology and science. Another logical flaw is in defining “clear, direct” meaning. We are all influenced by our background in countless ways, of which we are mostly unaware. Once a particular way of understanding a concept has become widespread, it becomes a habituated mindset that is rarely brought up for careful review. A perspicuous word for this phenomenon is “rut. ” We must preserve some sort of check and balance on our interpretation or there is no hope of getting unstuck from our ruts. There is an extenuating circumstance that helps understand these Christians’ attachment to their position on perspicuity. Objections to the principle of equal authority of the Bible and nature are in fact objections to the abuse of that principle, and I agree with those objections, but I believe this should lead us to reject the abuse but not the principle. As already stated, it does not mean uncritically accepting the current consensus of the scientific community even if that contradicts our theology. I myself reject that consensus on naturalistic evolution, and fortunately find strong scientific reasons for that rejection as well. But those who insist on the priority of scripture over science must respect the integrity of fellow believers like myself who feel that what we know about nature is irreconcilable with a particular theological viewpoint purportedly derived from the Bible. Others must not impugn our motives, accusing us of insufficient faith in God’s Word, attempting to win the approval of the non-believing scientific community, or protecting our careers. We cannot in good conscience ignore either nature or the Bible, and must seek a resolution consistent with both. We believe there must be one, and cannot rest until we find it. We take very seriously the limitations of verbal communication (discussed below), and believe in the perspicuity of both God’s Word and works. This means that science and theology are different parts of our worldview, spectacles through which we view all reality, including the Bible and nature. If the views seem different through different spectacles, then there must be something wrong with at least one of the spectacles. Over-conservative theologians insist on viewing science through their theological half of the spectacles, but object to viewing their theology through the scientific other half. This leaves their vision fuzzy. In this imprecise world, absolute certainty is never attained, only approached, both in theology and in science. No matter how certain a particular theological or scientific point may seem, there must be some threshold beyond which a sufficient degree of evidence from nature or theology respectively can require a reconsideration of the other. When that reconsideration is done, it may be discovered that the threshold was placed far too high. If both thresholds are high and lead to conflict, then at least one of the thresholds must be too high. I repeat: God’s Word and God’s work cannot conflict. This points out another difference between science and theology. There is far more input of new information in science than in theology. The Bible text seems for now to be completed, with no additions made for 2000 years, nor expected (see ch. 6, III, A). New information regarding its meaning comes from ongoing research in history, archaeology, and ancient languages, but this still does not begin to compare with the rate of expansion of scientific knowledge. Therefore the threshold concept will almost always be applied when increasing scientific evidence reaches a point which requires reconsideration of a theological viewpoint, rather than vice versa, although in principle both are possible. To raise the classic case of Galileo once again, the theologians felt there was overwhelming Biblical evidence that the earth does not move, and no amount of natural evidence could indicate otherwise. It was considered to be tied to other essential doctrines, and if this was not what the Bible taught, then language is meaningless. To be fair to them, we must note that there was not a strong scientific case yet, and some of Galileo’s arguments were later found false. Review this history in ch. 1; observational proofs that the earth rotates and moves were not found until 100 to 200 years later. So it often happens that some people are wrong for the right reasons, and some are right for the wrong reasons. It is advisable for all of us to remain humble and open to correction. The limitations of verbal revelationWhile the Bible is not overruled by nature, it does have some inherent limitations. All verbal communication, even divine revelation, is limited by the language, culture, and people through which it comes. Christians believe God created language and culture in general, and prepared a few particular ones as His means of communicating His revelation to us in the Bible. The Bible is limited by these languages and cultures, though it certainly stretches those limits, introducing new concepts never before heard or thought of. And it contains truths that even the authors themselves probably did not fully understand, but were clarified in succeeding centuries of theological debate. God was of course aware of these limitations. There are many things that this vehicle could not possibly contain, and accepting such limitations on the vehicle does not at all imply any limitation in God’s knowledge. When the Bible was being written, God knew about energy, Maxwell’s equations, relativity, the structure of DNA, global ecology, nuclear reactions, the age and size of the universe, and the detailed mechanism of its formation. He could have carved the equations of physics in their late-20th-century form on Moses’ stone tablets, and preserved the tablets from then until now. But the Bible gives no reason why He would wish to do so, and that would make it incomprehensible to everyone before the 20th century, and after as well. There is nothing eternally final about our particular generation’s mathematical notation and terminology for these concepts. Communication is a fearful and wonderful phenomenon. We do not have a clear concept of what concepts are as they reside in one person’s mind. That concept is then transferred to another mind, expressed through a totally arbitrary language system of sounds, motions, or symbols, and the resulting concept of the comprehender hopefully has a degree of resemblance to that of the expresser. The world contains literally thousands of such language systems. Our concepts and languages are woefully inadequate to express what is going on in the expression of concepts. Verbal communication almost always has a range of possible interpretations. Within that range, we must select an interpretation based on various criteria. In fact, it is very possible that the range is larger than we at first realize; sometimes an interpretation exists that we had not thought of. We encounter this problem every day, in our little routine misunderstandings. The problem rarely is that we selected the wrong one of several possible apparent interpretations, but that the correct one did not even occur to us. Or, to give a less routine example, have you ever thought of the other two possible interpretations of “time flies like an arrow” (see below)? Scientific considerations must not be allowed to lead us outside the range of possible interpretations of the Biblical text, but they can be consulted for guidance within that range, and they may even point out a possibility that had previously been overlooked. If God has given us minds and access to this information, what justification is there to reject it? Such a prohibition seems baseless, foolish and dangerous. In taking the principle of sola scriptura to the extent of claiming to interpret the text with no other considerations, it seems this cure is worse than the disease. It is similar to taking an antibiotic that kills a particular harmful bacteria, but kills all the beneficial ones in our system too. That may be necessary sometimes for our bodies, but I do not think it is necessary in the case of Bible interpretation. In insisting on interpretation of the text alone, the advocates of this policy are trying to keep the sheep always in the fold and the wolf out, by welding the gate shut. But the fold alone cannot possibly contain all the sheep’s needs, and the wolves are not all outside the fold. Healthy sheep need to get out to exercise and find pasture (and other body functions), and the wolf will find other ways in if the shepherd does not maintain constant vigilance. There is no simple solution, and the “text only” weld must be removed. We must keep watching the gate and the flock, whether in the fold or out. The Pharisees tried to have answers to prevent every possible problem, such as their intricate Sabbath regulations, and Jesus soundly rebuked them for inventing man-made rules that violated God’s intended principles instead of protecting them (Mt. 12:1-14). Speaking of input from sources outside the Bible text, it is interesting to note that the most conservative Bible scholars very happily accept guidance from the study of history, geography, archaeology, and ancient languages. There is not always a clear line between these fields and science. These studies may indicate what the text meant to its contemporary listeners, which is ordinarily what we assume to be the correct interpretation, and is certainly the starting point in the study of the text. This sometimes is very different from the interpretation that seems natural after the text is transmitted through a translation and large time and culture gap. It is also common to view current world events and conditions to guide our interpretation of prophecy about the end of the world. So even the staunchest defenders of Biblical authority and perspicuity in fact credit considerable authority to at least some information outside the text itself, and outside the opinions of generations of Bible scholars. The Bible invokes input from common sense and experience even in matters of spiritual truth, for instance in the scathing ridicule of idol worship and Jesus’ denunciations of the Pharisees’ rules and interpretations (ch. 3, VI, A). Jesus Himself emphasized the necessity for logic in theology. The final authority is the mind of God Himself. Even the contemporary listeners, even the inspired writer himself or herself, may not have completely understood, and may have somewhat misunderstood, the message (see the following section). Following generations are even further removed from the message. Science may many centuries later discover things that tell us more about what God was thinking than those present at the time ever dreamed of. Some Christians try to define the limits of the Bible’s revelation by limiting the scope of the knowledge that God intended to reveal to us. But I have seen no satisfactory basis for that limitation; it seems to be based only on their own opinions projected onto God. Who can presume to speak authoritatively on God’s intentions, beyond what He Himself has told us? So the only limits I am convinced of are the limits of the medium of communication itself. Let’s discuss those limits. There are experts in languages, who have highly developed their skills in analyzing many languages. I am not an expert in either theology or languages, and deeply respect those who are, so I will not attempt to beat them at their own game. But I will make some comments about the rules of the game. Am I qualified to make such comments? I criticize linguists who make mistaken comments about my field of physics, so am I presumptuous to make comments about language? Most linguists have had little contact with physics, but I have had much contact with language, beginning very soon after I was born. I have made a career of teaching and communicating in Taiwan, using Mandarin Chinese, which is as far removed from my mother tongue as you can get. So I do have a very practical, albeit it non-professional and non-technical, basis on which to comment on language and culture. Language and culture are limited and imprecise. Language is not a code; there is an irreducible subjective element left after all the tools of linguistics have been applied. No living language is as simple and certain as theologians often assume Old Testament Hebrew was, and the same is true of New Testament Greek. I would like to ask these experts, who are so confident of their interpretation of these ancient texts, how often they experience misunderstandings with their wife/husband (and many others) using their own current native tongue, and how often what he/she meant had never even occurred to them, let alone been on a mental list and ruled out. Of course casual conversation and scholarly analysis are not the same thing, but I still think the question is relevant. Analyzing a languageHow would an archaeologist studying ancient English documents 10,000 years from now interpret our language, given a sample comparable in size and content to the Old Testament? It is often a surprising experience trying to explain English to someone just learning it, who asks you “What does this sentence mean? ” And the most humbling question of all, “Why? How do you know? ” Often all you can say is “It just does. ” I just know. ” It is your native tongue. The meaning of a sentence is more than the sum of the meaning of the words. Examples are endless. Here are some I have noticed and collected. Never mind (why do those two words together mean what they do? ! ) full-fledged idioms, which assume background in history and culture for their meaning. Let’s consider expressions that are considered proper grammatical English. We say “I could care less,” but mean “I could not care less. ” We say “Everyone doesn't do it,” when we mean “Not everyone does it. ” Of course purists can object that these examples are not proper grammar. Let’s continue. What does “quite a few” mean? Why is there such a difference between “It must be lost” and “It must be found”? There are at least three ways to analyze the sentence “Time flies like an arrow. ” Is “time” a noun, an imperative verb, or an adjective describing a type of flies? How do we know that “Once upon a time, long, long ago” means it never happened at all? We say “I have something I need to get. ” If we have it, why do we need to get it? Would a scholar in the distant future be able to deduce the correct meaning of the question “What's the matter? ”? Would he understand the difference between “He got away,” and “He got away with it”? Would he comprehend the sentence “I can hardly come shortly”? Picture our future linguist trying to compare the phrases “just a minute,” “just right,” “just dessert,” “just a desert,” and “just deserts. ” Given the meaning of “dis-” and “cover,” would he understand “discover”? Or “dis-“ and “ease”? How come “how come” means what it means? And so on endlessly; language is inherently a habituated arbitrary association of meaning with sounds, not always closely tied to strict logical structure. We can only wonder how much we do not know about the meaning of words and phrases in Bible times. Look at the commentaries for many examples of words, especially in Psalms and other poetic passages, which do not occur frequently enough in the Old Testament to be understood with any certainty by present-day scholars, or even past scholars whose writings are available to us. I have come across at least two interesting examples of common misunderstandings of the Old Testament. A familiar verse is Nehemiah 8:10, “The joy of the Lord is your strength. ” We even sing it. We understand it to mean that the Lord gives us joy, and that gives us strength. But the word translated “strength” could also mean “fortifications,” and the joy could be going to the Lord not us, so that the verse may mean that the Lord receives joy from the city wall the people had just finished rebuilding. The Lord does give us joy and strength, but that may not be what this verse means. Another familiar verse is Proverbs 3:5, 6, which in the King James Version is “Trust in the Lord,… and He will direct thy path. ” Generations of Christians have taken this as a promise of guidance from the Lord. I have heard that a Bible scholar, who was a member of the New International Version translation committee, had from childhood understood it that way, until in the course of doing the new translation he discovered that in the Hebrew it means the Lord will make your way smooth and straight. It says nothing at all about guiding you. Of course, many other verses do say so, so there is no doctrinal issue at stake here, only the meaning of this particular verse. This is probably a slip in translation into English, not an ambiguity in the original. If we attempt to make language more precise than it is capable of being, it is like trying to make a high-precision machine part out of rubber, or measure the diameter of a cloud to the nearest millimeter. This does not mean rubber or clouds do not exist, only that we must deal with their characteristics sensibly. Thus we might imagine an over-conservative theologian and a liberal theologian looking at the same cloud. The first tries to measure the cloud within a millimeter, the second doubts the cloud really exists, and neither one notices that it is raining. TranslationFurthermore, there is the complexity of translation, which is the only means of access most of us have to the Bible text. This brings two languages into the process of transferring the concepts from the authors’ minds to ours. Translation between modern languages still cannot be done reliably by computers. Add to this the complexity of cross-cultural understanding. In the case of the Bible, add to this the complexity of understanding across the ages between then and now. The Old Testament itself spans a 1000-year period. During those centuries great changes in society and language occurred, so Old Testament Hebrew was not a single, unchanging language. Determining the precise definition of a given word is aiming at a moving target. Look at the “generation gap” we experience within a decade, with new phrases and uses of words. Consider the differences between American and British English that have arisen in a couple of centuries. We must use caution in making comparisons of word usage in passages written at widely different times, and cannot assume the usage was constant. That is precisely the assumption made in “word list” studies on which are based the interpretation of a particular word in a particular verse. Such studies are very informative, but not mathematically precise. In this book we will be especially concerned (in ch. 7) about the interpretation of the early chapters of Genesis, the beginning chapters of the Bible (but not necessarily the oldest), written by Moses during a time of uniquely rapid change in the cultural environment of the Jewish people. The transition from slavery in Egypt to occupation of Canaan was a tremendous cultural change, and is certain to have been reflected in major changes in habits of speech and thought. Moses wrote at least several centuries before very much more of the Old Testament was written. Therefore even early pre-Christian Jewish scholars are centuries and worlds removed from Moses, and not necessarily infallible guides to the meaning of every word as Moses understood it fresh from his Egyptian education. Old Testament Hebrew is a dead language, and therefore unable to defend itself against misinterpretation by 20th-century theologians. There are very few samples available to us outside the Old Testament. Most theologians are only proficient in using reference books to decipher Old Testament Hebrew. This is a valuable skill, but it still is true that even most seminary Hebrew teachers cannot possibly be fluent enough in Old Testament Hebrew to ask Moses for a drink of water. New Testament Greek is a far different case. Unlike the Old Testament, it represents a single generation, a virtual instant in history, and it is documented by a vast literature of extant material contemporary with the New Testament. But many key New Testament words are given new aspects of meaning when adopted from their pagan cultural origins into the Biblical world-view: God, sin, salvation, redemption, etc. For these meanings we are dependent on the rest of the New Testament, and usages were not even standardized between different authors, e. g. the apparent disagreement between Paul and James about “justification” and whether it has anything to do with our actions. This has led to endless theological debates over these uncertainties. There is much more possibility for error in our understanding of Old Testament writers' thoughts, especially in details and in poetry. Scholars have made amazing strides in the study of dead ancient languages of the Middle East and elsewhere, including China. This produces an interesting situation. There are scholars of classical Chinese literature (written more than 2000 years ago) who cannot speak or understand a word of either ancient or modern spoken Chinese. I do not for a moment discredit their achievements. But I do harbor a deep suspicion that there still is far more guesswork and error in their work than they care to admit. If Confucius and Mencius (the best-known ancient Chinese philosophers) could read these modern scholarly tomes, I have a hunch that at many places they would laugh themselves into exhaustion. But they and the scholars are safe from this fate. And so are the scholars of ancient Hebrew. I would like to know how often scholars who study a modern language which is not their mother tongue are found to misunderstand things that are plain to native speakers. This is the reality check on the accuracy of linguistic expertise. Divine inspirationAll the discussion to this point is applicable to any document or text. In studying any other document besides the Bible, the basic question is what the author meant. We will not get into the current debate over “deconstruction,” in which the original author’s meaning is disregarded and words are considered to mean whatever the observer feels theydo. That battle is being waged in the halls of secular academia, and we wish them well. A widely-quoted book on the conservative side is by E. D. Hirsch, Jr., Validity in Interpretation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967). Some conservative theologians have applied these principles to the interpretation of the Bible, claiming that the final authority in Bible interpretation is the author’s intended meaning. They have placed great emphasis on Hirsch’s principles. Their goal is a worthy one, of preventing drift away from faith in the Bible as God’s authoritative revelation, or the principle of sola scriptura. But in adopting this approach, they seem to be defending too much, and losing something in the process, namely the divine aspect. Hirsch never says anything about divine inspiration or the Holy Spirit. To limit the meaning of the Bible to the author’s intended meaning is to introduce an anti-supernatural bias in practice, however much these same conservative theologians may reject such a bias in principle, and deny that they have such a bias in this case. We must carefully guard against any approach that introduces an unrestrained subjective element that could lead to almost any interpretation the reader may prefer. This has led to the chaos of liberal theology and higher criticism, and the abuses of Roman Catholic theology. We must reject all imaginative inventions of “scholarship” or “inspiration” which have no basis in the content of the text nor the facts of history. But avoidance of that error is no excuse for committing an opposite error, and it is counter-productive, making the first error look more reasonable. In most cases there is no reason to doubt that the author’s intended meaning is the inspired God-given meaning. But this may not always be the last word. What is most important is not what the human author was thinking, but what God was thinking. The Bible is undeniably a document which must be analyzed by the same basic principles as other documents. However, we who believe that the Bible is the inspired Word of God must take still another factor into account. Even if we could be certain what the Bible authors were thinking, our belief that they were divinely inspired introduces another whole dimension to the possibilities of interpretation, which does not arise in the interpretation of other ancient or modern writings. Theologians use the term “verbal, plenary inspiration. ” “Verbal” means the words, not just the ideas, were guided by God. This rejects the theory that God gave the writers some spiritual insights but left it up to their limited human abilities to write it down as clearly and correctly as they could, which inevitably would result in some slipups. “Plenary” means all of it, not just part. So the Bible does not just “contain” the words of God, it is all the Word of God. Once we assume that some parts might be wrong, and have no standard for determining which parts, we cannot really trust any part. “Inspiration” literally means “in-breathed,” in this case meaning God was speaking through the authors. This does not tell us specifically how God did it. In fact He must have used various methods in different cases. It does not mean they were only typewriters putting down words God spoke; the different authors’ background andpersonalities are plainly evident. But it does mean that God acted in a unique way in the process of the writing of the Bible, so that the outcome was a document expressing precisely what God wanted expressed. This is called the doctrine of inerrancy. This is impossible to define precisely, because the meaning of language is imprecise (ch. 5, I, F). The doctrine of inerrancy is a teaching of the Bible itself, which we believe because we believe the Bible is God’s Word, and we have other reasons for believing that. We need not, and must not, fall into a logical circle on this point. God could conceivably have chosen to communicate His truth to us through a book in which He allowed some errors; we cannot decide how He must do His work of revealing His message. We can only observe that He Himself in that message told us that it contains no errors. The Biblical passages involved in this doctrine are too extensive to even begin to list here. We cannot prove exactly what the Bible means in every detail, let alone prove that what the Bible means has no errors. We can only look at purported errors, and find that there are no proven errors at this moment. See the discussion of historical accuracy and internal unity in sec. III, D and E. What all this means for our present topic is that there may be more meaning in some Biblical passages than even the writer himself or herself dreamed. David had no inkling of what we know about how “the heavens declare the glory of God,” Ps. 19:1; 8:3. Also, the prophets studied their own prophecies, I Pet. 1:10-12. On the other hand, it could be argued that here Peter is only saying the prophets wondered about further details, such as time and circumstance, which were not explicitly stated in their writings, so this does not prove they did not understand what was stated. But there are other examples. Some prophecies are not even obviously prophetic, and the writer was probably unaware of their implications as later generations saw them: Jer. 19:1-11; Hos. 11:1; Zech. 11:2 (see ch. 6, III, G). These verses are quoted and interpreted in the New Testament, so we must consider that interpretation to be an inspired, inerrant one. And finally there are the prophecies which are still unfulfilled, relating to the end of the world, scattered through the Old Testament and concentrated in the book of Revelation at the end of the New Testament. Who can make any claims as to the degree to which the writers understood these? How much could they possibly have understood? Even if God gave them a direct vision of future people and events, what comprehension could they possibly have of visions of automobiles, airplanes, rockets, atomic bombs, laptop computers, and rock concerts? Whatever they comprehended, how could they express it in their vocabulary? The early Church spent several centuries hammering out its concepts of the nature of Jesus Christ and salvation, sorting out the facts of Jesus’ simultaneous human and divine nature, and of God’s sovereignty and human free will as they both relate to our salvation. Many acrimonious arguments, books, and church councils struggled through these issues. Their primary authority in these debates was the Apostle Paul’s writings. But can we believe that Paul anticipated all that would be questioned in the next few centuries, and had a clear concept of all the answers that would need to be included in his epistles? Not to mention the other New Testament writers, whose writings are also important, but who were nowhere near the scholar Paul was. We can only believe that God oversaw the process of writing so that all that is needed for following generations was included, far beyond the writers’ own comprehension of those needs and their answers. Another category of problem passages is statements that are not precisely true, yet their meaning is correct. e. g., in Gen. 22:17, it is God Himself speaking, so this is not even a question of the author’s ability to comprehend. God told Abraham that his descendants would be more numerous than the stars. Four thousand years later, his descendants are far more numerous than the number of stars visible to the naked eye (a few thousand), but nowhere near the actual number of stars known to modern astronomy (at least 1022). But neither of these facts obscures the meaning God was expressing to Abraham. The Ten Commandments, with their reference to the days of creation, are yet another special case, being the direct words of God, not of Moses. While this gives them a unique status of authority, it also allows even greater distance between what God meant and what Moses understood. Could the author himself actually misunderstand? The doctrine of inspiration means that we must even cautiously allow the possibility that what the scripture writer thought was wrong in a few instances. It is remarkable that the Bible is so free of mistaken concepts that were common at the time. The Bible claims that inspiration produced inerrant teaching. Inerrancy is a complex subject that has been dealt with in endless theological discussion, and was briefly introduced above. But while upholding this belief, we still must acknowledge that some wrong ideas may be caught peeking around the edges of that teaching. For instance, Paul early in his ministry seems to have expected the return of Jesus within his lifetime, though that is not directly taught (I Thess. 4:17, “we who are still alive. ”). And Jonah glaringly misunderstood God’s intention for Nineveh, though in the end he confessed to having had a hunch. This is a complex and sensitive subject, which skeptics and liberals have often abused, but the possible abuse of these facts is no excuse for the opposite error of denying them in a misguided attempt to defend the authority of the Bible and protect others from misunderstanding it. Just because some people have taken an inch and gone a mile, that does not justify trying to take back the legitimate inch. That only makes those people look good, and brings further disgrace on the very position we are trying to defend. Some truth may be dangerous, but it is more dangerous to try to conceal it than to deal with it. If we try to conceal part of the truth, and this is discovered and causes offense, we bear responsibility for that. It is sadly humorous to try to conceal truth in order to defend the truth. It may be dangerous to raise such questions as we are raising here, because it will cause confusion for some who are easily confused. The truth will always be abused by some, and they bear responsibility for doing so. As Peter commented, Paul’s epistles contain things easily misunderstood (II Peter 3:15, 16), but Peter did not say Paul should not have written them. Justification by grace through faith alone is a dangerous and often misconstrued teaching, but we must teach it. God does. My purpose in pointing out the limitations of language is of course not to undermine our hope of understanding God’s Word to us. As has been mentioned in ch. 3, and in regard to some of the questions discussed in ch. 4, lack of complete understanding is not complete lack of understanding. Some things are stated so extensively and repeatedly throughout the Bible that there is no reasonable doubt about their meaning. The threshold for reconsideration of these points is so high that it is inconceivable that science could produce sufficient and relevant information to reach that threshold. In fact it seems that any reconsideration would amount to questioning the authority of Scripture itself, because there seems so little room for other possible interpretations. But we must be willing to discriminate these things from others that are detailed points mentioned only peripherally in a few places, and therefore their threshold is far lower, and the authority of Scripture itself is not necessarily at stake. This allows us to discriminate theologians’ fallible opinions from inerrant revelation, which may be the key to a particular apparent conflict between theologians and scientists. The current flash-point is the age of the universe, or the date of creation. This section is written as background for that discussion in ch. 7. The opinion of church leadersThere is one other authority which is often invoked in questions of Biblical interpretation, and currently in the date-of-creation debate. That authority is the consensus, or at least majority, of the great leaders of the church down through the centuries. This is a very significant authority. Most conservative Christians accept the early creeds, produced by the great church councils, as accurately representing the teaching of the Bible. We hardly dare disagree with these heroes of the faith who contended for the truth with such devotion. But they still are not infallible, especially on details which were not the crux of the historic theological debates. Examination shows a number of areas in which we do disagree with them. None of them objected to monarchical government, nor advocated democracy. They had nothing to say on socialism versus capitalism. As already mentioned elsewhere, some of them had a repressive outlook on the role of sex and marriage. The early church within a century of the end of Roman persecution began committing persecution itself, and a thousand years later the great reformers became enmeshed in forceful suppression of those with divergent theological views. The beliefs of Christian leaders and most followers through the ages are a very important reference point, but not infallible. A similar authority often cited, particularly with reference to the Old Testament, is the ancient Jewish community of scholars, both before and after the time of Christ. This too is a valuable reference, and this too is fallible. The most obvious example of their errors is Jesus’ scathing denunciations of the teachings and traditions of the religious leaders of His day. To conclude this discussion, I present two more diagrams, which are mostly self-explanatory. The first is a more detailed version of the previous diagram, representing more of the factors involved in our understanding of reality. The important addition is our experience, observation, and self-consciousness, which are parts of created reality. At least from a Christian perspective this does not totally overlap with the realm of nature, as discussed in V, A, 2 below. Our observations and self-perception are influenced by our understanding of the world, science, and theology, so there are arrows going both up and down. Progress in research is a circular process. I have put considerable thought and struggle into these arrows and overlaps, and some is still debatable. How would you modify it? In this diagram, conflicts can occur in many places, in all areas of overlap between theology, natural science, social science, and world-view. The second diagram represents the sources of our understanding of various basic doctrines. They come initially from the Bible, of course, but other sources also give varying degrees of understanding. II The Bible provides a basis for the two basic assumptions of science (See ch. 8 of Del Ratzsch’s book, and many others. ) The Bible says God created all of the physical universe: Genesis 1:1, “In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth. ” So the universe is real, not just an illusion. The God of the Bible is orderly, so what He creates should be uniform, which is the first assumption of science. Therefore for one who believes the Bible, this is not an assumption, but a deduction from something still more basic. The Bible says God created human beings “in His image,” Genesis 1:26, 27. This does not mean a physical likeness, because everything physical was created by God. He Himself is not physical. Therefore the “image” must refer to our personal nature, our mind, emotions, and will, our capacity for consciousness and relationship with other conscious beings including God Himself. God’s goal is for us to be His children, with Him as our Heavenly Father. This is only possible if we think very much like He does. Therefore we should be able to look at things He has created, and after time and study to begin to see what He was thinking while He was creating them. Some of it is what we call it the laws of nature. In a similar way, we can look at most objects that humans have produced, and discern basically what purpose and method of operation was in the mind of their designer: a chair, table, light bulb, watch, airplane, etc. This analogy cannot be pressed too precisely, and this oversimplification mixes together principle and purpose, but the point is sufficiently clear for our purpose now. It means we expect that things God created should be intelligible to us, which is the second assumption of science. And thus for a Bible-believing person, this assumption too is transformed into a deduction from something else. Finally, the Bible gives a reason, in fact a duty, to study science. In Genesis 1:28, God told the two people He created to fill the earth, subdue it, and rule over living things. In many other places, the Bible tells us to help those who are sick and suffering. All of this requires us to understand nature. Thus it is not mere presumption on our part to pursue study and modification of our environment. This is of course not a license for exploitation and destruction. The world is still the Lord’s, and we are simply entrusted with its management for a while. We are not doing very well. The Bible has no conflict with the assumptions or practice of science. On the contrary, it positively provides a basis for them, and as sec. I summarizes, it is the only religion or philosophy that does this. This is the opposite of the assumption, popular throughout the 20th century, that of all religions and “holy books” the Bible has the most serious conflict with science. This is not only an illogical assumption, it is contrary to the facts of history. Its widespread acceptance is partly attributable to blunders by early 20th century Christians, but that is a long story that we cannot go into here. It is no coincidence that modern science developed first in Europe, particularly northern Europe, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Human history is always a complex interplay of many factors, but one factor is certainly a dominant one in the rise of modern science: This was the first society in the world that was deeply influenced by Biblical teachings, though this does not mean that all of the people were Christians. Their Biblical concepts gave them a basis for the assumptions of science, and the motive and freedom to study it. Those people were not more intelligent than people in other times and places, but given suitable assumptions and support, they founded modern science. Most of the outstanding scientists in the West before the 20th century were Christians, and it did not usually hinder them in their research. In fact, many of them felt it was their primary motivation: Kepler, Pascal, Newton, Faraday, Henry, Joule, Mendel, Pasteur, Kelvin, Maxwell, etc. The modern world seems happy enough to enjoy the benefits of the scientific revolution that grew from Biblical roots, but they are throwing away those roots in their rejection of all standards of conduct and truth. Our environment and society are suffering the consequences, and it is doubtful that scientific progress can continue indefinitely with the foundation removed from under it. III Facing the experts In the following section we will begin facing many arguments against religious faith, for evolution, etc. These arguments all sound very impressive and scholarly when you first hear them. The people who say these things are famous and intelligent scientists, experts who have spent their lives doing research on these subjects. Some have been awarded Nobel prizes for their achievements. How can we who are not experts dare doubt their conclusions? But even different experts disagree. The “science-religion conflict,” as explained above, is really a conflict between theologians and scientists ? both experts! How are we to decide which of them is right? They are experts in the areas in which they have done research. Within that area, the only time we can question their correctness is when there seem to be contradictions. Then we can politely ask for clarification. Probably we will find that we misunderstood something. But experts can be wrong, and sometimes do contradict themselves, so we have a right to ask such questions. Also, experts are human and thus subject to vanity and tunnel vision that causes them unconsciously or even deliberately to distort or omit some of the facts. Thus while maintaining respect we must still be alert, and sometimes cautiously doubt the experts’ presentation of the facts. This is represented by a light arrow in the diagram. On the other hand, their conclusions are based not only on their research, but on assumptions and logical reasoning. These are outside the experts’ field of expertise; here we (anyone who is educated enough to be reading this book) can stand on level ground with them. We can and must carefully notice these assumptions, and ask questions about them. Often they are unstated, assumed to be intuitively obvious and unquestionable, reflecting the expert’s personal worldview. But we can choose different assumptions, and give our reasons for doing so. This is represented by a heavy arrow. We must also pay close attention to the logic, and ask questions when it seems the logic is mistaken. This is represented by the other heavy arrow. Anyone who has had the privilege of a higher education, whatever the field, should have a well-developed sense of discernment between sense and nonsense. If not, his or her education has failed; this is not the specialty of a few experts, though some do specialize in the technicalities of logic. In fact, many whose education was quite limited have developed a keener sense of discernment than most who possess formal degrees. Thus this also includes anyone who is reading this book. When the experts have finished saying everything they know about the subject at hand, we can ask, “Is that all? ” If they say yes, then we believe them that they know no more, and probably no more is known at present, unless we have other reasons to think they are missing some things, whether by mistake or deliberately. We can say, “I am not convinced yet that your research proves your conclusions. ” If there are flaws in the facts, assumptions, or logic, then the conclusion becomes doubtful. Thus we have a right to think it over and say to the expert, “I do not accept all your assumptions and logic, and maybe even some of your facts, and therefore I disagree with your conclusion. ” If we fail to notice such flaws, then we have no one to blame but ourselves when we are led into error. IV General Scientific Challenges to Religious Belief (Ratzsch, ch. 7) The people who present these arguments are professing, or at least practicing, atheists, and are actually a small minority of the population. But they are highly intelligent, visible, vocal, and influential. Most people do not completely accept this attack on religious faith, but they do not know how to respond to it, and remain disturbed and confused by it. Although their faith is not destroyed, it is weakened. This is sad and unnecessary. These general challenges need only brief comment. We have already dealt with the principles involved in most of them. A Not scientificWhat does “scientific” mean? It is difficult to define; see ch. 2. Even if belief is unscientific, does that make it unbelievable? Is there “nothing but” scientific truth? There is no scientific proof that there is nothing but scientific truth, so if this is true it is an unscientific truth, and therefore violates its own requirement; it is self-contradictory. (Review the conclusion of ch. 2, and see V, A, B below. ) B Not provableWhat does “provable” mean? Many things we believe are not provable: the 2 (or more) assumptions of science, trustworthiness of friends, etc. Is there “nothing but” what is provable? There is no way to prove that that is true. In fact it has been proven by mathematics that there must be more truth than can be proven by mathematics (Kurt Godel’s theorems, etc. ) Any proof must have some unproven assumptions as a starting point. C Unsupported by evidenceWhat is evidence? Our assumed theories influence our interpretation of evidence. For instance, sunshine is evidence for nuclear fusion in the Sun, but no one recognized or interpreted it that way until recently. Is the existence of the universe, life, and complexity evidence for creation and design? What evidence is there that the universe could exist without creation, or life without design? If the Bible tells us something, is that evidence? If not, why not? Those who challenge religious faith in this way must state what they would accept as evidence for religious belief. If there is nothing they would accept, then they are simply closed-minded. How can we be sure evidence is correct? We need evidence to confirm evidence. And to confirm that evidence,. . . As with proof, evidence must begin somewhere, and we look for consistency in the results. This beginning point is our belief, or faith. We can therefore suggest that religious faith might be exactly such a beginning point, unless there is evidence that all religious belief is wrong. Is there such evidence? D Superfluous, obsolete:This is “nothing but science” again. “Science has given natural explanations that replaced religious explanations of many things, like lightning, motion of the sky, and sickness. As our knowledge continues to increase, it will someday explain everything, and replace all religious explanation. ” This itself is a theory, based on past observation. We cannot be sure tomorrow’s new facts will confirm it, any more than we can be sure research will confirm any other current theory. In the past, such confidence has often been proven wrong, for instance when physicists at the turn of the 20th century were confident classical physics could explain everything. Actually, this theory does not fit all past observation. Already there are some things that seem to be beyond the realm of science: the origin of the universe and life, ethics, etc. (sec. V, and ch. 6) V Some specific topics of purported major conflict between science and religious faith These scientific fields are not inherently anti-religious. The problem is that many people have chosen to believe the philosophies of naturalism, materialism, scientism, relativism, humanism, and pluralism, and these people misuse these scientific fields to support their philosophical attack on religion. It is not merely Christians who object to this; many non-Christian scholars have rejected most of these arguments and pointed out their many errors, even though they still agree with these conclusions. I must have found the following outline somewhere, but I have no idea where. A Naturalism and materialism misuse natural science against:First we must review the definition of “miracle” (end of ch. 2): a physical event without a physical, natural cause, in fact an apparent violation of what we know about natural causes. And we must also include events that are considered providence. 1 theism: “Natural science has replaced God.” This is “nothing but science” again. See above. 2 miracles: “Scientific laws forbid miracles. We know miracles are impossible. Only unscientific, superstitious people believe in miracles. Science must assume there is a natural explanation for everything. ” Miracle stories in the Bible are mostly in a few short, crucial periods, separated by centuries with almost no recorded miracles. So the Bible does not lead us to expect miracles all the time. But neither does it give us any basis to say that they are impossible or forbidden at any time. Absence of recorded miracles is not equal to recorded absence of miracles. Christians should be skeptical about any miracle story. Most miracle stories are false, whether deliberately so or not. And most true miracles seem not to be miracles from the God of the Bible, judging by their context and after-effects. When we discussed other religions in ch. 3, VI, A, we pointed out that the Bible says God is not the only supernatural power. A miracle from God is planned, purposeful, helping people to know and love Him. I John 5:12,13. It is not intended to be frightening or entertaining. It is not an emergency solution for an unexpected problem; the God of the Bible does not have unexpected problems. Believing in miracles does not require ignorance or superstition; it requires knowledge and belief in science. Miracles are exceptions to the rule; we cannot recognize an exception if we do not know the rule. So miracles and science are not incompatible; in fact they go together. Only by implicitly accepting theism can the concept of miracles be used as an objection to theism. Atheism and agnosticism have no basis for assuming that nature is uniform. Can pantheism and animism even have a clear concept of “miracles”? This means that accepting the possibility of miracles does not undermine all scientific research or give a lazy excuse for avoiding it. As stated in sec. II earlier, God is orderly and His universe is orderly. Believing in miracles does not mean that anything is “off limits” for investigation. It also does not mean that we frequently invoke the label “miracle” for everything we do not understand. That would be the “God of the gaps” error, which is discussed in the introduction to ch. 6. Scientific research tells us nature is usually orderly, and always gives an orderly response to causes we use in experiments. We cannot perform miracles on demand. But that does not prove that miracles never occur, or that there is no-one besides us who can cause them. The Bible does not say people can cause miracles, only that there is a true God who can, as well as some spirits He created. The basic question is not whether miracles are possible, but whether God exists. If God exists, then miracles are possible. But His power is not some impersonal force which we can learn to manipulate at will. God is not a cosmic electric outlet or vending machine to be manipulated as we wish. Review the diagrams in I, F, 3 above representing the theistic outlook on the relationship between science and faith. The natural world is contained within the realm of created reality. In ch. 2, the definition of natural science, and of physical nature, included the assumption of consistency, or the existence of “laws of nature. ” And in II above the consistency was explained as derived from God’s own consistency. Therefore every event in the natural world can be regarded as an act of God, and the only difference between what we regard as laws and what we regard as miracles is that the “laws” describe those acts of God that are repeated in a consistent manner. “Natural laws” are simply repeated miracles to which we have become accustomed and familiar. But this then raises another question. Some people complain that it is unreasonable to say God would make the laws of nature and then sometimes break those laws Himself. It seems to represent a lack of planning and foresight. This is a good question, but it is based on a mistaken conception of God’s purpose. If God’s plan is only to produce an orderly universe, then miracles are unreasonable. Under such a plan, God would act once in the beginning, and endow the created order with sufficient capabilities to carry out His purposes thereafter. But who are we to assert that that is the only type of plan which God might adopt? We accomplish most of our goals in a series of (hopefully) planned steps, and do not necessarily consider that as lack of planning or foresight; why not God? Furthermore, there is the interpersonal element of our relationship with God. If His plan is to have people who choose to love Him, trust Him, and share His glory (Ephesians 1:12; 3:10, etc. ), then that plan requires both order and miracles. We need an orderly environment in order to live. But sometimes a miracle helps us to know, love, and trust God, just as good human parents use unexpected gifts and events going far beyond their children’s merely physical needs. Excluding this possibility amounts to criticizing the way God has chosen to work, and giving Him advice, which is a highly presumptuous position to take. We cannot know that miracles are impossible. The most that could conceivably be said is that we know that no miracles have ever occurred, and even that would only prove that it has not happened yet, not that it is impossible. But we do not know about everything that has ever happened everywhere in the universe. So we can know that miracles have never occurred only if we know they are impossible. But some philosophers have argued that we know miracles are impossible because they have never occurred. This is a logical circle. This was precisely the argument used by the anti-Christian British philosopher David Hume 200 years ago. Yet amazingly, despite its glaring fallacy, it has been very influential. When someone says nothing exists outside the physical universe, he is claiming either that the universe is infinite so that it has no outside, or that he has looked outside the universe to see what is there, and found nothing. To make either claim, he is claiming that he is infinite; otherwise, how could he know? The God of the Bible claims to be infinite, so there is nothing outside Him, and He is qualified to make statements about what does not exist. There are reasons to believe God’s claims (ch. 6, III), but no reasons to believe that the universe or any person is infinite. This question also relates to the issue of whether our thought process itself is meaningful. We will pursue it further in the following section. As at the end of ch. 2, and ch. 3, IV, D, and ch. 5, I, A, we remain unconvinced that science must assume there is a natural explanation for everything, denying the existence or relevance of a larger realm. But this person claims he chose to believe this! And in his attempts to convince others to choose to agree with him, he is trying to use logic to prove that logic does not exist. Once again, this is thinking that thinking is meaningless, which is logically a self-defeating argument. But let’s consider it also from a more practical standpoint. 3 free will: “Free will is only an illusion. All choices are really only natural cause and effect. ” This is atheistic reductionism in action (sec. I, A). Is this an acceptable viewpoint? Are we really willing to believe that we ourselves and everyone around us is fundamentally no more than a complex system of physics and chemistry, in principle no different from a computer-controlled chemical processing plant? This question has been debated for the last several centuries (though only in recent decades can it be stated in terms of computers), and a few paragraphs here won’t be the last word. But every individual has an opinion on the subject; it is impossible to be a person and not have a self-concept. So let me raise some matters that I think should be taken into consideration in choosing your self-concept. I will not fall into the trap of attempting the self-contradictory task of giving scientific proof of the unscientific assertion that there is something beyond science involved in personhood. As already discussed, I do not accept the premise that only science constitutes an adequate explanation of phenomena. I can only point out, not prove, our innate comprehension of our personhood. If a person has no such comprehension, I have nothing to say. Trying to convince a person that he/she is a person is like trying to convince a fish that it is wet. Having disavowed any attempt to give proof of this point, I still wish to raise a number of fairly objective matters that are relevant. Let me suggest some things that computers will never achieve no matter how highly developed they become, despite the claims of artificial-intelligence enthusiasts. “Never” predictions have a notorious and hilarious history of failure, but I will venture to make some in this case. Computers will never enjoy a milk shake, nor prefer strawberry to chocolate. They will never laugh, cry, tell a joke, or even smile. They will never be excited, depressed, interested, awed, bored, lonely, or contented. No computer will ever think about who designed and built it and why, or whether it was designed and built and purposeful at all, let alone whether the universe is designed and purposeful. No computer will ever ask or try to answer philosophical questions. Computers do not have a panic button, but they do have a delete button that perfectly erases a particular item from their memory. They will never wonder whether they are more than just a machine, or write books debating that question. They will never write or read a book of any kind, never produce or watch a movie. They will never pray or worship. They will never love, hate, be surprised, scared, impressed, ambitious, greedy, frustrated, or disappointed, make plans or wishes, all the scary science-fiction stories notwithstanding. Computers will never establish a school to teach young computers how to design and program human beings. They will never hold a funeral for a departed computer, or human. They will never fall in love, marry, divorce, have children, raise them or abuse them, or soothe a frightened baby. Computers will never develop a language, or system of writing, or change it, or invent slang or profanity, or make accurate translations or dictionaries. No computer will ever be able to read a doctor’s signature. They will never write nor enjoy a science-fiction story about computers, or any other kind of story. No computer will ever write a (good, whatever that means) melody, opera, letter, diary, textbook, book review, or psychological test, nor answer one. They will never be curious, study something, or design and do an experiment, or propose and solve a problem. They will never design or build a building, bridge, or even a barbecue, though they are highly useful tools for people who design things. Computers will never set up a government, organize a political party or a union or a street gang, run for office, manage an election, vote, negotiate, sign a contract, or break one. They will never start a war, let alone win or lose one. They will never make laws or break them, though computer operators do. They will never create a unit of currency, devalue it, or counterfeit it, buy, sell, set up a bank, make a profit, or earn a living (they have no living to earn). They will never invent devices or write computer programs for their convenience, nor use them. Computers will never organize a state fair nor attend one, nor enjoy or fear any of the rides. They will never organize professional or amateur athletic activities, nor practice, compete, or watch. Computers will never enter the entertainment industry; no self-respecting computer would be caught dead doing the foolish things many entertainers do. Computers will never create a work of art, nor appreciate one, nor appreciate the beauty in the natural world. They will not design new fashions, nor discard perfectly good clothes because fashions have changed. No computer will ever look at an overstuffed closet and say “I haven’t got a thing to wear. ” They will never judge (let alone enter) a beauty pageant, a writing contest, a baking contest, or a county fair hog show. They will never award nor receive prizes of any kind. They will never invent musical instruments or games, nor play them, though people may write computer programs to perform a game for them. The famous IBM chess-playing computer does not know it is playing chess, and does not know or care whether it won or lost. Like all other computers, it knows nothing. Computers will never compose music, or practice and perform it, or gather in audiences to watch the performance or clap. There will never be Pentium’s Fifth Symphony, and even if there is the (human) audience will be very small and unimpressed. There is “computer art” and “computer music,” but it is produced by programs written by human beings, and its quality is debatable at best. Computers will never need a holiday, or take one. Old computers never die, or have a mid-life crisis, they just crash or become obsolete. The famous chess-playing computer deserves further comment. IBM makes a huge investment in this project, for publicity purposes. It performs several hundred million operations per second. It is executing a program carefully devised by, you guessed it, expert humans, who construct criteria for choosing which of all the possible future combinations of play are worth considering. If it were totally blindly considering all possible plays, it could not finish in a reasonable amount of time. The human opponent is at most considering two plays per second in choosing his (thus far no women have entered this competition) next move, and furthermore is planning farther ahead than the computer is yet capable of. And still it is a close competition, and it is considered amazing when the computer finally wins a game against the master. Obviously the human and the computer are performing totally different forms of “thinking. ” Any comparisons between them are ignoring the vast chasm that still separates them. There will always be (until we stand before our Maker at the Last Judgment! ) a hard core of people who insist that all the above human behaviors and more (that long paragraph could go on forever; what would you add to it? ) can still be regarded as the product of complex physics and chemistry in the human body and brain. Although it is so obvious that computers are not human, there are experts who try to convince us that humans are computers. But do the rest of us believe that? Does the expert himself really believe his girlfriend or wife is no more than a complex machine? (I omit “herself,” because I give women credit for being sufficiently in touch with themselves not be this sort of expert. ) We cannot argue with people who say so, but can only pity them, because they must suppress so much within them that contradicts what they profess to believe. What frustrations and disappointments must have driven them to such a sad condition? Is it we or they who are benighted, out of touch with reality, and self-deluded? It is inconsistent to claim to believe naturalism, yet express the very human feelings of awe, enjoyment, and curiosity about nature, and emphasize the importance of values and dignity in human life and society. Yet this is exactly what is calmly and confidently stated in countless articles and TV science documentaries. There is a large and impressive research community developing “artificial intelligence. ” They are accomplishing amazing things, with ever-larger databases, and complex computer networks. But artificial intelligence will always be exactly that, artificial. There are even claims that such work will soon produce consciousness in computers, but this must be based on an extremely rudimentary, reductionist definition of consciousness. This point is argued by other scientists who profess no religious belief, not just by we who have a religious viewpoint at stake. Even the most ardent proponents of artificial intelligence have no intention of ever writing an obituary or holding a funeral for a computer, nor expectation that any computer will ever do so. An interesting and controversial detour would be to discuss how many of the above activities animals can perform, but we are not discussing the distinction between humans and animals. This discussion has engaged in enough controversies without that one! All the above is the subjective side of this question. Perhaps the most objective problem with this viewpoint is that it undermines itself. If we say that there are absolutely no events outside the cause-effect chain of natural laws, then where did our thinking come from, including this thought? The only materialistic explanation is vibration of molecules in our brain cells, but that makes all thought meaningless. There have been various attempts to defend the meaningfulness of thought on the basis of the order of nature, or the evolutionary adaptive value of a thought pattern that is consistent with physical reality. But such attempts are unconvincing, and it is impossible to even make the attempt without implicitly assuming the opposite. The only way thinking, including thinking about reality, can be meaningful is if personality exists in a broader reality beyond the realm of natural cause and effect, but this is exactly what a materialist does not believe. He can only regard his own thoughts as either miracles or meaningless, and he does not believe in miracles…. When we remove God from the universe, it becomes only a meaningless machine, and we become part of the machine. Then the only way to feel that we and our lives are meaningful is to become our own “God.” This is the basic assumption of existentialism. Most materialists do not understand this loss of value, and cannot accept it. A few, like Bertrand Russell, understood it and admitted that it is frightening but must be faced bravely. But even Russell, in his monumental book The Wisdom of the West, pointed out many fallacies of past philosophers including fallacies in their criticisms of theistic religion, but he never got around to facing the problem that even these very thoughts themselves become meaningless if they are right. We simply do not understand the nature of consciousness and thought, or the relationship between the person and the brain. Probably this is one of the deep parts of our nature that are beyond our complete understanding. We cannot expect to get outside of ourselves sufficiently to enable us to look back and attain a complete understanding of ourselves. Atheists’ viewpoint on personhood and values is self-contradictory and fails to meet the needs we feel. This is good reason to doubt that it is true, though not a proof. If we claim that this actually proves it is false, some will object that this approach is unfair and closed-minded, because it excludes the possibility that atheists may after all be right. It is a fair question to ask what would be accepted as sufficient evidence that we are in fact mere complex machines in a meaningless mechanical universe. My answer is that it would be possible to believe that nothing exists beyond the material universe if there were no conscious beings in the universe wondering about this question. To ask this question is to answer it. Even if we do not admit we are persons, we still are. The very act of denying personhood is a demonstration of personhood. B Some people misuse social sciences and humanities against:The attacks on religion discussed in the first section say “Natural science is supreme,” “nothing but. ” In this section we discuss people who say that there is “nothing but social sciences and humanities,” that religion is nothing but feelings and concepts, and therefore we can completely explain it in terms of psychology, sociology, and anthropology. Many such “nothing but” comments were discussed in the previous section. It is mostly self-contradictory. It is reductionism on a different level. (parts of this section are based on Dyrness’ book, ch. 8)1 revelation:“Many religions have sacred books, which are considered revelations from or about the supernatural, spiritual world. Their contents can be completely explained by the historical development and physical environment of that society and culture, and the personality and experiences of the writers. For example, Durkheim’s The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, 1915. There is no real revelation from a supernatural God, or perhaps all religions are different truths from the same supernatural world. We should not say one group’s religion is right and others are wrong. We must accept and respect others and their beliefs. There is no absolute truth. ”2 conversion, religious experience:“Individual feelings and behavior, including those connected with religious belief, can be completely explained by psychology. For example, Freud’s Moses and Monotheism, the Future of an Illusion, 1939. Religious concepts are a projection of our childhood father image, mere wish fulfillment to try to overcome our fears, failures, frustrations, trials, and emptiness. We have created God in our own image. ”3 free will:“Personal choice and decision is only an illusion. All thought and behavior is predetermined by heredity and environment. For example, B. F. Skinner’s Beyond Freedom and Dignity, 1971. We should control society in order to control and improve people. ” In ch. 3, II, C we discussed the statement that there is no absolute truth. Here we face the statement that there are no moral absolutes. As before we must immediately reply, are there absolutely no moral absolutes? If there are no standards, then we have no basis for saying that Hitler, Stalin, or people who commit physical or sexual abuse, are wrong. How many people believe this? How many really want to believe this? The few who do are described in manuals on psychopathology, and are considered a menace to society from whom the rest of us must protect ourselves by forcibly restraining them. At a dinner I was once talking to a woman who advocated reason and education as the solution to all the world’s ills. I commented that Hitler was reasonable (given his assumptions) and educated. She suddenly had to go to the bathroom, and while she was away her friend told me she was a Jew. These attacks on religion are partly true, which is why they are so influential. We are influenced and controlled by psychological and sociological factors much more than we usually realize. But are we totally controlled? Are we only machines? If so, then what controlled Durkheim, Freud, and Skinner? Were they not a product of their background, society, and intellectual community? Or do they claim to be some exalted form of being looking down on the human race from a different realm? If society should be controlled to improve it, who should control it? Who says who should control it? What does “improve” mean? Who decides what it means? Who decides who decides? . . . . It is true that our society greatly influences how we think and believe. But what we think and believe also influences society. The Bible says God especially chose and prepared the Jewish people, despite all their faults and failures, to be the ones through whom He gave His revelation to the whole world. If we say that society determines what we think, including what the authors of the Bible thought, then how can we explain why the Bible teaches so many things that no society easily accepts, and describes God as so different from us? It is true that the faith of many people, including many Christians, is largely wish-fulfillment and cultural background, dreaming. But that does not prove that all faith is nothing more than this. It is true that our concept of God and our relationship with our earthly father have deep psychological interconnections, which could be called projection. But which way does the projection go, and what does this have to do with whether one or the other is real? Which came first, our earthly father or heavenly One? Eph. 3:15 refers to “the Father, from whom his whole family in heaven and on earth derives its name. ” Some commentaries suggest this means that the very concept of fatherhood is drawn from God and defined by Him. If the Bible’s creation account is true, then the system of parenthood and child-raising was established by God, and one purpose is for its instructional value to us. The Bible constantly uses family relationships as illustrations of our relationship with God. Our experience as children with our parents teaches us much about dependence and trust that transfers to our relationship with God. When we grow up and have our own children, many Christian parents, myself included, find that our experience of having and raising children also gives us new insight into God’s relationship with us. Unfortunately, no parent is perfect, and some are terribly flawed. This has a negative impact on our concept of God. It becomes a hindrance, though not an insurmountable one. The faults of our parents can help us understand God’s perfection in contrast. If atheists claim that believers’ concept of God’s existence and nature is totally produced by their parents’ power and character, then we could alsoclaim that atheists’ concept of God’s non-existence and impossibility is totally produced by their parents’ failures and faults. This would be a fascinating psychology research topic. Objectivity does not necessarily lead to disbelief, and belief is not a sure symptom of blind submission to tradition. To give the truth a chance to become apparent, we must doubt our doubts (repeating a comment at the beginning of ch. 4). Unbelief is only one item on a par with all others in the marketplace of beliefs. There is a strange double standard applied to the “scholarly” study of religion. In every other field I can think of, a teacher and researcher is required to believe the prevailing paradigms of that field. That certainly is true in my field, physics. Yet in “religious studies” or even so-called “Christian studies” it often seems mandatory to take a stance of disbelief in order to be considered competent and objective in teaching or research. Anyone who is a believer is automatically disqualified. The only way to justify this practice is to admit that the prevailing paradigm of the religious studies community is disbelief. But can such people really claim to understand the faith of believers? Answering that question, I would say yes and no. In some ways they cannot understand what they have not experienced. On the other hand, my reference to a prevailing paradigm highlights the fact that everyone is a believer in something, complete with a healthy proportion of bias, prejudice, and subjectivity. Unbelief may also be wish-fulfillment, hoping for freedom from any superior power which/who might interfere with our own wishes and plans, and who might someday reward or punish us. Wish-fulfillment may in fact be the basis of faith for many Christians, but not necessarily for all, and it is not only Christians who can dream! Many people have chosen a lifestyle in which they must hope that there is no God who will one day judge them by a standard of justice and morality, and they profess to believe in the non-existence of such a God. Who is dreaming? Whether a particular belief fulfills our wishes, and whether it is true, are two separate questions. If a belief meets all our needs, that is at least a strong clue that it is from the Creator Who knows our needs. If a belief does not meet our needs, that proves either that it is not from our Creator, or if it is then He does not care about our needs. The God of the Bible meets all our needs (but not all our wishes): love, forgiveness, security, purpose, comfort, instruction. See ch. 6, II, N, and IV. Of course believers’ experiences can be described in terms of psychological principles and effects; how could it be otherwise? People are psychological. Only machines have no psychological effects. But a psychological description is not necessarily an explanation. Psychologists observe a pattern of behavior and give the pattern a name, but this does not mean they understand the cause of behavior; they have only hung a label on it. Human personality is complex beyond our comprehension. If people reject religion because believers experience psychological effects, do they mean that religion should have no psychological effects? That is impossible, and if there were such a religion it would not meet our personal needs, which would refute any claims that it is a supernatural revelation from our personal Creator who should understand our needs. My freshman physics course has very little psychological effect (though the effort required to understand it, and the grades earned, seem to have considerable influence on some students’ psychological state), but that hardly means we wish to make physics a model for the structure of a religion. Many people believe we are the product of an impersonal, meaningless natural universe. How could that produce people who feel a need for personal meaning? Where did these needs come from, if not from a personal God Who created us to need Him? Even if psychology and sociology could explain all of subjective religious feelings, this still would not explain many objective phenomena including the origin of the universe and living things, and the Bible’s historical accuracy, miracle stories, Jesus Christ, etc. See ch. 6, I, II, III. Thus far this is a critique of the logic of this attack on religious faith, in defense of that faith. But let also us go on the offensive, and critique the critiquers. What alternative do they offer? Where will we go if we follow them? We in the modern world have already followed them far down their road; where have we gone? There are already hints of this in the above discussion of the implications of the rejection of all standards. This is discussed further at the end of ch. 6, III, N, on the Bible’s good influence on society. C Astronomy and biology vs. creationAstronomy relates to the age of the universe, which is the subject of ch. 7. D History vs. the BibleMany people claim that the Bible is full of historical errors. This is discussed in ch. 6, III, E. VI Blind alleys In my opinion these topics are not worth discussing, or even bold print, but people often ask about them, and many people are uncertain what to think of them, so I discuss them briefly. A Ancient astronauts, UFOs, and ETsIn the book Chariots of the Gods, Eric von Daniken (1984. New York: Berkley Pub. Co.) says the concept of God came from the impression made by astronauts who visited the earth in ancient times. Von Daniken’s evidence is very unconvincing. For example, he explains ovals in ancient carvings as flying saucers. This is not the only possible meaning of ovals. This is all based on the assumption that religion is nothing more than the concept of God. This does not explain many things that are described in ch. 6. No one has yet proven that extraterrestrials, or ETs, exist. Many people say, “But don’t many people say they have seen them? ” Hugh Ross says in a tape that all people he has heard who have seen ETs have also had experience of contact with spirits, so it seems that what they have seen is not real ETs but is evil spirits. ETs and their “flying saucers” display many unphysical capabilities, and have never left a single verified material object behind. Do ETs exist? I do not know, but I do know that if they exist they were created by God, and did not evolve; see the discussion of evolution in ch. 6, II. The Bible does not say God created people elsewhere, nor does it say that He did not. But if He did, could they also have sinned? If they did, did Jesus need to go die for them too? The Bible says Jesus died only once (Romans 6:10; Hebrews 7:27; 9:26, 28; 10:10; I Peter 3:18). Could Jesus go to people in another world and tell them He died for them here? It is of course possible, but that seems unfair to them, testing their faith much more than ours, since He died in a real time and place here in our world. So it is not impossible that there are ETs elsewhere, but there seems to be no reason to think so, and many reasons to doubt it. B Quantum mechanics and free willSome people say that the uncertainty principle can be used to explain how we can have free will which is not predetermined by natural laws. The physical meaning of the uncertainty principle is still uncertain and the subject of ongoing discussion, so it is not possible to be certain that it can be applied to human thought processes. But merely asking this question implies the assumption that all aspects of human thought and behavior are purely a product of material brain cells and their interactions, therefore we must find a scientific explanation for it. If we do not make this assumption, then there is no problem to solve. Even if we could apply the uncertainty principle in this way, it would still mean that our thought is meaningless, random, and impersonal; it is not certain that it would allow for meaningful free will. Personality, thought, and free will are not simply a scientific phenomenon. See V, A, 2. C Quantum mechanics and Eastern religionsThe two best-known books presenting of this viewpoint are The Tao of Physics, by Fritjof Capra, 1984. New York: Bantam, and The Dancing Wuli Masters, Gary Zukav, 1984. New York: Bantam. “Wuli” is Mandarin Chinese for physics. These two authors feel there are many similarities between modern physics and Taoism and other Eastern religions. I have not read these books. But I know that they are not accepted by the physics community in general as a correct interpretation of modern physics. As already mentioned in connection with the uncertainty principle, there is no consensus on a correct interpretation. I do not know how correct these two authors’ interpretation of Eastern religions is; Eastern religions vary widely, and so do interpretations of them. These authors have picked one particular interpretation each for modern physics and Eastern religions. So their assumptions, facts, and logic all are arguable at best, therefore their conclusions are far from certain. Even if it were possible to prove some parallels that indicate Eastern religions have some supernatural aspects, this does not prove they are true or are from the one true God. Refer to the discussion of other religions in ch. 3, VI. D Einstein’s relativity and ethical relativismSome people extend science’s theory of relativity to say that everything is relative, so there is no absolute moral truth or religious truth. Moral relativism was discussed earlier in this chapter. Einstein himself opposed this application of his theory. He originally called his theory “invariant theory,” emphasizing that it shows how the laws of physics are invariant, not dependent on the observer. His objective was to rewrite the laws of physics in such a way that they are the same in all reference frames. This sounds like it is more absolute than relative. It is interesting that very few people think that the overwhelming pattern of orderliness of the physical world might suggest there are laws in the spiritual world. But when something in physics seems to suggest support for ethical relativism, many people are quick to apply it. Any correlation between such different realms must be considered carefully. Whatever basis there is for correlation, it seems to me that physical orderliness might tell us something about the spiritual world, as I suggest in ch. 3, II, B. E Christianity and ecological damageLynn White’s article and Theodor Roszak’s book (see above, beginning of this chapter) say that because Christianity teaches that God gave the world to us to use, therefore we have abused it, and produced the ecological crisis. Therefore the ecological crisis is Christianity’s fault, and Christian teaching is bad. Any good thing can be, and often is, misused, but this does not mean that the thing itself should be rejected: food, telephone, automobile, marriage, etc. Christianity has been misused. Its teaching, if seen fully and clearly, gives no license for abuse of our world. In fact, it forbids abuse. It says that the world is God’s, not ours, only entrusted to us for a while (see above, sec. II). Also, Christianity does not encourage a lifestyle of waste, greed, and unrestrained consumption. The problem is in human nature, which is selfish and shortsighted. People easily accept Christian teaching that encourages them to modify their environment to their immediate benefit, but refuse to let Christian teaching reform their nature. Why is Christianity the focus of such criticisms? How well do other religions and philosophies treat the environment? In India, Hinduism has produced the pitiful sacred cows, and a caste system society. Hinduism says sacred cows may be your own reincarnated ancestor, so you do not dare kill them, but neither does anyone feed them, so they are just half-starved wild animals, running everywhere, eating up much food that people need, and increasing the amount of suffering. Rats are in a similar position. It is estimated that half of India’s badly-needed food production is lost to these uncontrolled pests. You also are not supposed to kill mosquitoes that carry contagious diseases. Why is there so little criticism of the damage this teaching has caused to the environment, and to the lives of India’s vast population? Fatalistic religions hinder people from reducing suffering caused by disease, famine, flood, etc. They even make people feel it’s no use being careful when working, driving, studying, etc. , because they believe that everything that happens is already predetermined and unchangeable no matter what we do. It short-circuits their comprehension of simple cause and effect. Accidents are considered to be due to a bad fate, not carelessness. This ignorant and irresponsible outlook has killed hundreds of millions of people. Why is there so little criticism of this fact? F Joshua’s long dayThe Book of Joshua (10:12-14) says that one day the Israelite army was fighting someone else, and they were afraid that after dark the enemy soldiers would escape. So Joshua prayed that God would give them more daytime so they could completely defeat the enemy. As a result the sun stopped in the sky for a day. Conservative Christians believe this means that the earth stopped turning. At the end of the 1970’s, many Christian publications were circulating the story that America’s NASA computer discovered that the earth had missed one turn long ago, and that this confirmed the story in the Bible, Joshua 10:12-14. Also, in 1890, C. A. L. Totten of Yale University published a book, Joshua’s Long Day and the Dial of Ahaz, in which he calculated that a day was missing in ancient times. It was republished in 1968 by Destiny Publishers, Merrimac, Massachusetts 01860, with an enthusiastic foreword by Howard B. Rand, adding his own article further developing the theory. Unfortunately this story was again being circulated in 1998 on the internet. In the late 70’s Moody Bible Institute’s “Moody Monthly” magazine editors felt a responsibility to confirm such material before circulating it. They attempted to confirm the NASA story, but could find no evidence. NASA denied the story. Actually, the story is impossible; if the earth did miss a turn, how could we tell? Is there a little counter at the Earth’s poles clicking off the rotations? Totten in 1890 made many very doubtful assumptions about the time and positions of the creation of the sun, moon, and earth, and also about the meaning of the account in Joshua. He claims it means Joshua saw the moon near the sun in the daytime sky, which is unlikely. We conservative, Bible-believing Christians love to hear that the Bible has been confirmed. But miracle stories like Joshua’s long day cannot possibly have scientific confirmation, and Christians who spread foolish stories like this as confirmation of the Bible are actually bringing disgrace on the Bible. One common objection to this story is that if the earth stopped turning it would disrupt the whole solar system and the earth’s oceans and atmosphere. This is a ridiculous objection. First, the story only requires the earth to stop turning, not stop traveling in its orbit, so there need be no disruption of the other planets. Second, if God chose to stop the earth and is able to do so, He would not foolishly forget, nor be unable, to take care of the oceans and atmosphere, and even the solar system if necessary. There is some question whether the story in Joshua really means the sun stopped in the sky to give longer daylight. One alternative translation is that the sun was made cooler, probably by a cloud, so the army did not suffer from so much heat. So this whole long-day controversy may be the result of a mistaken translation. G Where did Cain get his wife? These may seem like unrelated questions, but they have related answers. They are based on a partial acceptance of the Bible account, but a refusal to really accept the entire Biblical story. Accepting only half the story of course leads to contradiction, but that only tells something about the person who asks such questions, not about the story in the Bible. And whom was he afraid of when God banished him (Gen. 4:14)? Who populated the city he built (4:17)? And could people have really lived so long, 900 years or more, in the early chapters of the Bible? The Bible story says that God created Adam and Eve, and that He considered all He created to be good. This would include being free of genetic flaws. These flaws only began to appear later, as mutations occurred and accumulated. Genesis 5:4 says Adam had other sons and daughters, probably quite a few. So Cain could marry one of his sisters, with negligible danger of genetic diseases as a result. The prohibition against marrying close relatives (Lev. 18:6-18) came long afterwards in the time of Moses, as people recognized the growing occurrence of birth defects which resulted from such marriages. This also explains whom Cain was afraid of, and who lived in his city. We can only guess how many other children his parents had produced by the time of this incident, and before long grand-children began appearing. Death was a still-unknown phenomenon. Cain didn’t have to be a mathematical genius or use a supercomputer to figure out that at the rate things were going there would soon be lots of people around. This lack of genetic flaws also explains the longer life-spans of early generations recorded in Genesis. Some Christians have speculated that the length of the year or the day, or the method of counting, was different, but I do not think such explanations are necessary. The account can be taken to mean exactly what it says. Some people have heard that the Earth’s rotation is gradually slowing, so that days are now longer than they used to be, so they ask whether this explains why life-spans were once counted as longer than now. There are at least two fatal problems with this proposal. First, the rate of slowing is so tiny that it only becomes significant over hundreds of millions of years, not a few thousand. This is discussed in connection with recent creation in ch. 7, because it is related to the rate at which the Moon is receding from the Earth. Second, this would not at all change the length of the year, which is the unit in which life-spans were and are measured. We do not know why our lifetime is as limited as it is. It is a subject of very active medical research. Our bodies do not wear out, they simply stop repairing themselves. There is a timer somewhere that is preset to turn off. The question is not why pre-Flood lifetimes were so long, but why ours are so short. The recorded life-spans in the Bible declined rapidly after the Flood. There is much overconfident speculation in some Christian circles about what connection this may have to do with changes in the environment and diet at that time, but what those changes were, if any, and what physical effects they had is impossible to know at present. It does definitely seem implied that there was a deliberate God-ordained connection between the Flood and the decline in life-span. The reason for the Flood was that people had become evil and violent. When we look at the degree of evil that develops in some people’s lives in a few short decades, we scarcely dare imagine the depths to which depravity could descend if allowed to develop for up to 900 years! It is a mercy that our lives are so much shortened from such numbers. By the time of Moses around 1400 BC, he said in Psalm 90:10 that “The length of our days is seventy years,” his own life-span of 120 being noted as exceptional and miraculous. H Why is Christmas celebrated on Dec. 25, and our calendar apparently numbered a few years incorrectly if it is supposed to count from the birth of Christ? This is entirely attributable to traditions developed after the Bible was written, and does not indicate any error in the Biblical account. The observation of Christmas is not taught in the Bible, but neither is it forbidden. The month and day of Christ’s birth is not known, therefore any day can be chosen if we wish to commemorate it. Late December is the time of the winter solstice, which was a prominent festival in Roman times. Christians began taking advantage of this time when everyone else was busy and distracted, so that they also could hold an activity without attracting attention and persecution. The numbering of our years was established by the Roman Catholic Church in the middle ages. On the basis of modern information about the dates of Herod and other rulers mentioned in the story, it seems that they made a slight miscalculation. Jesus probably was born between 6 and 4 BC. This also has no connection with the accuracy of the Bible itself. Conclusion: What have we accomplished so far? We have spent two chapters discussing common logical and scientific criticisms of Biblical Christian faith, and have proposed various responses to these questions. Christians should not use these replies in anger to prove that other people are wrong, but in kindness and patience to help people think clearly, and realize that life without God is very lonely and empty. After seemingly fruitless discussions of issues such as these, some Christians blame themselves when others fail to understand and accept Biblical teaching. There very well may be flaws in our presentation which hinder others’ understanding and acceptance; we must be willing to be corrected and instructed. But we cannot hope that these answers will generally result in instant acceptance of the Bible and of Jesus’ offer of salvation. Jesus Himself faced many questions and criticisms, and answered them. We believe that Jesus’ answers, and His behavior and attitude, were flawless. Some who heard were sincerely seeking the truth, and when they heard and were satisfied they became believers in Jesus. But others were committed to a position irreconcilable with Jesus’ claims, and therefore were His enemies. They acknowledged that He had effectively silenced all who criticized Him, but their response was not faith but a plan to murder Him in the cruelest way ever devised. (See ch. 3, V.) We can hope for no better response from those with whom we discuss such questions: some will believe, some will not, in fact may become more hostile, and of course they can give lots of valid-sounding reasons why they are not convinced. At this point, the discussion has gone as far as it can for now. I hope that this discussion has removed some unnecessary roadblocks in the way of an honest seeker of the truth. This completes the summary of atheists’ attempted general attacks on religious faith. Ch. 6 and 7 discuss more specific factual and scientific problems. If these criticisms were conclusive, it would prove religious faith in general, or at least Christian faith in particular, is false. The failure of these attacks does not prove religious faith is all true, or even partly true, though its ability to survive their attacks raises its credibility tremendously. But we need positive support before we have a basis for real confidence in the existence of the spiritual realm in general and the God of the Bible in particular. That is the subject of ch. 6. I have learned much from many helpful books by Christians on the subjects discussed in this chapter and earlier ones. The ones written before the mid-70s were helpful to me in my own consideration of Christian faith, described briefly in the Introduction. Most of the older books in this list are now out of print, or reprinted by a different publisher; I make no claim that all the following is the latest information, just the copy I happen to have on hand. There seems to be a huge surge in excellent new writing in the late 90s. Even the following long list is nowhere near complete. I have read most, but not all, of the following. I have at least skimmed them briefly, or seen frequent references to them in other books. I do not endorse everything in all of them, but I at least agree with their basic viewpoint, and consider their comments helpful in clarifying issues. They contain references to much more material. They are listed alphabetically by author. See also books listed in ch. 6, II, on creation/evolution, ch. 6, III, D on the internal unity of the Bible, ch. 6, III, H on Jesus’ life and resurrection, and at the end of ch. 7 on the origin and age of the universe. Christian Belief in a Postmodern World, The Full Wealth of Conviction, Diogenes Allen. Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster/John Knox, 1989. ISBN 0-8042-0625-2. Describes how recent developments in philosophy and theology have reopened people’s minds to the acceptance of religious faith. Christianity and Comparative Religion, J. N. D. Anderson. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1970. ISBN 0-87784-477-1 If I Really Believe, Why Do I Have These Doubts? Lynn Anderson. West Monroe, Louisiana: Howard Publishing, 2000. ISBN 1-58229-117-9 Principles of Biblical Interpretation, L. Berkhof. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1950. ISBN 0-8010-0549-3. Old but still a classic. I’m Glad You Asked, In-depth answers to difficult questions about Christianity, Kenneth Boa & Larry Moody. Wheaton, Illinois: Scripture Press, Victor Books, 1982. ISBN 0-88207-354-0. I have known about this book for years but just now actually looked at it, and wish I had read it years earlier. It is thorough, logical, and full of diagrams. The Foundation of Biblical Authority, ed. James Montgomery Boice. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1978. ISBN 0-310-21521-8 Letters from a Skeptic: A Son Wrestles with His Father’s Questions about Christianity, Dr. Gregory A Boyd & Edward K. Boyd. Wheaton, Illinois: Victor Books, Scripture Press, 1994. ISBN 1-56476-244-0 C. S. Lewis & Francis Schaeffer, Lessons for a New Century from the Most Influential Apologists of Our Time, Scott R. Burson & Jerry L. Walls. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1998. ISBN 0-8308-1935-5 Philosophy and the Christian Faith, an introduction to the main thinkers and schools of thought from the middle ages to the present day, Colin Brown. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1968. ISBN 0-87784-712-6. A venerable classic. Christianity and Western Thought, Colin Brown. England: InterVarsity, 1990. ISBN 0-85111-763-5. Brown is still alive and well! Clash of Worlds, David Burnett. England: MARC. ISBN 1-85424-107-9 Dawning of the Pagan Moon, David Burnett. England: MARC, 1991. An analysis of current Western paganism, which is filling the vacuum left by the rejection of Christianity. Science & Christianity: Four Views, ed. Richard F. Carlson. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity 2000. ISBN 0-8308-2262-3. All five contributors are Christians; the issue is not whether to believe the Bible, but how to interpret it. The views are creationism, independence, qualified agreement, and partnership. All contributors also comment on the others. Exegetical Fallacies, D. A. Carson. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker, 1984. A leading Bible scholar points out errors commonly committed by Christians in Bible interpretation. How Long, O Lord? Reflections on Suffering and Evil, D. A. Carson. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker, and Leicester, England: IVP, 1990. ISBN 0-85110-950-0 The Gagging of God, Christianity Confronts Pluralism, D. A. Carson. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1996. ISBN 0-310-47910-X Christianity on Trial, Colin Chapman. Wheaton, Illinois: Tyndale House, 1975. ISBN 8423-0246-8. Compares many kinds of faith. A Reasonable Faith, The Case for Christianity in a Secular World, Tony Campolo. Dallas: Word Publishing, 1983. ISBN0-8499-3040-5 “True for You, But Not For Me” Deflating the slogans that leave Christians speechless, Paul Copan. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Bethany House, 1998. ISBN 0-7642-2091-8 East to Eden? Religion and the dynamics of social change, Charles Corwin. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1972. ISBN 0-8028-1444-1. Discusses India, China, and Japan as examples. The Challenge of Postmodernism, An Evangelical Assessment, ed. David S. Dockery. Wheaton, Illinois: Victor Books, Bridgepoint, 1995. ISBN 1-56476-410-9 When Heaven Is Silent, Live by Faith, Not by Sight. How God Ministers to Us Through the Challenges of Life, Ronald Dunn. Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1994. ISBN 0-8407-4895-7 Christian Apologetics in a World Community, William Dyrness. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity 1983. ISBN 0-87784-399-6. Meeting the challenge of other faiths. A Step Further, Joni Eareckson. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1978. ISBN 0-31023971-0. Paralyzed in a swimming accident, she discusses the reasons for suffering. Evangelical Interpretation, Perspectives on Hermeneutical Issues, Millard J. Erickson. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1993. ISBN 0-8010-3220-2 Despair, a Moment or a Way of Life? An existential quest for hope, C. Stephen Evans. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1971. ISBN 0-877840-699-5 he Quest for Faith, C. Stephen Evans. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1986. ISBN 0-877840-511-5. Choosing a faith and answering objections to Christianity. Why Believe? C. Stephen Evans. When Skeptics Ask, Norman Geisler. Wheaton, Illinois: Scripture Press, 1990. ISBN 0-89693-766-6 When Critics Ask, Norman Geisler, Thomas Howe. Wheaton, Illinois: Scripture Press, 1992. ISBN 0-89693-698-8 Miracles and the Modern Mind, Norman L. Geisler. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1992. ISBN 0-8010-3847-2 Inerrancy, ed. Norman L. Geisler. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1980. ISBN 0-310-39281-0 Runaway World, Michael Green. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1968 Truth Decay, Defending Christianity Against the Challenges of Postmodernism, Douglas Groothuis. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 2000. ISBN 0-8308-2228-3 The Dust of Death, Os Guinness. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1973. ISBN 0-87784-911-0. A huge, scholarly study of the collapse of post-Christian Western culture. In Two Minds, the dilemma of doubt and how to resolve it, Os Guinness. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1976. ISBN 0-87784-771-1 The Book that Speaks for Itself, Robert M. Horn. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1969. ISBN 0-85110-345-6 The Challenge of Religious Studies, Kenneth G. Howkins. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1972. ISBN 0-87784-714-2 The Galileo Connection: Resolving Conflicts Between Science & the Bible, Charles E. Hummel. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1986. Very helpful, drawing valuable principles from the most infamous church-science confrontation in history. Science, Life, and Christian Belief, A survey of contemporary issues, Malcolm A. Jeeves & R. J. Berry. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker, 1998. ISBN 0-8010-2226-6. Both authors are professional scientists, and Christians. The Psychology of Biblical Interpretation, Cedric B. Johnson. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1983. He discusses no scientific issues in particular, but points out principles that are relevant to all such issues. The book has gone virtually unnoticed by evangelicals, probably because what it says seems dangerous, but Johnson argues against liberal abuses, calling on Bible-believers to incorporate the facts into a healthy, balanced approach to the Bible. I think it deserves attention. Reason in the Balance, The case against naturalism in science, law, & education, Phillip E Johnson. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1995. ISBN 0-8308-1610-10. The law professor remains on the warpath after his first book criticizing Darwinism (ch. 6, II), applying his experience in constitutional law to the claim that naturalism has become the established religion of the US government. Objections Sustained, Subversive Essays on Evolution, Law, and Culture, Phillip E. Johnson. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1998. ISBN 0-8308-1941-X. A collection of Johnson’s published articles. Some is specifically critical of Darwinian evolution, so is relevant to ch. 6, II. The Wedge of Truth, Splitting the Foundations of Naturalism, Phillip E. Johnson. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 2000. ISBN 0-8308-2267-4 Creation and the History of Science, Christopher Kaiser. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans. 1991. ISBN 0-551-02035-0 The Case for Christianity, C. S. Lewis. New York: Collier Books, Macmillan, 1989, first pub. 1943. ISBN 0-02-086750-6 Mere Christianity, C. S. Lewis. New York: Macmillan, 1943, 45, 52. A classic for several generations, discussing what is really the basic essential message of the Bible. God in the Dock, Essays on Theology and Ethics, C. S. Lewis, ed Walter Hooper. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1970. ISBN 0-8028-1456-5 Miracles, A Preliminary Study, C. S. Lewis. New York: Macmillan, 1947 The Problem of Pain, C. S. Lewis. New York: Macmillan, 1962. Reprinted in New York: Touchstone, Simon & Schuster, 1996. ISBN 0-684-82383-7 Christian Reflections, C. S. Lewis, ed. Walter Hooper. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1967. A collection of fascinating essays. Also published in England as Fern-seed and Elephants. Testing Christianity’s Truth Claims, Gordon R. Lewis. Chicago: Moody, 1976. ISBN 0-80242-8592-2. Studies different ways Christians try to prove Christianity is true, concluding most ways are inadequate but advocating a way which combines several approaches. God and Nature, David C. Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers. Berkeley: Univ. of California, 1986. ISBN 0-520-05692-2. The history of the relationship of science and Christianity. The Clockwork Image, Donald MacKay. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1974. ISBN 0-87784-557-3. Discusses materialism, determinism, and meaning in science. Know Why You Believe, Paul E. Little. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, revised ed. 1968, third edition 1988. ISBN 0-8308-1218-0 The Death of Truth, What’s Wrong with Multiculturalism, the rejection of reason, and the new postmodern diversity, ed Dennis McCallum. Minneapolis: Bethany, 1996. ISBN 1-55661-724-0 Evidence That Demands a Verdict, historical evidences for the Christian faith, Josh McDowell. Campus Crusade, 1972 More Evidence That Demands a Verdict, historical evidences for the Christian scriptures, Josh McDowell. Campus Crusade, 1975 Answers to Tough Questions Skeptics Ask about the Christian Faith, Josh McDowell and Don Stewart. San Bernardino, CA. : Here’s Life Publishers, 1980. ISBN 0-918956-65-X Prophecy, Fact or Fiction? Daniel in the Critics’ Den, Josh McDowell. Campus Crusade, 1981. ISBN 0-918956-99-4 A Ready Defense, the best of Josh McDowell, Over 60 vital “lines of defense” for Christianity topically arranged for easy reference, compiled by Bill Wilson. San Bernardino: Here’s Life, 1990. ISBN 0-89840-281-6 The New Tolerance, How a cultural movement threatens to destroy you, your faith, and your children, Josh McDowell & Bob Hostetler. Wheaton, Illinois: Tyndale, 1998. ISBN 0-8423-7088-9 A Passion for Truth, The Intellectual Coherence of Evangelicalism, Alister McGrath. Downer’s Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1996. ISBN 0-8308-1866-9 Know the Truth, Rev. ed. A handbook of Christian belief, Bruce Milne. Downer’s Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1982, 98. ISBN 0-8308-1793-X. Includes comments and responses to current trends in society and philosophy. History and Christianity, John Warwick Montgomery. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1964, 65. ISBN 0-87784-437-2 Christianity for the Tough-Minded, Essays written by a group of young scholars who are totally convinced that a spiritual commitment is intellectually defensible, ed. John Warwick Montgomery. Minneapolis: Bethany, 1973. ISBN 0-87123-076-3 How do we know there is a God? and other questions inappropriate in polite society, John Warwick Montgomery. Minneapolis: Dimension Books, Bethany, 1973. ISBN 0-87123-221-9 Evidence for Faith, Deciding the God Question, ed. John Warwick Montgomery. Dallas: Word, Probe Books, 1991. ISBN 0-945241-15-1. Papers from the Cornell Symposium on Evidential Apologetics, 1986. Discusses what kinds of evidence there are, and what it does and does not prove. Scaling the Secular City, J. P. Moreland. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1987. ISBN 0-8010-6222-5 Christianity and the Nature of Science, J. P. Moreland. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1989. ISBN 0-8010-6249-7 Making Sense of It All: Pascal and the Meaning of Life, Thomas V. Morris. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1992. ISBN 0-8028-0652-X. Blaise Pascal was one of the giants of 17th-century science and philosophy, and a devout Christian. Much of his thought is never out of date. Faith and Reason, Searching for a Rational Faith, Ronald H. Nash. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1988. ISBN 0-310-29401-0 The Evidence of Prophecy, Fulfilled Prediction as a Testimony to the Truth of Christianity, ed. Robert C. Newman. Hatfield, Pennsylvania: Interdisciplinary Biblical Research Institute, 1988. ISBN 944788-98-X Between Faith and Criticism, Evangelicals, Scholarship, and the Bible in America, Mark A. Noll. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker, 1986. ISBN 0-8010-6785-5 The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind, Mark A. Noll. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1994. ISBN 0-8028-3715-8. Also Leicester, England: InterVarsity. 0-85111-148-3 “Fundamentalism” and the Word of God, J. I. Packer. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1958 The Soul of Science: Christian Faith and Natural Philosophy, Nancy R. Pearcey, Charles B. Thaxton. Wheaton, Illinois: Good News, Crossway Books, 1994. ISBN 0-89107-766-9. Shows from history that science grew out of, and is based on, Christianity, not atheism. A classic by two outstanding authors. Ring of Truth, J. B. Phillips. New York: Macmillan, 1967 Christian Apologetics in the Postmodern World, ed Timothy R. Phillips & Dennis L Okholm. Donwers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1995. ISBN 0-8308-1860-X A Defense of Biblical Infallibility, Clark H. Pinnock. Nutley, NJ: Presbyterian and Reformed, 1967 Set Forth Your Case, Clark Pinnock. Nutley, NJ: The Craig Press, 1967 Reason to Believe, Richard L. Purtill. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1974. ISBN 0-8028-1567-7. Emphasizes philosophical issues, beginning with responses to many common objections to faith, then presenting positive reasons for believing. St. Paul, the traveller and the Roman Citizen, William M. Ramsay. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, reprinted 1962. ISBN 0-8010-7613-7. Originally published by Hodder & Stoughton, London, 1897. A classic by one of the founders of archaeology, who became a believer himself as a result of his research. Philosophy of Science, The Natural Sciences in Christian Perspective, Del Ratzsch. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity Press USA, 1986. ISBN 0-87784-344-9. An insightful and entertaining introduction, on which my ch. 2 is based. The Population of Heaven, A Biblical Response to the Inclusivist Position on Who Will Be Saved, Ramesh P. Richard. Chicago: Moody, 1994. ISBN 0-8024-3946-2. Many good points on inclusivism, but ends up a little closer to exclusivism than I do; sees no options in between. Escape from Reason, Francis Schaeffer. And many more books, in several editions, finally published as a set. Is the Bible True? How Modern Debates and Discoveries Affirm the Essence of the Scriptures, Jeffery L. Sheler. New York: HarperCollins, 1999. ISBN 0-06-067542-X. An excellent non-technical summary of many lines of evidence, including the final developments of the Bible Code theory. Foundations of Contemporary Interpretation, ed Moises Silva. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1996. ISBN 0-310-20828-9. Contains six books combined: Has the Church Misread the Bible? , Moises Silva, 1987; Literary Approaches to Biblical Interpretation, Tremper Longman III, 1987; God, Language, and Scripture, Moises Silva, 1990; The Art of Biblical History, V. Philips Long, 1994; Science and Hermeneutics, Vern S Poythress, 1988; The Study of Theology, Richard A Muller, 1991. Arguing with God, a Christian examination of the problem of evil, Hugh Silvester. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1971. ISBN 0-87784-350-3 Scripture Twisting: 20 Ways the Cults Misread the Bible, James W. Sire. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1980. ISBN 0-87784-611-1 The Universe Next Door, James W. Sire. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, second edition 1988. ISBN 0-8308-1220-2. A catalog of world views and how to choose. Why Should Anyone Believe Anything at All? James W. Sire. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1994. ISBN 0-8308-1397-7 Hypocrisy, Moral Fraud and Other Vices, James S. Spiegel. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker, 1999. ISBN 0-8010-6046-X Classical Apologetics, R. C. Sproul, John Gerstner, and Arthur Lindsley. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1984. ISBN 0-310-44951-0. Different ways Christians try to prove Christianity is true. The authors intend to revive the primary philosophical arguments used in the past to prove the existence of God by logic alone, probably unsuccessfully, but the book is stimulating and entertaining. Surprised by Suffering: discover your loving Father’s call to endure suffering, R. C. Sproul. Wheaton, Illinois: Tyndale, 1988. ISBN 0-8423-6624-5 Not a Chance, The myth of chance in modern science and cosmology, R. C. Sproul. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker, 1994. ISBN 0-8010-5852-X. Emphasizes the philosophical, not scientific, principles involved in the claim that laws and chance have left God unemployed. Now, That’s a Good Question! One of today’s most sought-after theologians answers more than 300 frequently asked questions about life and faith. Wheaton, Illinois: Tyndale, 1996. ISBN 0-8423-4711-9 If there’s a God, why are there atheists? Why atheists believe in unbelief, R. C. Sproul. Orlando, Florida: Ligonier Ministries, 1997. Revision of the book published as The Psychology of Atheism by Bethany House, then by Tyndale under the current title. ISBN 0-8423-1565-9 Basic Christianity, John R. W. Stott. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 2nd ed. 1971. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997. ISBN 0-8028-1189-2. A classic for several generations. The Case for Faith, A Journalist Investigates the Toughest Objections to Christianity, Lee Strobel. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2000. ISBN 0-310-23469-7 The Bible, The Living Word of Revelation, ed. Merrill C. Tenney. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, Contemporary Evangelical Perspectives, 1968 Biblical Hermeneutics, A Treatise on the Interpretation of the Old and New Testaments. Milton S. Terry. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan. Re-printed 1974, written in the late 19th century. Can I Trust the Bible? , ed. Howard F. Vos. Chicago: Moody, 1963 Genesis and Archaeology, Howard F. Vos. Chicago: Moody, 1963 The Paradox of Pain, A. E. Wilder-Smith. Wheaton, Illinois: Harold Shaw, 1971. ISBN 0-87788-667-9 Christianity Challenges the University, ed. Peter Wilkes. Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity, 1981. ISBN 0-87784-474-7 Disappointment with God: Three Questions No One Asks Aloud, Philip Yancey. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2000. ISBN 0-310-51781-8. Yancey does ask them aloud: Is God unfair? silent? hidden? He tells the stories of real people whose experiences spurred him to write the book. Anything by Yancey is both thoughtful and moving. Reaching for the Invisible God, What Can You Expect to Find? Philip Yancey. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2000. ISBN 0-310-23531-6. A Shattered Visage, The Real Face of Atheism, Ravi Zacharias. Brentwood, Tennessee: Wolgemuth & Hyatt, 1990. ISBN 0-943497-20-5 Can Man Live Without God, Ravi Zacharias. Dallas: Word, 1994. ISBN 0-8499-3943-7. This is a brilliant summary of the consequences of antitheistic philosophy, and the basis of Christian belief. It contains insightful summaries of crucial points in philosophy, and application to real life. Jesus Among Other Gods: The Absolute Claims of the Christian Message, Ravi Zacharias. Nashville: Word, 2000. ISBN 0-8499-1437-X. Also published in a simplified Youth Edition, with Kevin Johnson, 0-8499-4217-9. Dr. Zacharias grew up in India, and has extensive direct experience of the other religions with which he compares the message of Jesus Christ. This is of course only a small sample from a vast literature on the subject. It omits major works by many others. Many of these books contain far larger bibliographies. An extensive source of scholarly material on the Bible, and religions in general, is the Interdisciplinary Biblical Research Institute, P. O. Box 423, Hatfield, Pennsylvania 19440-0423. www. ibri. org And then there are periodicals, which I will not try to list. One which I have read for years, and probably is the source of some of my comments on theology and evangelism, is Evangelical Missions Quarterly. The other main source of ideas is the American Scientific Affiliation’s quarterly Perspectives on Science and Christian Faith. P. O. Box 668, Ipwsich, MA 01938-0668. Email email@example. com; website http://www.asa3.org Books against Christianity: A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom, 2 vol. , Andrew Dickson White, Appleton, 1896, reprinted by Dover, New York. A catalog of Christians’ scientific blunders, which popularized the “warfare” concept. Why I Am not a Christian, Bertrand Russell Wisdom of the West, Bertrand Russell. London: Rathbone, 1959. Later Doubleday, then Fawcett. This book is not specifically anti-Christian, but the author was an atheist, so he was no supporter of religious faith, Christian or otherwise. The book is mostly extremely insightful and objective. the Passover Plot, a new interpretation of the life and death of Jesus, Hugh J. Schonfield. New York: Bantam, 1965 Those Incredible Christians, Hugh J. Schonfield. New York: Bantam, 1968 Where the Wasteland Ends, Theodor Roszak. New York: Doubleday, 1973. He says that because Christianity teaches that God gave us the world to use, we in Western societies have assumed the right to misuse it, producing the ecological crisis. The Case Against Christianity, Michael Martin. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991 Farewell to God, Charles Templeton. Toronto: McLelland and Stewart, 1996 And one article: “The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis”, Lynn White, Jr. 1967. Science 155, 1203-7. Blames the influence of Christian teaching for damage to the environment. There are of course countless other anti-Christian books. It is not really necessary to list more of them; it is impossible to avoid extensive contact with them. There are anti-Christian periodicals: American Atheist, Skeptical Inquirer, Free Inquiry, and others. These also devote their attention to debunking many other beliefs, many of which Christians would agree in debunking. General sources on astronomy and physics: Sky & Telescope magazine, Sky Publishing Corp. Physics Today magazine, American Institute of Physics Astronomy texts, such as those by George Abell, Eric Chaisson, William Kauffman, Jay Pasachoff, Michael Seeds, and Micheal Zeilik (from Abell to Zeilik! )

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This essay has been submitted by a student. This is not an example of the work written by our professional essay writers. The most valuable asset of a company is human resource . To be prosperous, a company has to make operative productivity a main goal. Human Resource Management (HRM) term has changed in a number of times through history. Across pre-historic periods, there continued consistent methods for selection of tribal leaders. The exercise of protection and condition as hunting was bypassed on from generation to generation. From 2000 B.C. to 1500 B.C., the Chinese used employee-screening techniques, and the Greeks used an apprentice system (History of Human Resource Management, 2010). During the late 1700s and main 1800s, because of the quick development of Great Britain, the United States evolved from an agrarian state to an industrial nation. This Industrial Revolution, developed a separate class of managers and employees in the factories (The Emergence of Modern Industrialism, 2010) . Labor unions were established to protect employees' rights During 1790-1820. The Fair Labor Standards Deed of 1938, enforced by the U.S. Department of Labor,established combined minimum wage standards, youngster labor regulations, and increased wages for overtime. Both regulations and association theory instituted the antecedent for human resource association today. The main purpose of this research is to present the definition of Human Resource Management HRM from many theories in the history and also the meaning ,objective ,scope and function of Human Resource Management (HRM) Before studying about the meaning of HRM . Typically, the term of "Human resource" or sometime call "Personnel" mean the persons employed. The company or organization is the group of people who working for gold of the company. 3. 1 Definitions of Human Resource Manangement (HRM) There are numerous definition of Human Resource Management.There is no universally agreed definition HRM. Some source is defined as ' a system of activities and strategies that focus on successfully managing employee at all levels of an organization to achieve organizational goals'(Byars & Rue,2006) The level of productivity can vary by the skill levels the employees . "The comprehensive set of managerial activities and tasks concerned with developing and maintaining a qualified workforce - human resources - in ways that contribute to organizational effectiveness. " (DeNisi and Griffin, 2004) In it wide sense HRM can be used as the term means any approach to managing people like 'All those activities associated with the management of employment relationships in the firm'( Boxall and Purcell, 2003). Another definition which focuses on training in order to increase the ability and commitment of employee to enhance business performance , Storey ( 1995: 5) ' a distinctive approach to employment management which seeks to achieve competitive advantage through the strategic deployment of a highly committed and capable workforce, using an array of cultural, structural and personal techniques' Guest (1987 ) and Storey (1992) defined term of HRM in 2 ways 'soft' and 'hard' HRM . The "hard" focused on senior manager , the decision - making is quicker and more cost- effective workforce , concern about reducing the cost for example ; low salaries , close supervision. On the other hand, The "soft" focus on improving the quality , commitment and flexibility of employee and enhance the commitment. Staff being treated nicely!  The organization should balance the two ways of HR . For example if the company uses too soft approach staff when all staff benefits are added up , the cost of staff will increasing this is the disadvantage. As the debate of HRM has progressed more definition have additionally been given for example; 'high-commitment management (HCM) which use rather than soft HRM and for hard HRM there is 'strategic HRM' use instead. The ' Matching Model' is one of HRM model, developed by academic at the Michigan Business School,introduced the concept of strategic human resource using a set of HR policies and practices that are integrated with each other and with goal of the organization. Price ( 2004 : 45-46)'the key area of HR policies and system is selection of most suitable people to encounter the business needs,performance in the pursuit of company objective. As you can see ,the matching model is closely associated along side the 'hard HRM'. The deployment of employee to encounter the organization objective At Harvard University ,Beer et al . (1984) developed 'The map of HRM territory,the concept is there are a variety of stakeholders in the organization such as the government , a group of employee . This model focus on the prescriptive element of the benefit of stakeholder or employee. It likes the 'soft HRM' and this model also developed a set of propositions that make the company more effectively. This displays an assumption that it is probable to balance the crucial integration associated alongside hard HRM with the softer HRM of high commitment practice. As I mention about various definitions of Human Resource Management (HRM) before in section 3. 1 in this section I will illustrate about HRM in my understanding . HRM refers to the practices , policies and systems that influence worker's behavior , performance and attitudes. Some time mean " people practices" . Figure 3 shows HRM practices or HRM strategic consist of analysis and design of work , HR planning ,Recruiting , Selection ,training and development , compensation , performance management. This is show that how HRM practice effectively support business objective and goals. HRM practice also increasing the organization performance by customer satisfaction and contributing to employees,productivity innovation and development of a favorable standing in the firm's community. HRM can contribute to quality , profitability and other business goals including supporting and enhancing business organization. Human Resource Management in Context, 3rd edition. by David Farnham Published by the CIPD. Copyright © David Farnham 2010 What Is Human Resource Management Jones & Bartlett Learning,

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Author(s): Sara Gillingham (Artist); Isabel Thomas Science meets design in this comprehensive introduction to the chemical elements that make up our universe This artful and accessible guide to the periodic table -- the ultimate reference tool for scientists worldwide -- names all 118 chemical elements and helps young readers understand the remarkable ways we have learned to use them. Graphically stunning layouts feature each element's letter symbol and atomic number, exploring its attributes, characteristics, uses, and interesting stories behind its discovery. Complete with a comprehensive introduction, conclusion, and glossary, this is the perfect introduction to chemistry for inquisitive minds.

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Biology Question: Download Questions PDF What is a distilling flask and how is it used? A distilling flask is a round bottom flask that often has two openings, and some of them have a long neck. Download Biology Interview Questions And Answers PDF |Previous Question||Next Question| |What is telophase? ||What is Concentration Gradient? |

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March’s PBIS focus at our school is Mindfulness. So fifth graders, of course, need to know why we are doing this mindfulness stuff anyway… Luckily, I had watched this Ted Talk on Mindfulness and one part (about the emotional vs. the problem solving parts of your brain) came back to me. (I’m referring to about 12:47 – 13:56. ) “Why are we doing this stuff anyway? ” one of my fifth graders asked. “Well, have you ever been really upset or angry and you do something …” A few nods. A few shrugs. “And then later, when you’re calmer, wonder why you would ever do that? ” I asked them. Heads nodded vigorously. Eyes grew. Looks were exchanged. I continued to explain what the woman in the Ted Talk had explained, using the hand motions. The emotional part of the brain prevents the logical/problem solving part from working properly, but mindfulness helps switch those roles. It helps quiet the emotions so that logic can stay in control. They were silent, which very rarely happens. And their eyes, their glances to friends told me they knew exactly what it was like to loose logic to emotions – to look back and wonder, “What was I thinking? ! ? Why would I do that? ! ? ” And that they had no idea there was a reason this happened. That it happened to other people, too. It is easy to forget that these kids are entering foreign territory. They don’t know that everything they are feeling and experiencing happens to everyone. They don’t know that they are not as alone and different as they feel at times. None of us are.

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Authors: Joel M WIlliams The "hockey-stick" behavior is plotted on the Vostok Ice Core data for comparison. Plots are made for 0-300 to 0-10000ybp. While the former shows almost no deviation from linearity, the Ice Core data demonstrates that the earth has gone through considerable warm and cold spells since the last Ice Age. In addition, the Vostok Ice Core data is plotted on a graph containing many modeling methods for the last 2000 years. Typically, the models are not as variant as the Ice Core data, except for the recent few decades. Comments: 2 Pages. [v1] 2015-08-17 15:51:37 Unique-IP document downloads: 117 times Vixra.org is a pre-print repository rather than a journal. Articles hosted may not yet have been verified by peer-review and should be treated as preliminary. In particular, anything that appears to include financial or legal advice or proposed medical treatments should be treated with due caution. Vixra.org will not be responsible for any consequences of actions that result from any form of use of any documents on this website. Add your own feedback and questions here: You are equally welcome to be positive or negative about any paper but please be polite. If you are being critical you must mention at least one specific error, otherwise your comment will be deleted as unhelpful.

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If you’re lucky, you may spot a wild “puppy” of some kind in the wild one day. I’m the first few weeks of life, wild coyote pups, fox kits, and raccoon kits can look very similar and sometimes lack the very distinct traits that make adults fairly easy to tell apart. All four of these species start life as one uniformly grey to brown color. If you’ve found some “puppies” who are unattended, the most important thing to do is leave them alone unless they’re clearly hurt, in distress, or starving. But if you need to identify them— for example, to try to “match” them to a mother animal who is confirmed dead— here are some ways you can tell what kind of wild puppy you have. Red foxes are distinguishable from other wild kits and pups because they always have a white-tipped tail. Their distinct white-tipped tails are identifiable from birth and occur in all color morphs of red fox. Red foxes also have fine kitten-like claws and narrow snouts. Grey fox kits look very similar to red for kits in their first month of life, having a similarly uniform color. They also have very fine claws and narrow snouts. The tip of a grey fox kit’s tail, however, is always black rather than white. Raccoon kits who are less than a week old don’t look much like raccoons. They can look very similar to newborn pups and newborn foxes. Some people have even mistaken them for squirrels! The clearest way to identify a baby raccoon is by its hands. While fox and coyote pups have dog-like paws, a raccoon has hands that look almost human. Coyote pups look the most like the puppies of domestic dogs. They’re considerably larger than fox kits and have a broader snout and a broader nose. Coyote pups’ feet are also larger and their claws are also thicker. If the mystery pup you’ve found needs help, please contact a rehabilitator promptly. These animals all need expert care to have the best chance of being successfully released in the wild.

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The Pictish clans of ancient Scotland were the ancestors of the first people to use the name Aillardise. It comes from in the old barony of Allardice, in the parish of Arbuthnott in Kincardineshire . This place name is derived from the Gaelic words all, which means "cliff" and deas which means "southern. " Early Origins of the Aillardise family The surname Aillardise was first found in Kincardineshire (Gaelic: A' Mhaoirne), a former county on the northeast coast of the Grampian region of Scotland , and part of the Aberdeenshire Council Area since 1996, in a barony of the name Allardice, in the parish of Arbuthnot, about 1 mile north west of Inverbervie, where the Allardice Castle (also spelled Allardyce), the sixteenth-century manor house still stands today. Early History of the Aillardise family This web page shows only a small excerpt of our Aillardise research. Another 82 words (6 lines of text) covering the years 1296, 1413, 1607, 1612 and are included under the topic Early Aillardise History in all our PDF Extended History products and printed products wherever possible. Aillardise Spelling Variations Translation has done much to alter the appearance of many Scottish names. It was a haphazard process that lacked a basic system of rules. Spelling variations were a common result of this process. Aillardise has appeared Allardice, Allardyce, Allardes, Allardise, Allardyse, Allerdash, Allerdes, Allyrdes, Allirdasse, Alerdes, Alerdyce, Alerdice, Alderdice, Alderdyce, Alderdise and many more. Early Notables of the Aillardise family (pre 1700) More information is included under the topic Early Aillardise Notables in all our PDF Extended History products and printed products wherever possible. Migration of the Aillardise family to Ireland Some of the Aillardise family moved to Ireland , but this topic is not covered in this excerpt. Another 60 words (4 lines of text) about their life in Ireland is included in all our PDF Extended History products and printed products wherever possible. Migration of the Aillardise family to the New World and Oceana Many Scots left their country to travel to the North American colonies in search of the freedom they could not find at home. Of those who survived the difficult voyage, many found the freedom they so desired. There they could choose their own beliefs and allegiances. Some became United Empire Loyalists and others fought in the American War of Independence . The Clan societies and highland games that have sprung up in the last century have allowed many of these disparate Scots to recover their collective national identity. A search of immigration and passenger ship lists revealed many early settlers bearing the Aillardise name: John Allardice, who landed at Charles Town South Carolina in 1768. Aillardise Family Crest Products

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Bitcoin has been all over the news lately thanks to its meteoric rise last year. The merits of the cryptocurrency have been debated by experts on CNBC and Bloomberg, touted by celebrities such as actor Ashton Kutcher and rapper 50 Cent and been the topic of late night comedians like Jon Oliver. You may have heard the terms “hodl,” “hyperbitcoinization,” “nocoiner” and “fiatsplaining” from friends in the know or read about Bitcoin fortunes being made or lost. It’s spurred a string of stories in global media outlets and made local headlines in Montana too, as cryptocurrency miners began opening operations in the state. The fascination with Bitcoin, referred to as a cryptographic digital currency, caught the media’s attention when it’s price shot up from $750 in January 2017 to nearly $20,000 the following December. This caused some experts to assume it was merely a speculative bubble with no real value, while others claimed it was revolutionary, a transformative economic technological innovation. One thing is certain; no one seems to agree on what it is, if it is interesting and whether or not it is just a passing fad. So, what is Bitcoin and what are its implications for Montanans? History of Bitcoin As Americans, we have a tendency to take things for granted that people in other parts of the world would consider a luxury, such as our access to financial services. The average American can, with relative ease, open up a bank account and entrust their savings to a bank without much thought of losing access to their money or its purchasing power. When thought of in a historical context, this is a relatively rare phenomenon and currently not the case in many areas of the world. According to the World Bank, 38 percent of individuals worldwide, over the age of 15, have no access to any financial account. Seventy-three percent of those in the same category have no formal savings to speak of and 89 percent have no access to formal borrowing. In many areas that do have access to traditional financial services, centralized monetary mismanagement has rapidly eroded the purchasing power of people’s savings. Hyperinflation (e. g. Zimbabwe and Venezuela), bank bail-ins (e. g. Cyprus), official currency delisting (e. g. India), financial crises, spiraling public debt (e. g. Italy, Greece and Spain) and capital restrictions (e. g. Argentina and China) have created a scenario where many individuals have lost faith in their financial institutions. This unrest and disillusionment became evident in America during the Occupy Wall Street movement, which sprang to life in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. In the face of these realities, some have argued for the need of a financial system that is less prone to the instabilities and pitfalls that are the natural results of political corruption and monetary mismanagement. Toward the end of his life, John Forbes Nash Jr. (a famous game theorist and mathematician portrayed in the film “A Beautiful Mind”) spoke widely on the concept of ideal money, which he described as a solution to the conflicting monetary goals of short-term domestic progress and long-term international economic objectives. Such money, he argued, would have an inflation rate of zero and would asymptotically become the standard of the world reserve currency. In 1999, observing the rising importance of the internet, prominent economist Milton Friedman predicted the invention of e-cash, which could be privately transmitted directly and electronically from one party to another without the two parties necessarily knowing or trusting each other, and without the need of a trusted intermediary, such as a bank. This would lead to an increase in individual autonomy and societal welfare, he argued. But there have been a combination of problems. In order to operate as cash, a money transaction must have censorship-resistance (meaning no individual or institution can impede the transaction), a lack of intermediaries (meaning that one party can transmit money directly to another party without the facilitation or permission of a bank), as well as transaction finality (meaning that whoever holds the cash, owns the cash). Many tried and failed to achieve these objectives going back to the 1980s. Some examples of failed iterations include B-money, DigiCash, E-gold, BitGold, and Liberty Reserve. Then in 2008, a pseudonymous programmer by the name of Satoshi Nakamoto created what he called a new electronic cash system that was fully peer-to-peer with no trusted third party. The Bitcoin protocol was launched the following year as an open-source software project. How It Works When a Bitcoin transaction is made, the details of the transaction are broadcast over the entire Bitcoin network. The computers in the network then work to verify that the transaction is valid, and if it is, the details of the transaction are recorded in a distributed ledger. Having each computer keep track of all of the transactions prevents double-spending. This distributed ledger is called the “blockchain. ” It is essentially a chain of transaction batches (or blocks) going all the way back to the first ever Bitcoin transaction. The computers that bundle, verify and add transactions to the blockchain are referred to as “miners. ” Mining requires a lot of computing power and electricity to ensure that the ledger cannot be fraudulently rewritten or changed in any way. The miner who successfully validates and batches that block’s transactions is rewarded with newly issued bitcoins as payment. (For the purposes of this article the capitalized “Bitcoin” refers to the technology and the network, while the lowercase “bitcoin” refers to the currency. ) As the value of bitcoin has grown, more and more miners have been attracted to the network. In the early days of Bitcoin, mining could be performed on a laptop. As competition in the sector has grown, mining has moved to large server farms with hundreds or even thousands of dedicated mining machines. These mining facilities typically have two primary challenges: high electricity demand and keeping the machines cool. This has caused mining operations to seek out areas of the world with cheap electricity and cold climates, such as Iceland, Canada and more recently Montana. With ample vacant industrial space, very low industrial electricity rates relative to other parts of the nation and cold temperatures effective at cooling machines, Montana is garnering an increasing amount of attention as a potential location amenable to bitcoin mining facilities. Project Spokane, LLC in Bonner was one of the first to open a mining facility in the state. Earlier this year, CryptoWatt, LLC announced plans to open multiple bitcoin mining facilities in Butte and Anaconda – investing $62 million into the project and hiring 50 to 100 people. More recently, Power Block Coin, LLC released plans to invest $251 million in cryptocurrency mining, again in the Butte area, with plans to hire up to 50 employees over the next three years. All three of these companies have cited cheap electricity costs and cold ambient temperatures as primary motivators for their planned investments in Montana. If the trend continues these mining operations will certainly lead to more interest in Montana from companies involved in the Bitcoin ecosystem. Why It All Matters Some experts have said that Bitcoin is the latest iteration of a globally emergent monetary good – a good that follows an evolution through the stages of money-roles: i. e. collectible, store of value, medium of exchange, unit of account, such as gold. To others, this seems like a far-fetched idea. But money does not always come in the form of crisp paper bills with a national insignia. It can take on various forms depending on the place and situation. In some areas of the world with capital restrictions (e. g. Argentina, circa 2012), U.S. dollars or even Amazon gift cards are often preferred over the national currency. For an item to be used as money it needs to have certain desirable qualities that give it a comparative advantage over any other potential item, such as scarcity, durability, divisibility, verifiability, portability and fungibility. All monetary goods throughout history have displayed all of these qualities in varying levels. For example, with onerous restrictions on what can be transported in or out of prison, cigarettes exhibit a high level of scarcity. But when it comes to durability and divisibility, cigarettes display some flaws. Wet or broken cigarettes are useless and splitting a cigarette in half is the lowest denomination possible. But since cigarettes are easily verifiable, portable and fungible (one cigarette is the same as any other cigarette), they compete well for monetary status compared to other available goods. A more relevant example would be gold. Gold is highly durable and essentially indestructible, but it is less competitive in the area of divisibility (i. e. it is difficult to measure a penny, much less a fraction of a penny, worth of gold) or portability (i. e. it is difficult and risky to carry large amounts of gold compared to other forms of money such as the U.S. dollar). While the dollar has a comparative advantage over gold in those respects, it is far less scarce than gold. Gold’s monetary qualities are what caused it to be used as money for thousands of years. It can be argued that bitcoin has a comparative advantage over conventional currencies. Its supply is known and provable, giving it a high degree of scarcity. Its durability, while not as indestructible as gold, is limited only by the capacity of the user to store it properly. It is divisible down to one hundred million units per bitcoin. It is instantly and easily verifiable against forgery. It is highly portable as a digital asset and capable of transporting vast sums of value weightlessly inside a flash drive. Imagine that a device was invented that allowed you to take physical cash and insert it into your phone like a vending machine, then beam it directly to someone on the other side of the world without going through an intermediary. That would be a revolutionary invention. The Bitcoin network essentially does this. And it does this using a global, sovereign form of currency, secured and controlled by the laws of mathematics. The Future Potential of Bitcoin in Montana It is reasonable for people to disagree on the merits, usefulness and future outcome of Bitcoin. In my opinion, however, the technological innovations and global grassroots momentum behind it make the case for the Bitcoin network being, at the very least, a highly interesting case study in economic organization and decentralized monetary emergence. Also, some proponents have claimed that the Bitcoin network is a transformative new technology and its current adoption status is comparable to that of the internet in the mid-1990s. If true, then there’s a huge potential for locations and jurisdictions around the world that are favorable to the Bitcoin industry – most notably right here in Montana. The borderless and digital nature of the technology means that a company can set up shop anywhere there is a reliable internet connection. We have already witnessed jurisdictions competing on friendliness to Bitcoin companies. The Swiss canton of Zug has been marketing itself as a “crypto-valley,” the cryptocurrency equivalent to Silicon Valley, in business friendliness and technological innovation. Last month, Wyoming introduced five bills in the Legislature which are specifically designed to reduce the barriers to entry for cryptocurrency companies operating in the state. Arizona plans to allow residents to make tax payments in cryptocurrency starting in 2020 and Tennessee has introduced legislation to make cryptocurrency formally accepted as legal tender. It seems clear that the race is on for locations competing to attract economic activity in the Bitcoin ecosystem. Given the global nature of this technology, it is reasonable to imagine that locations with a comparative advantage for Bitcoin friendliness have the potential to benefit over the coming decades. This is where Montana has a unique advantage. As noted previously, Montana is already attractive to mining facilities due to the price of electricity and the cold temperatures. But we’ve also recently benefited from economic growth in the high-tech sector and have a strong system of universities and colleges capable of training a workforce of high-tech laborers and entrepreneurs. Plus, the amenities and quality of life here are unmatched. If Montana can harness this momentum and remain an attractive location for the Bitcoin industry, it may not be unrealistic for the state to look to this sector as a potential source of economic growth moving forward.

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Jan 21, 2011 From heterostructures to nanostructures Highlights from a special issue of the journal Semiconductor Science and Technology celebrating the 80th birthday of Zhores Alferov. Can you think of living without the World Wide Web, e-mail, DVDs, CD-ROMs, the bar code scanner, mobile phones or high-efficiency solar cells? I cannot. These systems are part of the backbone of our modern civilization. And they have something in common: they are all devices based on the double heterostructure. Zhores Alferov (and independently Herbert Krömer) proposed its concept and its usefulness for semiconductor lasers in 1962, two years after the first demonstration of the first (solid-state) laser. InP-based double heterostructure lasers are today, and have been for more than 20 years, the enabling light sources for optical fiber communication, sending their photonic bits around the globe at enormous and ever-increasing rates. In 2009, 61% of the $500+ billion world market for laser systems was based on semiconductor lasers. Obviously a straightforward success story? Not really at the beginning, rather the kind of survival story of somebody who was producing an enormous number of ideas and trying to make them reality; his production of ideas has not yet stopped after 60 years of professional life - Dieter Bimberg (from "A tribute to Zhores Ivanovitch Alferov, a pioneer who changed our way of daily life"). Selected papers from the special issue

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Everything you need to understand or teach Mao II by Don Delillo. This complex, multi-faceted narrative tells the story of reclusive novelist Bill Gray's ill-fated attempt return to public life. In language rich in both ideas and imagery, and following a plotline incorporating several historical events and places, the book also explores the metaphoric relationship between terrorism and writing, the power and influence of dictatorship, and the tension in relationships between the need for connection and the need for isolation. The book begins. . . Mao II Lesson Plans contain 100 pages of teaching material, including:

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The Enigma of Whistling Water Jars in Precolumbian Ceramics THE ENIGMA OF WHISTLING WATER JARS IN PRECOLUMBIAN CERAMICS By Brian Ransom (Original article appears in Experimental Musical Instruments, September 1998, pp. 12-15) Figure 1. Chavin (1200-200 BC). Blowing-type double-spout-and-bridge whistling jar, smudge fired with incised lines. In 1978, during one of my frequent visits to the library at the New York State College of Ceramics at Alfred University where I was studying at the time, I happened upon a book (its title by now forgotten) on preColumbian ceramics. In it, I read a paragraph which briefly described an ancient Peruvian artifact referred to as the whistling water jar. My curiosity about how this invention worked and how it fit into the larger picture of its culture/s in terms of history, use and distribution, left me with a burning need to investigate further. Fortunately, I got my chance to do just that the following year when I was granted a Fulbright/Hays Congressional Fellowship for research of ancient musical instruments in Peru. The article which follows has been excerpted from a larger work which I presented at the conference Influences of Art and Architecture in preColumbian Peru at Columbus University in 1984. As you read this, try to image the thrill I experienced when I first tipped one of these fluid instruments which, by and large, bad not been played since before they had been placed in their graves; their mysterious and haunting sounds cracking across eons of time. The data I used in writing this article is taken largely from a sampling of eighty-two whistling vessels which I photographed, measured, played and recorded in Peruvian museums and collections between 1978-79 (Fulbright/Hays Fellowship) and in 1982 (Oregon Arts Commission Fellowship). Figure 2. Mochica (circa 100 AD). Fox playing drum. Single vessel with stirrup spout. The whistling water jar is an intriguing technological phenomenon within the complex conceptual structure of preColumbian ceramics which pertains to the development of both musical and ceramic art forms in the new world. This device has a long history of production. Starting as early as the formative periods in South America, we find examples of whistling jars in a wide range of cultures as far north as Mexico and as far south as southern Peru. Several hundred years after the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors in South America, whistling jars ceased to be made. Little is known of what role these jars played within the context of the ancient societies which produced them. Although most aspects of life, including ceremonies, war, sports and sexual activities, are depicted in painted and sculpted scenes on the pottery from most preColumbian cultures (most typically the Mochica of Peru), not a single known representation showing the use of a whistling water jar bas been recorded. Archaeologists have long acknowledged the presence of this eccentric ceramic invention, yet little in-depth research has been done to document their development or use. The physical appearance of whistling vessels, which are partially differentiated by whether they are the fluid type or blown type (discussed later in more detail), went through many stylistic changes various phases of their development in the preColumbian Americas. There is evidence suggesting that whistling vessels may have been made as far north as Mexico in Mayan times. Early whistling vessels employed only one container with two conical spouts joined by a flattened bridge (see figure I), usually smudged grey or black by a smoky firing atmosphere, and were decorated with incised geometrical lines. Figure 3. Drawing of Vicus double-chambered whistling water vessel. Preceding stylistic developments include the creation of whistling water vessels which were sculpted in a great variety of inventive forms. From the cultures discussed in this article, many of the most important religious deities, animals, architectural forms and scenes from life are represented. Brilliant polychromatic slip painting was used on double vessels joined by hollow tubes through which water passed, displacing air to create sound and whistles. Usually a solid clay strap supported the two or sometimes three vessels above, and a number of examples presented a stirrup spout (a horseshoe-shaped tube with another tube exiting from its apex) (see figure 2). Eventually, whistling jars became quite elaborate both in form and decoration, although their vessel size consistently ranged between eight and twenty-two centimeters. A common attribute among all of the design elements which I observed in this sample was the use of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representations suggesting the ideology of animistic beliefs still prevalent among indigenous peoples in South America today (Borja 1951). Figure 4. Drawing of bird water vessel (Chancay culture). HOW WHISTLING JARS WORK There are two principal types of whistling jars. The first type usually has only one vessel though it may have more than a single whistle, and must be blow to produce a sound. The whistle or whistles are normally attached in an inconspicuous fashion and may be covered or exposed (see figure 1). The makers of these jars used simple physical variations of whistle design to create precise effects of sound. Considerable changes in the whistle Sound can be brought about by differences in the internal air pressure created by enclosing of the whistle and the number and size of boles in the cap allowing air to escape. Other variations such as whistle chamber size, sounding bole size and angle of air delivery were also used to produce a variety of sounds. Figure 5 Vicus. Single vessel with chambered division inside (swimmer). The second type, usually employing two or more vessels, works on the principle that fluid moving from one chamber to another displaces air in the second chamber which is forced across the sounding edge of a whistle or whistles (see figure 3). The same subtleties of sound production apply to this fluid-type whistling jar as were mentioned above in the blowing type. They appear with enclosed as well as exposed whistles. The principle difference in the sound produced by the second fluid-type jar is that the air is pushed across the sounding edge of the whistle in a very delicate manner by the moving fluid, resulting in a wavering and almost eerie sound. An incredible variety of realistic as wen as highly abstracted bird images are among the fluid-type whistling water vessels which I sampled. Surprisingly. in the vessels where sculpted bird forms appear, a warbling sound, which has an uncanny resemblance to the sound of the actual bird represented, is produced by rocking the piece back and forth. Specifically. when fluid is leaving the primary chamber and entering the secondary (whistling) chamber, a constricted air flow (as is consistently seen in these bird-type vessels) in the primary chamber forces a back draft of air returning through the whistle to the primary chamber drawing air because of the displaced water. The result is a bubbly interruption to the sound being created by the whistle/s producing sound which is very bird-like (see figure 4). Other vessels with representations of animals had similarly affected whistles allowing them to create sounds reflective of their images. One of the surviving pieces from the Vicus culture (+-1,000 BC- 3OOAD, Peru) takes the form of a man in the prone position with his arms resting on a pillow-like object. When this piece is filled with water and tipped, gurgling and bubbling sounds are emitted. Thus, one's impression of a reclining man is changed to that of a swimmer with a float (see figure 5). Figure 7. Chimu (+-1200 AD. Monkeys carrying deity in hammock. Whistling water vessel with exposed whistles. Figure 8. Lambayeque (circa 1,000 AD). Single vessel whistling jar with exposed whistle. Figure 9. Mochica (+-200 AD). Skeleton playing drum. Single vessel with enclosed whistle and stirrup spout. THE ORIGIN & SPREAD OF THE WHISTLING JAR The earliest known whistling jars came from the late Machalilla and early Chorreran cultural complexes in Ecuador ranging from between 1200 and 900 BCE (Lathrap 1975). Both of these cultures are developments of the previous Valdavia style of the same region (Feldman and Mosely 1978), which in turn show influences from earlier Amazonian styles. Typically these vessels were single forms with simple decorations and double spouts and bridge handles. Similar whistling vessels were made in the Chavin culture of northern Peru as early as 800 BC (see figure I). Evidence suggests trade and idea exchange between the Chavin and Mayan civilizations. The most apparent leap in whistling jar technology after the developments in Chorreran ceramics seems to have taken place in the Vicus culture of northern Peru as observed in pieces at the Bronning Museum in Lambayeque, Peru. Little is known of this culture save the findings from a small number of excavated graves in the great sandy regions of northern, coastal Peru (Lumbreras 1964). The production of whistling jars developed progressively in Vicus times, from crude, single vessels with exposed whistles to enclosed and multiple whistles, and finally to double fluid-type vessels with enclosed whistles which are capable of creating precise animal sounds. In the time period from 0 - 1500 AD whistling jars spread cross-culturally throughout wide geographical areas evolving uniquely distinctive decorative features within the context of each culture which produced them. A rough itinerary of the cultures which have been observed creating this unique whistling artifact include Chorreren, Chavin, Vicus, Mochica, Nazca, Salinar, Nepena, Chimu, Lima, Chancay and Inca (many additional subcultures could be added to this list). Figure 10. Inca (circa 1,400 AD). Double vessel whistling water jar with exposed whistle. MUSIC AND MAGIC Primitive Amazonians, and certainly inhabitants of many societies in which whistling jars were created, perceived the role of music, rhythm and reality in very different ways than we, as contemporary Americans. do today. Musical instruments were thought of as life-like. Their power resided in their voice more than shape, color or form (Borja). An example of this is found in a scene engraved on a conch shell from the Chavin epoch (circa 800 BC) showing a warrior blowing a shell trumpet; from the shell's opening a giant serpent emerges. The Spanish chronicler Huaman Poma wrote that in warfare the Incas believed that powerful demons and spirits were emitted from the instruments they carried with them on the battlefield (Borja). H the images depicted on the ceramics of these preColumbian cultures were thought to have the ability to exert power through contact with the deity they represented, then how natural it must have been to give that deity a voice through which to speak in the form of a whistling vessel. Among primitive Amazonian societies, whistles are thought to have the power of conjuring spirits (Grieder 1982). The use of whistling Jars in modem-day Ayahuasca ceremonies in the upper Amazon (Ayahuasca is a powerful hallucinogen made from the Banisteriopsis vine) has been well documented (Dobkin de Rios 1972). In general, it is likely that hallucinogens serving as a medium for contact with the supernatural played an important role in the ceremonial life of the cultures in which whistling jars were used. We might conjecture that affinity for hallucinogenic contact with spirits, animistic beliefs and the making of whistling vessels were all related. With the limited hard data available concerning whistling jars, we can only postulate as to the use and function of these musical artifacts. Music, ritual and contact with more-than-human realms via hallucinogenic substances as well as in everyday belief systems are prevalent among indigenous South Americans today. We can speculate that these mystical religious beliefs were also prevalent in ancient times. With these thoughts in mind, we can theorize that whistling jars were used as a means of spiritual contact. It is unlikely, though, that they were used as receptacles for hallucinogenic substances as no organic stains in the vessels have been found. The disappearance of whistling jars in colonial times suggests, though it does not prove, the theory that whatever functions or ceremonies with which the jars were associated at the time they were made were discontinued. I wish to thank and acknowledge the help and patronage of the following collections in Peru from which the data in this article were taken: El Museo Brunning. Lambayeque; El Museo Ica; Colecion de Mejia Baca; El MuseoNacional de Antropologia y Arqueologia; Colecion de Ulrica Solari; Colecion de Francisco Stasney, Colecion de Ia Universidad de San Marcos, donado par Jimenez Borja. Borja. A.3. 1951. Instrumentes musicales del Peru. Lima, Peru: Museo de Ia Cultura. Dobkin de Rios. M. 1972. Visionary Vine: Psychedelic Healing in the Peruvian Amazon. San Francisco: Chandler. Feldman, R. and Mosely, M. 1978. The Northern Andes: Ancient South Americans. (J. Jenning ed. ) San Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Company. Grieder. T. 1982. Origins of PreCoIumbian Art. Austin. Texas; University of Texas Press. Lathrap, D.W. 1975. Ancient Ecuador: Culture, Clay and Creativity 3,000-300 BC. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History. Lumbreras. LG. 1974. The People and Cultures of Ancient Peru. Washington. D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Brian Ransom, currently an assistant professor of visual art at Eckerd College in St. Petersburg. Florida, is a sculptor, potter, composer and musician. He has made numerous recordings (including film and ballet scores) of original music of his own invention. He has been a Fulbright Scholar in Peru and an NEA fellow in sculpture. His work has been included in exhibitions, collections and museums throughout the United States.

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Updated at 10:03 p. m. ET The Texas State Board of Education adopted a social studies and history curriculum Friday that amends or waters down the teaching of the civil rights movement, religious freedoms, America's relationship with the U.N. and hundreds of other items. The new standards were adopted after a final showdown by two 9-5 votes along party lines, after Democrats' and moderate Republicans' efforts to delay a final vote failed. The ideological debate over the guidelines, which drew intense scrutiny beyond Texas, will be used to determine what important political events and figures some 4. 8 million students will learn about for the next decade. The standards, which one Democrat called a "travesty," also will be used by textbook publishers who often develop materials for other states based on guidelines approved in Texas, although teachers in the Lone Star state have latitude in deciding how to teach the material. The board attempted to make more than 200 amendments this week alone, reshaping draft standards that had been prepared over the last year and a half by expert groups of teachers and professors. As new amendments were being presented just moments before the vote, Democrats bristled that the changes had not been vetted. "I think we're doing an injustice to the children of this state by piecemealing together, cutting and pasting, coming up with new amendments as late as today," said Mary Helen Berlanga, a Democrat. "What we have done today and what we did yesterday is something that a classroom teacher would not even have accepted. " In one of the most significant changes leading up to the vote, the board attempted to water down the rationale for the separation of church and state in a high school government class, pointing out that the words were not in the Constitution and requiring that students compare and contrast the judicial language with the wording in the First Amendment. They also rejected language to modernize the classification of historic periods to B.C.E. and C.E. from the traditional B.C. and A.D., and agreed to replace Thomas Jefferson as an example of an influential political philosopher in a world history class. They also required students to evaluate efforts by global organizations such as the United Nations to undermine U.S. sovereignty. Former board chairman Don McLeroy, one of the board's most outspoken conservatives, said the Texas history curriculum has been unfairly skewed to the left after years of Democrats controlling the board and he just wants to bring it back into balance. "I'm proud to have my name on this document," Republican board member Barbara Cargill said shortly before the vote. Another Republican board member, David Bradley, said the curriculum revision process has always been political - but this time, the ruling faction had changed since the last time social studies standards were adopted. "We took our licks, we got outvoted," he said referring to the debate from 10 years earlier. "Now it's 10-5 in the other direction . . . we're an elected body, this is a political process. Outside that, go find yourself a benevolent dictator. " GOP board member Geraldine Miller was absent during the votes. During the monthslong revision process, conservatives strengthened requirements on teaching the Judeo-Christian influences of the nation's Founding Fathers and required that the U.S. government be referred to as a "constitutional republic," rather than "democratic. " Students will be required to study the decline in the value of the U.S. dollar, including the abandonment of the gold standard. Educators have blasted the curriculum proposals for politicizing education. Teachers also have said the document is too long and will force students to memorize lists of names rather than thinking critically. The curriculum dispute contributed to McLeroy's defeat in the March state Republican primary. Education Secretary Arne Duncan said school officials "should keep politics out" of curriculum debates. "We do a disservice to children when we shield them from the truth, just because some people think it is painful or doesn't fit with their particular views," Duncan said in a statement. "Parents should be very wary of politicians designing curriculum. " After the vote, the American Civil Liberties Union of Texas urged the state Legislature to place more control over the board. "At the end of three long days, the State Board of Education has amended, re-amended and approved curriculum standards that are more ideological than ever, despite pleas to not politicize what is taught to Texas school children," said the state ACLU's executive director, Terri Burke. At least one lawmaker vowed legislative action to "rein in" the board. "They have ignored historians and teachers, allowing ideological activists to push the culture war further into our classrooms," said Rep. Mike Villareal, a San Antonio Democrat. "They fail to understand that we don't want liberal textbooks or conservative textbooks. We want excellent textbooks, written by historians instead of activists. " Democrats and a moderate Republican accused conservatives on the board of trying to stir up a needless controversy Thursday by referring to the president's full name, Barack Hussein Obama, saying his middle name was loaded with negative connotation. Critics had complained that Mr. Obama's full name was conspicuously absent in a high school history course that referred only to the "the election of the first black president. " When a Democrat tried to fix the omission, Republican David Bradley said "I think we give him the full honor and privilege of his full name. " The effort snarled the board's progress on amendments late Thursday evening. "The intent behind what you're doing, I think is pretty obvious," said Republican Bob Craig, urging Bradley to withdraw the suggestion. Mr. Obama's name gave him his share of trouble during the 2008 presidential campaign. He acknowledged its unfamiliarity to most Americans, and there were times when supporters of his opponent made a point of using his middle name, which was seen as an attempt to cast doubt on his background and faith. "Please Mr. Bradley, don't use the middle name," said Democrat Lawrence Allen. "You know it's going to have a negative connotation in the press. Yes, it's his birth name, but you know the significance it will play in the press. We don't have to deal with it. " Bradley relented and withdrew the motion. One of the debates concerned which historical figures should be taught in which grade levels, reports CBS affiliate KEYE in Austin. In one example, Mary Helen Borlanga, D-Corpus Christi, recommended Dolores Huerta to be included as a contemporary Hispanic role model. Borlanga's colleagues voted down her recommendation. "There's nothing in our history books that kids ever get to read about, or talk about the Hispanic experience," Borlanga said. The board rejected an effort to add former San Antonio mayor and Housing and Urban Development Secretary Henry Cisneros to a fourth-grade example of notable Texans and spent much time debating which Civil War battles and heroes from Texas should be added to a seventh-grade class.

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What are sexually transmitted infections? Sexually transmitted infections (STIs) are sometimes known as sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). They are infectious diseases caused by bacteria, viruses and parasites that are usually spread from person to person during sexual contact. Other less common forms of transmission include from a mother to her baby during pregnancy, birth or breastfeeding, or by exposure to infected sharp objects, such as needles, and from blood and body fluid splashes. If you have an STI, you may not necessarily experience any symptoms. This is known as being ‘asymptomatic’. Being asymptomatic is very common just after you have been exposed and, in some diseases, it can continue for some time. If you experience any symptoms, such as those listed below, you should see a doctor as soon as possible. STIs are serious and when left untreated can have serious long-term and permanent effects on your health. - Burning sensation when urinating - Itching and discomfort around the genital or anus areas - Unusual discharge from the penis, vagina or anus - Rash, sores or small lumps on or around the penis, vagina or anus - Pain during sex - Unusual bleeding from the vagina, especially after sex or between periods - Pain and swelling in the testes - Sore throat, swollen glands, fever and body aches - Unexplained fatigue, night sweats and weight loss

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Environment ministers meeting in Luxembourg today (Monday) suggested they were moving closer to a deal on air pollution limits. However, away from the cameras, many countries, including the UK, France, Poland, Italy and Romania, continue to push to allow factories, cars and industrial farms to continue polluting with very few constraints after 2030 . Louise Duprez, Senior Policy Officer for Air Quality at the European Environmental Bureau (EEB), said: “It is breathtaking that environment ministers are happy to back measures that will allow several thousands of extra people to die every year in the EU instead of fighting for a deal that will better protect people and nature from air pollution. ” The EEB welcomed the interventions in today’s debate by countries including the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Sweden and Belgium, which emphasised the need to protect human health and nature. In particular, we back the statement by Sweden that the costs of action to tackle air pollution are less than the costs of inaction and that “costs alone” are not a reason to fight this deal. The EEB will continue to call on governments in the coming days to change their mind and sign up to a genuinely clean air agreement before the end of the Dutch EU Presidency . Notes to editors: NEC is a major piece of EU law aimed at protecting Europeans’ from the harmful effects of air pollution. The NEC Directive sets caps on the amount of air pollution that EU countries can emit. It currently looks at caps for fine particulate matter (PM2. 5), nitrogen oxide (NOx), sulphur dioxide (SO2), volatile organic compounds (NMVOCs), ammonia (NH3), and methane (CH4), to be met by Member States by 2020, 2025 and 2030. The sticking points in the current negotiations include the following: · Overall ambition level: the Council wants to water down ambition level from 52% health improvement to 48% by 2030. This would result in 16,000 premature deaths every year according to European Commission estimates. Ammonia limits are most opposed, due to strong farming pressure. See here why we care about ammonia and here how it can be reduced. · 2025 binding limits or not: the European Parliament wants to introduce legally binding limits for 2025, which would require earlier action to tackle air pollution. The Commission and Council oppose this. · Caps for methane: the Parliament and Commission want to limit methane because it contributed to ground level ozone which is harmful to human health. The Council wants it out. See here why we care about methane and how it can be reduced. · Get-out-of-jail free cards: the Council wants to include several flexibilities in the Directive, making the limits much more difficult to enforce. For instance, they propose to average their emissions over 3 years in case of ‘dry summer’ or ‘cold winter’. They also propose to escape responsibility in case emissions from one sector turn out to be greater than expected, as happened with dieselgate. Here is why we think they should be rejected. Last month, mayors of London and Paris Sadiq Khan and Anne Hidalgo wrote to EU ministers saying they needed a strong NEC directive in order to improve air quality in their cities. The Dutch Presidency suggested that a trialogue on the issue could be held as early as tomorrow (Tuesday).

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The bench press is a popular exercise and there is ample evidence describing its use for improving upper body muscular endurance, strength, muscle size, and power. This article discusses the traditional barbell bench press from a fitness perspective. It does not discuss the bench press as it relates to performance such as competing in powerlifting. Rather, the purpose of this article is to provide an overview of the movement requirements and recommendations for the average fitness enthusiast to maximize safety and performance. If you want to avoid elbow pain while benching, also see this resource. 1. Comprehend the movement requirements, joint actions, and involved musculature of the bench press exercise. 2. Describe the "sticking point" and why it occurs. 3. Provide recommendations for beginning fitness enthusiasts wishing to perform the bench press exercise. The bench press is one of the most popular exercises in the fitness and sports community and is often used as a measuring stick for evaluating upper body strength (Robbins 2012; Bianco, Paoli & Palma 2014). There is ample evidence describing its use for improving upper body muscular endurance, strength, hypertrophy (muscle size) and power (Buitrago et al. , 2013; Ogasawara et al. , 2012; Schoenfeld et al. , 2014). There are some variations of the bench press exercise including the close-grip bench press, wide-grip bench press, incline bench press, decline bench press, dumbbell chest press, and reverse-grip bench press. For the sake of this article we will discuss the traditional barbell bench press from a fitness perspective. The barbell bench press is a compound, multi-joint exercise designed to target many muscles of the upper body (Figure 1). The primary joint actions that occur during the bench press include: Eccentric (lowering) Phase - Horizontal shoulder abduction - Elbow flexion Concentric (lifting) Phase - Horizontal shoulder adduction - Elbow extension Figure 1. Barbell Bench Press Table 1 provides a list of involved musculature. This is not an all-inclusive list as the nervous system activates muscles in groups rather than in isolation. Many muscles are involved in the joint actions listed above. It is also important to note that muscle activation varies depending if the muscle is performing an eccentric muscle action or a concentric muscle contraction, as well as the technique selected by the lifter (i. e., wide grip versus narrow grip). Table 1. Barbell Bench Press: Targeted Muscle Groups |Agonist||> Pectoralis Major (large chest muscle)| |Synergist||> Anterior Deltoid (front of shoulder muscle) > Triceps Brachii (back of upper arm muscle) > Coracobrachialis (small muscle of the upper arm near the biceps) |Stabilizer||> Abdominals (trunk muscles) > Biceps brachii (front of upper arm muscle) > Infraspinatus, supraspinatus, subscapularis, teres minor (rotator cuff- shoulder stabilizer muscles) > Lie on a bench with your feet flat on the floor. > Maintain a 5-point contact position in which the following body parts remain in contact with the bench or floor: (1) back of head, (2) shoulder blades/upper thoracic region, (3) gluteals, (4) left foot, and (5) right foot. - Some individuals shorter in stature may not be able to place their feet flat on the floor. In this case, use an elevated surface such as weight plates or short steps as foot rests near the end of the bench. > Abdomen should be drawn-in and braced. - Drawing-in and abdominal bracing activates the inner unit (transverse abdominis, multifidus, pelvic floor- muscles close to the spine) and global abdominal muscles (rectus abdominis, external obliques) offering greater spinal stability. > Grasp the barbell with an opposing thumb grip (thumbs wraps around the bar) with your hands shoulder-width or slightly wider than shoulder-width apart. - An opposing thumb grip provides more security and control of the barbell. - Grasp the bar with the wrists positioned directly under the bar. This position helps avoid hyperextension of the wrists. - Retract your shoulder blades (scapulae), bringing them closer together. > Lower the barbell toward your chest, by flexing your elbows while maintaining scapulae retraction. Lower the barbell until a slight stretch is felt in the pectorals. Avoid letting the low-back arch, the head to jut forward, or the shoulders to shrug during this motion in order to maintain an ideal and safe posture. - Preserve the natural curvature of the lumbar spine (low-back) throughout the entire lift. In other words, keep the spine in a neutral position. Elite powerlifters may perform the lift with excessive lumbar extension (arched low-back), but this position is not advised for the general fitness enthusiast unless properly instructed, and the person has a specific goal to increase 1 repetition maximum performance. > Aim to perform the exercise through a full range of motion unless mobility/flexibility deficits restrict motion or pain/pinching sensations are felt in the shoulder region. > Press the barbell back up to the starting position by extending the elbows and contracting the chest. > Inhale during the lowering (eccentric) phase of the exercise. > Exhale during the lifting (concentric) phase. - Elite athletes or powerlifters may perform the Valsalva maneuver during the bench press. The Valsalva maneuver requires a bearing down technique in which a person exhales through a closed glottis (airway). It’s a technique used to increase intraabdominal pressure and may enable a person to lift heavier loads. To visualize the Valsalva maneuver; it is most commonly performed in everyday life during a forceful bowel movement. However, this technique is not advised for anyone who is new to exercise or has high blood pressure. It also increases the risk for dizziness and loss of balance. There are variations in elbow position an individual can use when performing the barbell bench press. Some people preach a position in which the upper arms and elbows “flare out” away from the torso. Other experts recommend a position in which the elbows are close to the body, especially for those who have a history of shoulder pain or injury. Elbows Out / Wide Grip It has been shown in the literature that performing the bench press with the elbows flared out to the sides and/or using a wide grip is best for activating the pectoralis muscles, particularly the sternoclavicular portion of the pectoralis major, the largest portion of the chest (Lehman, 2015). (Figure 2). However, this position may place the shoulder in a vulnerable position (Green, 2007). This may be especially true if an individual displays tightness of the pectoralis muscles, limited range of motion when assessing shoulder horizontal abduction, or a history of shoulder impingement. If a person has a history of shoulder impairment or displays limited range of motion through the upper extremities, it will be best to perform the bench press exercise with relatively light loads with an elbow-in position, or avoid altogether until shoulder stability and mobility impairments are corrected (Fees et al. , 1998). This may take the form of performing stretching techniques for the pectorals, deltoids, and latissimus dorsi and strengthening techniques for the rotator cuff and scapulae retractors (rhomboids, mid/lower trapezius). Elbows In / Narrow Grip In contrast, a position with the elbows closer to the torso and/or using a slightly narrower grip places a greater emphasis on the anterior deltoids, clavicular head of the pectoralis major (upper chest region), and triceps brachii, and less activation of the sternoclavicular portion of the pectoralis major (Lehman, 2005; Clemens & Aaron, 1997) (Figure 3). In addition, this position may be less aggravating for people with a history of shoulder pain because the eccentric phase requires less shoulder horizontal abduction and places a greater emphasis on sagittal plane shoulder extension. However, it is important to note, this position limits the amount of load a person can lift. In other words, an individual will have to use a lighter weight because this motion limits activation of the powerful sternoclavicular portion of the pectoralis muscle. Instead emphasis is placed on the smaller muscles (triceps brachii, anterior deltoid, upper chest) and as a result may not be ideal to develop maximal strength or muscular size. Scapular retraction during the bench press is important to maximize safety and performance. This position creates a stable base of support against the bench for the shoulders, decreases anterior forces through the shoulder complex particularly during the eccentric phase, and may improve activation of the pectoralis muscles (Duffey, 2008; Bench Press Analysis). Many argue this is the safest position for the shoulder complex, especially during heavy lifts because it provides added stability for the shoulders. When performing a bench press with a retracted scapula, some argue the pectoralis muscles enter the stretch reflex position sooner during the eccentric phase. By harnessing the stretch reflex, individuals will be able to maximize muscle recruitment during the concentric phase of the lift and subsequently the ability to lift heavier loads. To visualize the stretch reflex, imagine stretching a rubber band and then immediately letting go. The stretching of the rubber band creates a storage of potential energy, and upon release the rubber band flies through the air. The body’s muscles and tendons work in the same fashion. Scapular retraction also limits protraction and anterior tilting of scapulae (rounding the shoulders forward) during the exercise (Duffey, 2008). Stretch Reflex: The process in which a lengthening of a muscle is immediately followed by a rapid shortening of a muscle, creating a release of stored energy. The sticking point occurs shortly after the initiation of the concentric phase of the lift, typically when the bar is 3-16 cm from the chest (Van den Tilaar & Ettema, 2013). The sticking point is not the same location for everyone yet researchers have concluded it usually takes place about 0. 2 seconds after the initial upward movement, and lasts about 0. 9 seconds (Van den Tilaar & Ettema, 2013). Some researchers found the reason for the sticking point may be a loss of elastic energy from the stretch reflex discussed previously (Elliot, Wilson & Kerr, 1989). Because the elastic assistance of the stretch reflex ends very quickly, it creates added burden for the prime movers to move the weight. However, some researchers identified that muscle activity significantly changes during the sticking region when compared to the pre-sticking and post-sticking periods. This may be due to a mechanical disadvantage because the elbows tend to move more laterally through the sticking point (Gomo & Van den Tilaar, 2015). For those new to exercise it is important to take a slow and progressive approach to the bench press. Start with relatively light loads and focus on optimizing technique. Learning how to retract the scapulae, contract the abdominals, proper breathing, and controlling the path of the bar is a lot to learn in the initial stages. These techniques should be the focus before adding additional weight or focusing on maximal lifts. Start with a standard grip of the bar approximately shoulder-width and the upper arms abducted about 45°, and avoid an excessively wide or narrow grip. As confidence grows, fitness enthusiasts can begin to explore a variety of grip positions. However, anyone who experiences shoulder pain should avoid a flared-out elbow position until properly rehabilitated or receives clearance from a medical professional. Beginning fitness enthusiasts can also perform variations of the bench press using the techniques previously discussed. Exercises such as the incline bench press and dumbbell chest press use similar movement patterns. Performing these exercises (with a light load) may improve motor learning and quicken the time it takes to learn proper technique. It is important to note, beginners do not need to perform an abundant amount of sets or repetitions. Keep the volume relatively low to avoid overtraining and unnecessary muscle soreness. Lastly, it recommended for all individuals to use a spotter during the exercise. Bench Press Analysis. (n. d.). Retrieved September 18, 2015, from http://www.exrx.net/Kinesiology/BenchPress.html. Bianco, A., Filingeri, D., Paoli, A., & Palma, A. (2015). One repetition maximum bench press performance: A new approach for its evaluation in inexperienced males and females: A pilot study. Journal of Bodywork and Movement Therapies, 19(2), 362-369. doi:10. 1016/j. jbmt. 2014. 11. 019 Buitrago, S., Wirtz, N., Yue, Z., Kleinöder, H., & Mester, J. (2013). Mechanical Load and Physiological Responses of Four Different Resistance Training Methods in Bench Press Exercise. Journal of Strength and Conditioning Research, 27(4), 1091-1100. doi:10. 1519/JSC. 0b013e318260ec77 Clemons, J., & Aaron, C. (1997). Effect of Grip Width on the Myoelectric Activity of the Prime Movers in the Bench Press. Journal of Strength and Conditioning Research, 11(2), 82-87. Duffey, M. (2008). A Biomechanical Analysis of the Bench Press. A Dissertation in Kinesiology, Pennsylvania State University. 91. Retrieved September 18, 2015, from https://etda.libraries.psu.edu/paper/8894/4230. Elliott, B., Wilson, G., & Kerr, G. (1989). A biomechanical analysis of the sticking region in the bench press. Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise, 21(4), 450-462. Fees, M., Decker T., Snyder-Mackler, L., Axe ,MJ. (1998) Upper extremity weight-training modifications for the injured athlete. A clinical perspective. American Journal of Sports Medicine. Sep-Oct;26(5):732-42. Gomo, O., & Tillaar, R. (2015). The effects of grip width on sticking region in bench press. Journal of Sports Science, 8:1-7. Green, CM, Comfort, P. (2007). The Affect of Grip Width on Bench Press Performance and Risk of Injury. Strength and Conditioning Journal, 29(5): 10-14. Lehman, G. (2005). The Influence of Grip Width and Forearm Pronation/Supination on Upper-Body Myoelectric Activity During the Flat Bench Press. Journal of Strength and Conditioning Research, 19(3), 587-591. Ogasawara, R., Thiebaud, R., Loenneke, J., Loftin, M., & Abe, T. (2012). Time course for arm and chest muscle thickness changes following bench press training. Interventional Medicine and Applied Science, 4(4), 217-220. doi:10. 1556/IMAS. 4.2012. 4.7 Robbins, D. (2012). Relationships Between National Football League Combine Performance Measures. Journal of Strength and Conditioning Research, 26, 226-231. doi:10. 1519/JSC. 0b013e31821d5e1b Schoenfeld, B., Ratamess, N., Peterson, M., Contreras, B., Sonmez, G., & Alvar, B. (2014). Effects of Different Volume-Equated Resistance Training Loading Strategies on Muscular Adaptations in Well-Trained Men. Journal of Strength and Conditioning Research, 28(10), 2909-2918. doi:10. 1519/JSC. 0000000000000480 Tillaar, R., & Ettema, G. (2010). The “sticking period” in a maximum bench press. Journal of Sports Sciences, 28(5), 529-535. doi:10. 1080/02640411003628022 Tillaar, R., & Ettema, G. (2013). A Comparison of Muscle Activity in Concentric and Counter Movement Maximum Bench Press. Journal of Human Kinetics, 8(38), 63-71.

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Technology Transfer Network - Air Toxics Web Site Health Effects Glossary Glossary of Health, Exposure, and Risk Assessment Terms Absorption barrier: Any of the exchange barriers of the body that allow differential diffusion of various substances across a boundary. Examples of absorption barriers are the skin, lung tissue, and gastrointestinal tract wall. and Definitions of Acronyms ACGIH STEL: American Conference of Governmental and Industrial Hygienists' threshold limit value short-term exposure limit; a 15-min time-weighted-average exposure which should not be exceeded at any time during a workday. ACGIH TLV: American Conference of Governmental and Industrial Hygienists' threshold limit value expressed as a time-weighted average; the concentration of a substance to which most workers can be exposed without adverse effects. AIHA: American Industrial Hygiene Association AIHA ERPG: American Industrial Hygiene Association's emergency response planning guidelines. ERPG 1 is the maximum airborne concentration below which it is believed nearly all individuals could be exposed up to one hour without experiencing other than mild transient adverse health effects or perceiving a clearly defined objectionable odor; ERPG 2 is the maximum airborne concentration below which it is believed nearly all individuals could be exposed up to one hour without experiencing or developing irreversible or other serious health effects that could impair their abilities to take protective action. Ambient measurement: A measurement (usually of the concentration of a chemical or pollutant) taken in an ambient medium, normally with the intent of relating the measurement value to the exposure of an organism that contacts the medium. Ambient medium: One of the basic categories of material surrounding or contacting an organism, e. g., outdoor air, indoor air, water, or soil, through which chemicals or pollutants can move and reach the organism. ATSDR: Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry Biological medium: One of the major categories of material within an organism, e. g., blood, adipose tissue, or breath, through which chemicals can move, be stored, or be biologically, physically, or chemically transformed. Biologically effective dose: The amount of a deposited or absorbed chemical that reaches the cells or target site where an adverse effect occurs, or where that chemical interacts with a membrane surface. Blank (blank sample): An unexposed sampling medium, or an aliquot of the reagents used in an analytical procedure, in the absence of added analyte. The measured value of a blank sample is the blank value. Body burden: The amount of a particular chemical stored in the body at a particular time, especially a potentially toxic chemical in the body as a result of exposure. Body burdens can be the result of long-term or short-term storage, for example, the amount of a metal in bone, the amount of a lipophilic substance such as PCB in adipose tissue, or the amount of carbon monoxide (as carboxyhemoglobin) in the blood. Bounding estimate: An estimate of exposure, dose, or risk that is higher than that incurred by the person in the population with the highest exposure, dose, or risk. Bounding estimates are useful in developing statements that exposures, doses, or risks are "not greater than" the estimated value. California EPA: California Environmental Protection Agency California EPA reference exposure level: A concentration at or below which adverse health effects are not likely to occur. Data Quality Objectives (DQO): Qualitative and quantitative statements of the overall level of uncertainty that a decisionmaker is willing to accept in results or decisions derived from environmental data. DQOs provide the statistical framework for planning and managing environmental data operations consistent with the data user's needs. Dose: The amount of a substance available for interaction with metabolic processes or biologically significant receptors after crossing the outer boundary of an organism. The potential dose is the amount ingested, inhaled, or applied to the skin. The applied dose is the amount of a substance presented to an absorption barrier and available for absorption (although not necessarily having yet crossed the outer boundary of the organism). The absorbed dose is the amount crossing a specific absorption barrier (e. g., the exchange boundaries of skin, lung, and digestive tract) through uptake processes. Internal dose is a more general term denoting the amount absorbed without respect to specific absorption barriers or exchange boundaries. The amount of the chemical available for interaction by any particular organ or cell is termed the deliverable dose for that organ or cell. Dose rate: Dose per unit time, for example in mg/day, sometimes also called dosage. Dose rates are often expressed on a per-unit-bodyweight-basis, yielding units such as mg/kg/d. They are often expressed as averages over some time period, for example a lifetime. Dose-response curve: A graphical representation of the quantitative relationship between the administered, applied, or internal dose of a chemical or agent, and a specific biological response to that chemical or agent. Effluent: Waste material being discharged into the environment, either treated or untreated. Effluent generally is used to describe water discharges to the environment, although it can refer to stack emissions or other material flowing into the environment. Environmental fate model: In the context of exposure assessment, any mathematical abstraction of a physical system used to predict the concentration of specific chemicals as a function of space and time subject to transport, intermedia transfer, storage, and degradation in the environment. Environmental medium: One of the major categories of material found in the physical environment that surrounds or contacts organisms, e. g., surface water, ground water, soil, or air, and through which chemicals or pollutants can move and reach the organisms. Fixed-location monitoring: Sampling of an environmental or ambient medium for pollutant concentration at one location continuously or repeatedly over some length of time. Geometric mean: The nth root of the product of n values. High-end exposure (dose) estimate: A plausible estimate of individual exposure or dose for those persons at the upper end of an exposure or dose distribution, conceptually above the 90th percentile, but not higher than the individual in the population who has the highest exposure or dose. High-end Risk Descriptor: A plausible estimate of the individual risk for those persons at the upper end of the risk distribution, conceptually above the 90th percentile but not higher than the individual in the population with the highest risk. Note that persons in the high end of the risk distribution have high risk due to high exposure, high susceptibility, or other reasons, and, therefore, persons in the high end of the exposure or dose distribution are not necessarily the same individuals as those in the high end of the risk distribution. LC50 (Lethal Concentration50): A calculated concentration of a chemical in air to which exposure for a specific length of time is expected to cause death in 50% of a defined experimental animal population. Limit of Detection (LOD) (or Method Detection Limit [MDL]): The minimum concentration of an analyte that, in a given matrix and with a specific method, has a 99% probability of being identified, qualitatively or quantitatively measured, and reported to be greater than LOAEL (lowest-observed-adverse-effect level): The lowest dose of a chemical in a study or group of studies that produce statistically or biologically significant increases in frequency or severity of adverse effects between the exposed population and its appropriate control. Maximally exposed individual (MEI): The single individual with the highest exposure in a given population (also, maximum exposed individual). This term has historically been defined in various ways, including as defined here and also synonymously with worst case or bounding estimate. Maximum exposure range: A semiquantitative term referring to the extreme uppermost portion of the distribution of exposures. For consistency, this term should refer to the portion of the individual exposure distribution that conceptually falls above the 98th percentile of the distribution but is not higher than the individual with the highest exposure. Microenvironment method: A method used in predictive exposure assessments to estimate exposures by sequentially assessing exposure for a series of areas (microenvironment) that can be approximated by constant or well-characterized concentrations of a chemical or other agent. Monte Carlo technique: A repeated random sampling from the distribution of values for each of the parameters in a generic (exposure or dose) equation to derive an estimate of the distribution of (exposures or doses in) the population. NIOSH IDLH--NIOSH's immediately dangerous to life and health; NIOSH concentration representing the maximum level of a pollutant from which an individual could escape within 30 minutes without escape-impairing symptoms or irreversible health effects. NIOSH REL--NIOSH's recommended exposure limit; NIOSH-recommended exposure limit for an 8- or 10-h time-weighted-average exposure and/or ceiling. NIOSH STEL--NIOSH's recommended short-term exposure limit; a 15-minute TWA exposure which should not be exceeded at any time during a workday. NOAEL (no-observed-adverse-effect level): That dose of chemical at which there are no statistically or biologically significant increases in frequency or severity of adverse effects seen between the exposed population and its appropriate control. Effects may be produced at this dose, but they are not considered to be adverse. OSHA PEL: Occupational Safety and Health Administration's permissible exposure limit expressed as a time-weighted average; the concentration of a substance to which most workers can be exposed without adverse effect averaged over a normal 8-h workday or a 40-h workweek. Point-of-contact measurement of exposure: An approach to quantifying exposure by taking measurements of concentration over time at or near the point of contct between the chemical and an organism while the exposure is taking place. Quality assurance (QA): An integrated system of activities involving planning, quality control, quality assessment, reporting and quality improvement to ensure that a product or service meets defined standards of quality with a stated level of confidence. Quality control (QC): The overall system of technical activities whose purpose is to measure and control the quality of a product or service so that it meets the needs of its users. The aim is to provide quality that is satisfactory, adequate, dependable, and economical. Reasonable worst case: A semiquantitative term referring to the lower portion of the high end of the exposure, dose, or risk distribution. The reasonable worst case has historically been loosely defined, including synonymously with maximum exposure or worst case. As a semiquantitative term, it is sometimes useful to refer to individual exposures, doses, or risks that, while in the high end of the distribution, are not in the extreme tail. For consistency, it should refer to a range that can conceptually be described as above the 90th percentile in the distribution, but below about the 98th percentile. Reconstruction of dose: An approach to quantifying exposure from internal dose, which is in turn reconstructed after exposure has occurred, from evidence within an organism such as chemical levels in tissues or fluids or from evidence of other biomarkers of exposure. RfC (inhalation reference concentration): An estimate (with uncertainty spanning perhaps an order of magnitude) of a continuous inhalation exposure of a chemical to the human population through inhalation (including sensitive subpopulations), that is likely to be without risk of deleterious noncancer effects during a lifetime. RfD (oral reference dose): An estimate (with uncertainty spanning perhaps an order of magnitude) of a daily oral exposure of a chemical to the human population (including sensitive subpopulations) that is likely to be without risk of deleterious noncancer effects during a lifetime. Sample: A small part of something designed to show the nature or quality of the whole. Exposure-related measurements are usually samples of environmental or ambient media, exposures of a small subset of a population for a short time, or biological samples, all for the purpose of inferring the nature and quality or parameters important to evaluating exposure. Scenario evaluation: An approach to quantifying exposure by measurement or estimation of both the amount of a substance contacted, and the frequency/duration of contact, and subsequently linking these together to estimate exposure or dose. Source characterization measurements: Measurements made to characterize the rate of release of agents into the environment from a source of emission such as an incinerator, landfill, industrial or municipal facility, consumer product, etc. Statistical control: The process by which the variability of measurements or of data outputs of a system is controlled to the extent necessary to produce stable and reproducible results. To say that measurements are under statistical control means that there is statistical evidence that the critical variables in the measurement process are being controlled to such an extent that the system yields data that are reproducible within well-defined limits. Statistical significance: An inference that the probability is low that the observed difference in quantities being measured could be due to variability in the data rather than an actual difference in the quantities themselves. The inference that an observed difference is statistically significant is typically based on a test to reject one hypothesis and accept another. Worst case: A semiquantitative term referring to the maximum possible exposure, dose, or risk, that can conceivably occur, whether or not this exposure, dose, or risk actually occurs in a specific population.

006_6942836

An examination of the characters and careers of two generals creates a work that is at once a dual biography, military history, and analysis of the American penchant for patriotic bloodshed From the moment the Civil War began, partisans on both sides were calling not just for victory but for extermination. And both sides found leaders who would oblige. In this vivid and fearfully persuasive book, Charles Royster looks at William Tecumseh Sherman and Stonewall Jackson, the men who came to embody the apocalyptic passions of North and South, and re-creates their characters, their strategies, and the feelings they inspired in their countrymen. At once an incisive dual biography, hypnotically engrossing military history, and a cautionary examination of the American penchant for patriotic bloodshed, The Destructive War is a work of enormous power.

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In the previous Halacha we have explained the basic laws of Shemitta which apply this year, 5782, including some agricultural prohibitions, such as ploughing and pruning. All of the detailed laws applying to the tending of gardens or fields during Shevi’it do not apply to many people who do not have a field or garden. Thus, let us first discuss the laws of Shemitta which apply to everyone, i. e. the laws of fruits and vegetables grown during the Shemitta year. The Sanctity of Shevi’it Fruits frown during Shevi’it and vegetables picked during Shevi’it retain the sanctity of Shevi’it, for the Torah states (Vayikra 25) regarding the Shemitta year, “For it is a jubilee, it shall be holy for you. ” Our Sages expounded (Yerushalmi, Shevi’it, Chapter 4) that just as it is holy, so are its fruits holy. This means that all fruits and vegetables grown or picked during Shevi’it (each fruit or vegetable with its respective law as we shall explain) retain sanctity and they cannot be treated the same way they are on other years. Manifestation of the Sanctity of Shevi’it The sanctity of Shevi’it manifests itself in several laws, as follows: The proper way to eat these fruits, the permissible method of selling them, and guarding them from loss or destruction, as we shall soon explain. The Fruits of Israel vs. the Fruits of other Countries The sanctity of Shevi’it only applies to the Land of Israel. Thus, all fruits and vegetables grown outside of Israel, including those grown in Eilat (southern Israeli city which is biblically outside the borders of the Land of Israel), do not retain the sanctity of Shevi’it. All fruits and vegetables grown outside of Israel retain no sanctity even if they were later brought into Israel. Similarly, fruits and vegetables grown in Israel and later exported to other countries do retain the sanctity of Shevi’it, for the law depends on where the produce was grown. Fruits of Syria Our Sages decreed that most of the laws of Shevi’it apply to fruits and vegetables grown in Syria so that the Jewish people would not desert their fields in Israel and relocate to Syria in order to work the land there (in those times, Israel and Syria enjoyed good relations). Fruits Sold Nowadays Nowadays when the market for fruits and vegetables is very large, it is customary in many places where there is a large Torah-observant population to import fruits and vegetables grown outside of Israel in order to avoid any halachic limitations of Shevi’it produce (which we shall try to discuss in a following Halacha, G-d-willing). When the fruits are from Israel, there is usually a sign or sticker next to every fruit and vegetable marking its origin. Nevertheless, in places where no Kashrut organization is responsible for the fruits and vegetables, purchasing produce during Shevi’it can cause serious halachic concerns to arise, as we shall explain. The sanctity of Shevi’it only rests on things which grow from the ground. However, mushrooms, which do not grow from the ground and require the “Shehakol” blessing, do not retain the sanctity of Shevi’it at all. The sanctity of Shevi’it rests only on fruits, vegetables, legumes, and the like; on the other hand, the sanctity of Shevi’it does not apply to non-fruit-bearing trees at all. Nevertheless, it is still forbidden to plant or perform any of the works forbidden during Shevi’it on a non-fruit-bearing tree exactly as it is forbidden to do so regarding a fruit tree. A Non-Jew’s Field The laws of the sanctity of Shevi’it apply only to land belonging to a Jew in the Land of Israel; however, land belonging to a non-Jew in Israel does not retain the sanctity of Shevi’it. Indeed, Maran Ha’Bet Yosef and his rabbinical court decreed excommunication upon anyone who treated fruits grown on such land with the sanctity of Shevi’it (since this stringency caused a tremendous uproar and confusion in those times; there are those who rule stringently on this matter even nowadays). In the next Halacha we shall, G-d-willing, discuss the issue of “Heter Mechira” (permissible sale of land in Israel to a non-Jew ahead of Shemitta), those who supported it, those who opposed it, and if there is room to rely on this leniency in our times.

009_3120668

Automobiles have become an integral part of life over the past century. Unfortunately, the idea of sustainable transport wasn’t considered until more recently. Limited performance models powered by hydro motors and those operating on electricity were quickly forsaken for the power and convenience of gasoline and diesel engines. Why Petroleum Based Fuels Are Not the Answer According to the American Petroleum Association, spills and leaks from offshore drilling rigs contaminate the oceans with nearly 15 million gallons of oil per year. Oil rigs pose a number of environmental hazards to the water and animals surrounding them, as well as those working on the rigs – not to mention the fact that petroleum is a nonrenewable resource that may or may not be available in the future. Obviously, our dependency on gasoline is something that must be overcome. The potential of electricity, hydrogen power, and alternative fuels are once again being examined by car manufacturers around the globe – and this time, the future for sustainable transport is bright. Biofuels and Ethanol – A Quick Fix or a Solution? The importance of biofuel and biodiesel have been considered for nearly 3 decades, but has seen much more attention since 2006. Several countries have put plans in place to convert fuel use to bio-alternatives within the next few years. These alternative fuel options are much cleaner than petrol-based fuel without the harsh impact and hazards associated with drilling, but ethanol-based biofuels have their share of environmental concerns as well. First-generation biofuels typically convert naturally-grown plants into ethanol or vegetable oil – then it is processed into fuel. These crops, and the process of photosynthesis, remove carbons from the air and are thought to decrease greenhouse gas emissions by 20% over conventional fuels. Biofuel production has seen quite a bit of controversy for a number of reasons, but primarily because corn and grain crops are cultivated strictly for ethanol or vegetable oil production – thus detracting from our global food supply. Increased demand to meet the needs of both food use and ethanol or oil production has created a significant rise in food costs. The most recent debate over the worth of biofuels may be the greatest concern – recent studies have found that ethanol production for fuel may actually accelerate global warming, causing more harm than good in the long run. Acres and acres of land have been converted from the carbon-reducing forests and grasslands they once were to crops of soy, corn, or sugarcane for biofuel. Scientists estimate that palm oil plantations in Indonesia will require more than 400 years to actually benefit the world. Beyond First-Gen Biomass Fuels Corn, sugarcane, soybeans, and other consumable crops are not the only option for biofuel production. Perennial plants cultivated on already degraded farm land is one option currently being examined – the key to sustainable transport is finding a solution that will not alter the natural cycle of the environment. The possibilities for biomass are seemingly endless – some options may include: - Human fat. - Wood biomass, using mulch and trimmings from preventive plant care – like SunFuel currently under testing by Volkswagen. - Dirty diapers. - Biodegradable algae fuel. - Synthetic microorganisms. - And other strange fuel alternatives. Hybrid and Electric Success From tax-incentives and reduced bank loan rates to the freedom of driving in any HOV lane regardless of occupancy, hybrid vehicles are thought by many to be one of the biggest advancements in sustainable transport. Today’s hybrids greatly reduce emissions, are much roomier than early models – check out the Lexus RX Luxury Utility Vehicle, and can go much further and faster on a charge. Unfortunately, typical hybrid vehicles still depend on gasoline. Advancements in battery technology have paved the way for 100% electric cars, completely independent of nonrenewable fuels. The Tesla Roadster features all the fun and excitement of a luxury sports car – 0 to 60 in 3. 9 and a top speed of 125 – for less than 2 cents per mile. Electric cars may play a big role in the future of sustainable transport but there are still disadvantages that will need to be overcome before electric power is the answer. - The battery that powers hybrids and electric cars pose the greatest threat. Lead batteries are extremely dangerous in accidents while lithium-ion batteries can cause greater fire hazards. Disposing of these toxic components can also create environmental dangers. - Electric cars require charging, just like your laptop and mobile phone. Limited driving around town is ideal, but longer commutes, vacationing, and other drives will require plug-in stations that are currently few and far between. The Power of Nature Meets Modern Transport There are many other possibilities currently being tested in the world of transportation. Hydrogen powered vehicles are already on the road but are still quite costly to manufacture and to operate. Solar power is another viable option for the future. From the strange and disgusting materials considered for biomass fuel to the natural rays of sunlight needed for solar power, the options available for alternative fuel and sustainable transport are amazing – and there is still so much more to discover as we search for automotive independence. What do you consider to be the most viable option for renewable fuel? What is the most unusual?

009_4731498

Teaching Other Faiths A comprehensive teacher's guide to the beliefs, practices and traditions of Judaism, Hinduism, Islam and Sikhism. Never has it been more necessary for people to live in harmony and peace with each other. We need to prepare our children to know, understand and appreciate what is important to people of other faiths and cultures. This book is intended as a quick and simple guide for primary teachers and parents. It makes clear the teaching of the Church and sound educational practice with regard to the teaching of other faiths. Size 277mm x 210mm / Full colour illustrated.

010_6952754

Grasshoppers are a major pest of cultivated crops and rangeland in the world's semi-arid regions. Particularly susceptible are areas receiving less than 750 mm of precipitation per year in the form of rain or snow. Traditionally drier areas like southwest Saskatchewan are more prone to recurring problems but serious grasshopper infestations can occur throughout the province. Although the majority of damage has been to cereal grains, other crops can be seriously affected. In a more diversified agricultural landscape where cereals are often rotated with other crops such as canola, lentil, and peas, grasshoppers continue to cause significant economic loss in Saskatchewan. Forage losses are seldom estimated but it has been shown in Alberta that even a moderate infestation of 10 grasshoppers/square metre can consume 16-60% of the available forage depending on the condition of the forage stand. The type and extent of crop damage will depend upon the type of crop, how well the crop is growing, the number of grasshoppers present, and whether or not adequate cultural and chemical controls are used. General Information About Grasshoppers Grasshopper is the name given to a very large and diverse group of insects. All members of the group are characterized by chewing mouth parts, slender bodies, wings that fold lengthwise, large powerful hind legs for jumping and a gradual change in form and size as they develop. Grasshoppers are divided into two major subgroups, - The short horned grasshoppers (Figure 1), and; - The long horned grasshoppers or katydids. Short horned grasshoppers are responsible for most of the reported crop losses. As a result, individuals of this subgroup are popularly referred to as "grasshoppers". North America has more than 600 species of grasshoppers. In Saskatchewan there are more than 85 species. Fortunately, only a few species are considered to be of economical importance here. The species that are considered pests are economically important because under ideal food and weather conditions they multiply quickly and when present in large numbers they can cause severe crop damage. The Important Species The short horned grasshoppers are divided into three types; (1) the spur-throated grasshoppers, (2) the band-winged grasshoppers, and (3) the slant-faced grasshoppers. Each type has distinguishing characteristics that make them relatively easy to identify. It is important that farmers recognize these characteristics if they are to control grasshoppers effectively. (1) The Spur-Throated Grasshoppers These grasshoppers are identified by the presence of a tubercle or knob between their front legs (Figure 2). Three of the most economically important species are members of this group. They are the migratory grasshopper, packards grasshopper, and the two-striped grasshopper. The Migratory Grasshopper (Melanoplus sanguinipes) Adult grasshoppers are brownish to yellowish in colour and approximately 23-28 mm (0. 9 to 1. 1 inches) long. Their hind legs are marked with a series of black bands. (Figure 3). The adult female lays her eggs mainly in stubble fields, but also in drift soil, weedy pastures, brome and alfalfa pastures, and roadside ditches. Summerfallow fields kept free of weeds are generally free of eggs even though they may have a substantial covering of plant residue. Because it is a mixed feeder, the migratory grasshopper thrives in weedy grain fields, cultivated pastures and hay fields. Large numbers may be found in crops adjacent to stubble fields, especially if these fields are cultivated in late spring and trap strips have not been used. Grasshoppers hatching in crops seeded on stubble fields feed on growing seedlings and damage may go unnoticed until extensive leaf chewing has taken place. Extensive head clipping may occur in late summer when much of the leafy vegetation has been eaten or has matured. Packard. s Grasshopper (Melanoplus packardii) These adult grasshoppers are gray to dark yellow in color and approximately 27-32 mm (1. 1 to 1. 3 inches) long. Two light coloured stripes extend from just behind the eyes to the posterior margin of the thorax. The forewings are uniformly grey and lack distinctive stripes. The last two segments of the hind legs are blue-green (Figure 4). When newly hatched these grasshoppers are pale green to yellow-brown in colour, speckled with numerous small dark spots. Habitat and Food Supply This grasshopper prefers light textured soils with scanty grass cover and is similar in other respects to the migratory grasshopper. Two-Striped Grasshopper (Melanoplus bivittatus) The adult grasshoppers are brownish or greenish in colour with black or brown markings. They are approximately 26 – 40 mm (1. 0 to 1. 6 inches) in length. They have two pale stripes extending back from the eyes to the tip of the forewings. A solid longitudinal black stripe is evident on the hind legs (Figure 5). Immature grasshoppers are green to yellowish brown in colour. This species is very common in the heavier textured soil zones. It is found along roadsides, in dried out marshes and in fields with crops. It prefers lush foliage such as many of the weed species found associated with marshes and roadside ditches. It is often a pest of alfalfa and other crops. Occasionally, it may feed extensively on some of the trees commonly used as shelterbelts. (2) The Band-Winged Grasshoppers The main characteristic of band-winged grasshoppers is that the hind wings are usually brightly coloured. While in flight they may produce a cracking sound with their wings. The Carolina grasshopper with its black wings fringed with a pale border is probably the most noticed member of the group (Figure 6). The most economically important species is: The Clear-Winged Grasshopper (Camnula pellucida) The adults are yellowish to brownish in colour and approximately 21-32 mm (0. 8 to 1. 3 inches) in length. Their wings are clear but mottled with dark patches and they have two stripes beginning at the thorax and converging at the tip of the forewings (Figure 7). The newly hatched young are black in colour with a distinctive white band encircling the thorax. The clear-winged grasshopper prefers to lay its eggs in sod on road allowances, overgrazed pastures and dried out marshy areas. Congregation of the adults during egg laying may result in as many as 10,000 or more eggs per square metre. The clear-winged grasshopper is primarily a grass feeder that prefers cereal grains and some of the more succulent cultivated grasses. It seldom feeds on broad-leaved plants. Large pastures of native grasses are usually only infested around their margins where cultivated fields are close by. (3) Slant-Faced Grasshoppers This group of grasshoppers is not as abundant as the other types of grasshoppers. They often go unnoticed by the casual observer and they do not generally warrant control measures. The slant-faced grasshoppers are characterized by a slanting to nearly horizontal face, their clear hind wings, conspicuous-sword-shaped or occasionally club-like antennae and broadly rounded thorax. An example of a typical member of this group is shown in Figure 8. The slant-faced grasshoppers are usually found along the borders of marshes, in wet meadows. However some members of this group are also common in dry, grassy fields and pastures. The slant-faced grasshoppers feed primarily on rangeland grasses and sedges. They are seldom associated with cultivated crops. Grasshopper Life Cycle The life cycle for all "economically important" grasshoppers in Saskatchewan is essentially the same. During the two weeks following mating, the female grasshopper hunts for an appropriate site to deposit her eggs. Once she selects a site she bores a hole with her abdomen and deposits a cluster of cream to orange coloured, slightly bent, cylindrical eggs. She then deposits a foamy secretion over them. This secretion hardens to form an egg pod. The number of eggs per pod varies greatly, ranging from eight to one hundred and fifty. As a rule, grasshopper species that deposit few eggs per pod produce more pods than those which have many eggs per pod. Under favourable environmental conditions a single female grasshopper may produce an egg pod every two to four days. Consequently, an average female grasshopper can produce more than 250 eggs in her lifetime. Embryological development begins once the eggs are laid and continues until environmental conditions become unfavourable in the fall and will resume in the spring as the soil temperature rises. A temperature of 10 degrees Celsius is considered to be the minimum temperature at which embryo development will continue. Newly hatched grasshoppers, or nymphs, are approximately 5 mm (0. 2 of an inch) in length. In appearance these resemble adult grasshoppers, except for their size and the absence of wings. After hatching, the young grasshoppers begin feeding almost immediately on the surrounding plants. Although they are preferential feeders if choices are available, they cannot travel great distances at this stage and will consume most green vegetation in close proximity to the hatching sites. Nymphal development consists of growth interrupted by periodic skin shedding (moults). When food is abundant and the weather is warm but not too wet, it will take approximately 35 to 50 days for the nymphs to go through the 5 (occasionally 6) nymphal stages before becoming a winged adult. Generally the adult females are slightly larger than the males. Although the life cycle of all grasshopper species is somewhat similar, the annual cycle may vary considerably. Variation between species depends on when the cycle begins and how long it lasts. For example, some grasshopper species over-winter as nymphs and a few over-winter as adults. Some species require two years to complete a life cycle. These species are usually responsible for the reports of grasshoppers in early spring and late fall. In Saskatchewan, no species has more than one generation per year. All of the economically important species in Saskatchewan begin their annual cycle in late summer or early fall of the preceding year, and over-winter as eggs. Control of Grasshoppers Effects of Weather Temperature, rainfall and snowfall are all important in determining the severity of grasshopper infestations. A warm, extended fall will result in larger numbers of eggs being laid. The same conditions will also allow for greater embryo development within the eggs before colder temperatures suspend metabolic activity. This will tend to result in an earlier and more even hatch of young grasshoppers the following spring. Extremely dry conditions in the fall and spring will also limit embryo development within the eggs. Winter temperatures can also have an effect on grasshopper populations. Very cold winter temperatures, with little snow cover can result in higher mortality as many grasshopper eggs will freeze. For some grasshopper species, prolonged exposure to subzero temperatures can kill up to 90 percent of the young inside the eggs. This may not be an important factor in most years as grasshoppers tend to lay their eggs in areas where snowfall will accumulate. Spring temperatures will have only a minimal effect on the survival of the grasshoppers that hatch. Young grasshoppers are hardy enough to survive low, even below freezing spring temperatures, providing the cold temperatures do not persist for several days. The most important aspect of spring temperatures is its effect on the grasshopper development and plant growth. If the spring is hot, grasshoppers will hatch early and develop quickly. Cool spring temperatures will slow grasshopper development. The relationship between temperature and rainfall affects the extent to which crops will be damaged by grasshoppers. Under dry, hot conditions a small grasshopper population may do as much damage as a large grasshopper population will under cool, wet conditions. Rainfall may affect a localized grasshopper population to a lesser extent. Rainfall will only have an effect if a heavy downpour occurs immediately after an extensive hatch. A cool, wet June, however, will not seriously affect grasshopper populations. The main effect of a warm humid summer is the increased potential of disease in grasshopper populations, which will help reduce densities the following year. Next to weather, the grasshopper's natural enemies are the most important factor controlling grasshopper populations. In some localized areas they may even be a more important factor than the weather. Some of the grasshopper's enemies attack eggs in the soil. Others attack the nymphal and adult stages of the grasshopper. Among the most important of the egg predators are: bee flies, blister beetles, ground beetles, crickets and other insects. The adults of some of these insects, like the common field cricket feed directly on the eggs and may destroy up to 50% of the eggs in some areas. Others like the bee flies (Figure 9) and blister beetles deposit their eggs in the soil near grasshopper eggs. When the larvae of egg predators hatch, they locate the egg pods, and feed directly upon the eggs. The larvae of a common blister beetle are shown, along with grasshopper eggs, in Figure 10. Figure 10a shows adult Nuttall's blister beetles. When bee flies and blister beetles are abundant they may destroy up to 80% of the eggs in a localized area. A few other insects, such as the wasp(Scelio), deposit their eggs within the newly laid grasshopper eggs. The young complete their development within the egg and will emerge instead of young grasshoppers in time to parasitize the eggs of the next generation of grasshoppers. They may destroy from 5-40% of the eggs. Nymphal and Adult Predators Spiders, some wasps and many birds may feed on grasshoppers and consume them in large numbers. However, their effect upon the total grasshopper population is not fully known. Nymphal and Adult Parasites and Diseases This group contains a large number of natural enemies including flesh flies, tachinid flies, muscoid flies, tangled vein flies, thread worms, fungi, microsporidians and numerous others. Most of the fly larvae either burrow into the grasshopper when they come into contact with it on the ground or they are deposited on or into the grasshopper's body. The fly maggot then feeds inside the grasshopper and eventually kills it as it leaves the body (Figure 11). This group of insects may have a cumulative parasitism of up to 60 per cent. "Threadworms" are frequently found coiled inside grasshoppers. The "thread-worms" overwinter in soil and lay their eggs on the soil or on vegetation. Threadworms attack grasshoppers if the young larvae encounter a grasshopper or if grasshoppers eat threadworm eggs. The fungus, Entomophthora grylli can be effective in controlling grasshoppers under warm, humid conditions. This fungus may occasionally reach epidemic proportions. The disease leaves the corpses of its victims clinging to the stems of plants (Figure 12). The naturally occurring microsporidian parasite, Nosema locustae, has also been shown to have an affect on grasshopper populations. A grasshopper becomes infected if it ingests infected vegetation or an already diseased grasshopper. A grasshopper population infected with this organism may be reduced by as much as 60% in one year. It also appears that it affects grasshopper populations by reducing the number of eggs laid. Attempts to use this organism as a biological control agent has only shown limited success. Efforts are underway to obtain registration for a control product with N. locustae for use in organic production systems, but currently nothing is registered. Since most of the natural enemies of grasshoppers are already widespread it is unlikely that they could be used to prevent grasshopper outbreaks over extensive areas. Nevertheless natural enemies do play an important role in controlling localized grasshopper infestations and all are important to some extent in hastening the decline in grasshopper populations. Cultural Control Methods Of all the methods available for grasshopper control, cultural control methods are generally the least expensive. These methods do not require additional or special procedures. They merely involve good management strategies and timing of normal operations that are necessary in the production of a crop. By modifying the grasshoppers environment at certain critical periods of its life cycle, a farmer may reduce numbers directly or at least their ability to reproduce. Despite the advantages cultural control methods offer, many farmers are reluctant to use them since it is difficult to assess their effectiveness. Nevertheless, they can be effective, if they are implemented well in advance of any insect attack because they take time to work. Cultural control is a preventive approach to insect control. The principal cultural methods used to control grasshoppers include early seeding of crops, crop rotation, tillage and trap strips. Crops should be seeded as early as possible. Older plants which are growing vigorously can withstand more grasshoppers feeding than younger plants which are not well established. Although early seeding will not entirely prevent crop damage, it will reduce the amount of damage to crops and will allow more time for the farmer to obtain and apply insecticides. Also, early-seeded crops mature early and migrating grasshoppers are less likely to be attracted to them as they are to lush young foliage. Tillage and chemical fallow Tillage or chemical fallow helps manage grasshopper populations primarily by eliminating the green plants on which young grasshoppers feed. It is advisable to complete early spring weed control to eliminate all green growth on fields before the grasshoppers have hatched. If no food is available for them to eat when they hatch, the young grasshoppers will starve. Since female grasshoppers prefer firm, undisturbed soil in which to lay their eggs there may be some additional advantage from tillage. It is of little value, however, to undertake tillage for the sole purpose of physically destroying grasshopper eggs or exposing them to desiccation or predation by birds and other predators. Excessive tillage is harmful in that it can reduce soil moisture levels and it increases the risk of soil erosion. Note that trap strip methods of managing grasshopper populations will vary depending on the type of farming system whether it be conventional, reduced tillage or organic. If grasshoppers are present when weed control is initiated, it is probably impossible to achieve adequate control by simply eliminating all green plant material in a field. Once grasshoppers have fed and developed to the second stage of growth (2nd instar), they usually are mobile enough to move to adjacent crops when their food supply is exhausted. In these fields, trap strips can be used to collect grasshoppers into a relatively small area. Then it will be possible to control them quickly and economically using a minimum amount of insecticide. To make strips cultivate a guard strip 10 m wide around the outside of a field. Leave a "green" trap strip of at least 10 m before resuming cultivation (Figure 13). Repeat the process as often as necessary to produce additional trap strips. All green vegetation must be eliminated between the trap strips if they are to be effective. The guard strip should be adequate enough to ensure that grasshoppers will promptly move into the trap strips to feed. However, this trap strip does not have enough vegetation to feed a large grasshopper population for more than one or two days. The effectiveness of trap strips can be improved considerably by seeding them to wheat or spring rye several weeks before tillage begins. Migration of young grasshoppers from the cultivated guard strips to the trap strips may take several days. Once the migration is complete, the trap strips and a 10 m strip of any adjacent crop should be treated with an insecticide. The highest application rate recommended for the insecticide used should be applied to ensure adequate control is achieved. Before cultivating the trap strips, allow three days to assess the effectiveness of the insecticide. If adequate control is not achieved after three days, it may be necessary to treat the trap strip again. When grasshoppers have been eliminated from the trap strip, it should be possible to complete tillage without fear of displacing large numbers of grasshoppers into adjacent crops. The economic threshold or density of a pest at which control measures become economically viable, have been established in most cereal crops. It will depend on the stage of the insect, type of crop, crop stage, growing conditions, cost of control, and the current market value of the crop. The most serious economic damage due to grasshoppers will be while they are in the third to fifth nymphal stages. Since there are a number of factors to consider, the economic threshold can be variable. Considering these factors the economic threshold in cereal crops ranges from 8 to 12 grasshoppers per square metre. Feeding preference studies has shown that oats is an exception and is not a preferred food source for grasshoppers. If choices are available the grasshoppers will ignore oats in favour of a more desirable food source. Peas are another example of a non-preferred crop. In both these cases even if grasshoppers do feed on the crop damage is more limited and their biotic or reproductive potential is reduced. Therefore they can be used as a guard strip around more preferred crops. This strategy is a reverse of the trap strips previously considered. In this case the grasshoppers will tend to look for other food options rather than penetrate the guard strip into the main crop. Lentil are more susceptible to grasshopper feeding than other crops. Casual observation of grasshoppers in lentil would suggest this is not a preferred crop as they do not appear to feed on the foliage and the dense vegetative growth creates an unfavourable habitat for the insect. Within the canopy a cool, moist micro-climate is created which can be detrimental to grasshoppers. However, grasshoppers are partial to developing lentil pods above the canopy. They will even spread the flower parts to consume the early minute pods. This type of damage can result in delaying maturity as the plant tries to compensate by producing new pods. Yield losses can result if entire pods are consumed but even moderate feeding on the pods will break the integrity of the pod, resulting in premature shattering and subsequent yield loss. If the feeding on the pod is less severe but still results in holes in the pod it increases the risk of disease and staining of the seeds which will result in a grade loss. Because of these factors the economic threshold in lentil is considered to be only 2 grasshoppers per square metre. Once bolls have formed in flax, the economic threshold is two grasshoppers per square metre. grasshoppers will rip off the stem at the base of the boll resulting in a direct yield loss. Because of the value and extent of canola grown in the province, an economic threshold for grasshoppers in this crop is being studied. Early observations suggest that B. napus varieties have more trouble compensating from grasshopper feeding than do B. rapa varieties. B. juncea varieties appear to recover best out of the three. These are not highly preferred crops for some species of grasshoppers but early results suggest an economic threshold of about 14 grasshoppers per square metre.

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Hemophobia : Fear of Blood Do you feel squeamish when you get a sight of someone bleeding? If that is the case, you are not alone. Thousands of people have the same anxiety and fear triggered by the sight of blood. This is known as hemophobia. Hemophobia is a word derived from Greek word “haima” which means blood. Hemophobia is signified by extreme fear and nervousness of getting a sight of blood. This may be a bleeding wound, blood of animals or even a thought or picture may develop instant discomfort and anxiety. Most of the times, hemophobia co-occurs with trypanophobia (fear of needles) as people might be scared of any needles due to the fear of bleeding. How common is Hemophobia? Hemophobia is also one of the highest occurring phobias in people. At least 2 to 3 percent of the people suffer from hemophobia. This is common both in children and adults, and can occur in both the genders. What Causes Hemophobia? Different causes known to develop hemophobia are: A traumatic Experience Hemophobia can be caused by a previous traumatic experience associated with blood . It can be an accident or injury or painful medical procedure involving blood. A sight of bleeding can cause a person to worry about their health and well-being, and may lead to hemophobia. It can also occur by witnessing someone else having wound and cuts with bleeding. A lot of coverage of bloodshed in TV and internet may also cause people to feel anxious of blood. Hemophobia may also as inherited form of fear. It has been seen that people are more vulnerable to homophobia if they had a previous family history of hemophobia. Several other phobias have seen to cause homophobia in people. Homophobia is extensively related with trypanophobia (fear of needles), thanatophobia (fear of death), mysophobia ( fear of germs) and nosophobia ( fear of having a specific illness). Symptoms of Hemophobia Common symptoms that signify the occurrence of hemophobia are: - Extreme fear and nervousness onset by the sight of bleeding ( even a thought or picture can trigger the fear) - Immediate drop in the heartbeat and blood pressure causing dizziness and fainting - Complete avoidance of situations involving blood like medical procedures or visiting hospitals - Panic attacks accompanied by sweating and shaking, numbness around limbs, feeling perplexed, abdominal uneasiness, diarrhea, frequent urination, nausea and vomiting When to see a doctor? Hemophobia can be a serious problem if not treated. Fortunately, one may not have to see blood every day. However, if the symptoms have been severe and lasting for more than six months, you need to consult with a doctor. Moreover, treatment is essential if the phobia has been causing a visible disturbance in daily life involving medical routines and hospital visits. How is it treated? A combination of therapies and medicines can be used to treat hemophobia. Cognitive Behavioral therapy (CBT) CBT is aimed at digging out the negative thoughts associated with blood. The therapist studies the underlying cause for the fear of blood which may be medical routines, injuries or other health ailments. CBT is focused on replacing the doubtful and negative thoughts of the person associated with the blood and wounds. A person can develop tolerable feelings eventually after regular counseling sessions. Another therapy that goes alongside CBT is exposure therapy. The person is exposed to any object or activity where blood or resembling substance is involved. The therapist tries to reduce the level of fear little by little through regular exposures. The major aim is to instill toleration for blood in the person through such confrontations. While exposure therapy runs, the therapist also teaches various relaxation methods such as controlling the breathing, mental visualization exercise and squeezing muscles to prevent any fainting and dizziness from occurring. In severe cases, medicines may also be used for getting the symptoms in control. Commonly used medicines are anti-anxiety and anti-depressant medicines for controlling the fearful and distressful feelings.

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The first headmaster of the Calvert School, Virgil Hillyer, built Castalia between 1928 and 1929, naming it after the spring at the foot of Mount Parnassas in Italy that is said to have been the inspiration for the muses. The prominent Baltimore architect Francis Hall Fowler was the architect of this Italian villa-inspired house. In 2006, the Calvert School acquired the building and proposed to demolish it for an outdoor amphitheater. The Tuscany Canterbury Neighborhood Association led the effort to save the building, with Baltimore Heritage filing a successful nomination for the building to be added to the city’s historic landmark list in 2008. The building is now on the landmark list and the Calvert School has begun plans to preserve it for a school-related use.

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In Canada a disproportionate number of indigenous women are missing and found murdered with evidence of police collusion and the roots of the problem reside in colonial administrative policies which the federal government maintains. Genocidal policies designed to destroy the indigenous people have been acknowledged and apologies have been given but there is no change in current policies which continue to violate human rights of the indigenous people. There is genocide happening in the Central American countries of Honduras, Guatamala and El Salvador and in the country of Mexico too. Violent crime in their communities, gang related or otherwise, has created a situation where thousands of refugees, many of them children, have crossed the US border seeking protection and in fear of losing their lives. It is important to distinguish between immigrants and refugees. An immigrant is anyone that migrates from their country or region of origin to a different country or region. A refugee is anyone that migrates from their country or region of origin for fear of persecution and a return to their country or region of origin will cause further persecution. Refugees travel because of fear. The United Nations’ definition states "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country…" It is clear to most of us that these children seeking refuge are in great fear of being injured or killed and this is what qualifies them as refugees. Every one of the refugee children has a right to a fair hearing to determine their status and to seek asylum. They have the same human rights as everyone else. They have a legal status and are not illegal immigrants or “illegals” sneaking across a border meant to keep them out. In addition, these refugees are indigenous people. Pre- European colonization of North and South America and Canada indigenous people inhabited these continents. Sarah Palin, in her call for the president’s impeachment, stated “Without borders, there is no nation. ” This rhetoric strikes fear in the hearts of all people of color because this sounds like Nationalism and/or Patriotism and historically this has meant mass destruction of our way of life. It was nearly 400 years ago when a group of immigrants seeking refuge from religious persecution came to this country occupied by indigenous people and they were welcomed and taught to fish, hunt, gather and farm. Without borders we welcomed these refugees in and the rest is history. I would like to formally express my solidarity with the indigenous refugees to our South and the victims of human rights violations of the indigenous neighbors to our North. Within the United States there has been talk of a comprehensive “Indian Border Act” to address issues regarding both the United States/Canadian border and the United States/Mexican border. Immigration reform needs to include the voices of indigenous people. I am calling on the government to respect the sovereignty of the Native American nations and allow our indigenous neighbors to the north and south refuge in the United States. Donna Ennis is employed in the Behavioral Health Program and is a Tribal Elder at Fond du Lac Reservation. She is on the Board of Directors for the Minnesota Board of Social Work. She is also on the Approved Continuing Education Committee for the Association of Social Work Boards.

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Endodontic (Root Canal) therapy treats the irreversibly damaged nerve and blood vessels of the tooth. This treatment returns the tooth to a comfortable functioning state and facilitates its preservation. Untreated decay, a cracked or traumatized tooth and a large filling that has irritated the nerve can all cause the nerves and blood vessels inside the tooth to die. This allows bacteria to gain access into the pulp chamber, causing an infection inside the tooth. The infection can pass through the canals into the bone causing an abscess. Instead of extracting the tooth, a root canal is performed in order to remove the infection. Root canal therapy usually requires a series of appointments: - An opening is made into the top of the tooth in order to gain access into the pulp. The pulp and the canals are flushed with disinfectant and cleaned. A temporary seal is placed over the opening and in case of an infection antibiotics are prescribed. - At the next appointment the canals are cleaned, shaped and filled with a rubber like material called “gutta percha” to seal them. - If the strength of the tooth has been compromised a crown is usually placed over the tooth (see crowns). Endodontic therapy is probably one of the most misunderstood procedures performed in the dental office. The name is often associated with pain and is the source of many dental “jokes”. In fact exactly the opposite is true. An abscessed tooth is probably one of the more painful dental emergencies treated, and the pain is alleviated by root canal therapy.

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Feeding of wild birds is predominantly a winter activity in northern Europe and North America where wild birds are provided with food at times when foraging is difficult because of the weather. Most wild bird feeding is done around the home. With the increased awareness of nature conservation and outdoor activities such as bird watching, wild bird feeding is now a major hobby and the number of bird food mixes, feeders and other accessories available has proliferated. At the same time there are numerous recommendations to feed wild birds during the spring and summer time which, in the long term, could have a positive effect on the total use of small grains in bird feeding. Originally wild bird seed mixtures varied widely in composition, depending on the availability and price of the raw materials. The most common grains found in these mixtures are black or striped sunflower seeds, decorticated sunflower (also called sunflower hearts or meats), wheat, barley, (hulled) oats, millet, sorghum, Niger seed, (cracked) maize, safflower, groundnut or groundnut pieces, pine nuts, canary seed and quinoa. In addition to grain mixtures, there is a large market in "fat balls" that are made from grains mixed with solid fats or suet. Although basic wild bird seed mixtures are rather unsophisticated blends of grains, the past ten years have seen an ongoing diversification of mixes aimed at particular bird species. One major supplier of wild bird seed in the United Kingdom lists no less than 20 different mixes in its catalogue. These mixes range from single grain (black sunflower, peanuts) to premium mixes that include sultanas, pieces of apple and rosehip, rowan and juniper berries, papaya, banana and sunflower hearts. Some companies include in their product range special mixes that are intended to attract particular groups or species of birds. A high proportion of Niger seed in the mix will attract finches, while peanuts and other large seeded grains will attract woodpeckers and nuthatches. Some mixes will include dried insects or insect larvae to attract insect-eating birds, or pieces of dried fruits for fruit eaters. Wild bird seed mixes are generally packaged in small (500 g) packs but bulk supplies (25 or 50 kg bags) are also available. Retail prices vary widely but, for simple mixes, prices are around US$1 per kg (see Appendix 5 for some typical retail prices). Most wild bird seed mixes are sold in transparent plastic bags which is important for marketing. The following factors should be considered when formulating a bird seed mix: Seeds must be attractive and shiny; Grains must be whole (except for maize and rice chips); Mixtures tend to be colourful (black or striped sunflower, red milo, cream canary seed, black Niger seed, yellow maize chips, white millet); Mixtures must be balanced. For instance, sunflower seeds are the largest component in the mixture but, because of the relative weight, make up less than 5 percent on a weight basis when mixed with grains; Seed mixtures need to be free of dust or dirt. In general, the wild bird food markets in the United States of America and the United Kingdom are the most sophisticated. The seed mixes tend to contain the more expensive components such as canary seed and Niger seed. The markets in other western European countries are more price sensitive, which is reflected in the inclusion of cheaper "filler" ingredients such as flaked maize, red sorghum, wheat and barley in the mix. The nutritional requirements of caged and companion birds remains poorly understood. Nutrition in commercial poultry operations has been well researched, and the initial nutrient requirement figures for caged and companion birds were extrapolated from poultry feeding studies. However, it was soon realized that the digestion efficiencies of exotic companion birds were not the same as commercial poultry. This meant that the metabolizable energy values established for maize, soybean meal and other common ingredients used in feeding commercial poultry were not valid for companion bird foods. Since the 1990s more research has been carried out on the nutrient and energy requirements of companion birds and the metabolizable energy content of specialised bird food ingredients. However, as companion birds cover such a wide range of species, each with its own evolutionary development regarding feeding, this research is far from complete. Many of the current recommendations are based on the experiences of individual bird owners or anecdotal evidence of successful formulae. The need for further research is created by the following developments: regulatory departments increasingly have to determine testing procedures for nutritional adequacy of prepared pet foods (especially in cases in which manufacturers make specific label claims); growing animal welfare concerns; the growing interest in breeding exotic birds as a hobby. Breeding pairs are costly and breeding performance and longevity are important considerations. Balanced bird food diets need to take into account the different dietary requirements during the life cycle of the bird and the specific requirements of different species. For instance, breeding or moulting birds will have different nutrient requirements from younger or older birds. Broadly speaking, the most popular companion birds can be classified into two large groups: passerines (also known as perch or songbirds), which include canaries and finches. Each group has specific feeding requirements. While passerines require more seed-based diets, psittaciformes require a more varied diet with fruit and vegetables in addition to seed mixes. Bird food mixes can be classified into the following categories: This is the most basic of bird foods and consists of pure seeds or mixes of two or more seed varieties. Old-fashioned canary food would typically be 50 percent canary seed and 50 percent proso millet. Basic seed mixtures are often deficient in vitamin A, vitamin D, calcium and some amino acids. They can be supplemented with any of these compounds to produce a more balanced bird food. Supplements can either be added as a seed coating or as specially extruded pellets. The trend in the past decade has been to move towards extruded types of bird food. During the extrusion process, the identity of the individual ingredients is lost and the product is sold on the nutrient specification of the final product (total protein, fat, vitamins, minerals, etc. ). This process allows the producer greater flexibility in the use of raw materials for formulation of the product so long as the final product meets the label description. The trend towards manufactured diets in extruded form is most prevalent in the United States of America, while in Europe it represents only a small portion of the market. Treats are supplementary foodstuffs that are given to caged birds to encourage active foraging behaviour. One of the most important bird treats is millet sprays, which are intact heads of millet seed that are hung in the birdcage or outside for wild bird feeding. Foxtail millet (Setaria italica) is the most important species in this category. Other treats are manufactured from a mixture of small grains, fruits, honey, vitamins and minerals and are available in stick form or in fancy shapes such as bells or hearts. Sprouted seeds are recommended as they are easily digested and provide vitamin-rich additions to companion bird diets. Some bird food suppliers offer sophisticated blends of small seeds in specially designed germination boxes. The sprouting mixtures may contain mung beans and seeds of wheat, Niger, safflower, sorghum, millet and buckwheat. Pigeon keeping can be divided into two categories: Racing pigeons (sometimes called homing pigeons), which are bred and reared for sport. Racing pigeons are typically released at some distance from their homes, and then their journey back is timed. Pigeon racing is a serious business in several countries and top racing pigeons are sold for large sums of money. They also have special diets that are high in energy and are easily digested for recuperation after the race. Show pigeons. Show pigeons are bred and reared for their colour and plumage. Breeding pairs can be expensive and specific dietary requirements need to be met for breeding and moulting. Universal pigeon food may contain whole grains of wheat, barley and maize, red sorghum, various peas (tick peas, maple peas and white or green peas) and oats. Just before racing, safflower may be added for extra energy. After racing, special foods (depurative foods) may be offered that contain easily digestible cereals (such as barley) and safflower for extra energy. The use of cover crops to create wildlife habitats for hunting or conservation/observation is increasing in the United States of America and Europe. This is partly caused by an increase in outdoor leisure activities such as hunting and wildlife observation, and partly by the need to create wildlife habitats for nature conservation. Depending on the season (winter or summer) in which the cover crop is established, cover crop mixtures may contain, amongst others: sunflower; millets (proso, Japanese); maize; safflower; quinoa; canary seed; sorghum; Egyptian wheat (Sorghum vulgare rosburghii) (also known as shallu or chicken corn); partridge peas (Chamaecrista fasciculata); Bahia grass (Paspalum notatum); lespedeza (Lespedeza cuneata); dolichos (Dolichos lablab); sesbania (Sesbania grandiflora) (known as agati or West Indian pea); browntop millet (Panicum ramosum); borage (Borago officinalis); sesame; clay and iron peas (Vigna spp. ); tick peas (Vicia faba); chufas (Cyperus esculentus) and different clover or vetch species. These cover crops provide shelter and feeding for wild turkeys, quail, doves, pigeons and many species of small seed eating birds and waterfowl. Several of the species used in cover crop mixes are originally from the tropics and subtropics or are species that can be grown in the tropics and subtropics. There are no ready data on the amounts of small grains that are used for wildlife habitat creation, but the market is growing. It should be borne in mind that these seeds differ in their requirements from bird food commodities as good germination and purity are essential quality attributes. Recent concerns in Western Europe about the decline of common birds from the landscape may contribute towards this trend to feed wild birds in summer. | For an example see http://www.bamfords.co.uk For example, budgerigars, cockatiels and other grass parakeets originate in the vast arid interior of Australia and have adapted to a sparse seed-based diet, while parrots from the New World tend to eat a vastly varied diet including substantial amounts of fresh vegetable matter.

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Landscape Physiological Ecology Field sampling kit for collecting wood cores with a prepaid return envelope. By providing our collaborators with methodology and equipment, we facilitate the ability to carry out standardized sampling around the United States. Plants serve as a critical control on the flow of water and carbon across the soil-plant-atmosphere continuum. However, not all plants are equal in their structure and function. Therefore, how they mediate water and carbon cycling varies, particularly in relation to climate. Our goal is to provide fundamental insights into what drives patterns we observe at the scale of Earth by starting with the structure and function we observe at the scale of the leaf and plant. We do so in service of understanding the effects of global climate change. Over the past 15 years, three key principles have emerged that guide how we approach science:

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