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7,871,500 | and some not, creating two factions, that of the Black Caribs and that of the Yellow Caribs, who fought on more than one occasion in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. According to Itarala, many intermarried between indigenous and African people, which was that which caused the origin of the Black Caribs. 18th century. Britain and France both made conflicting claims on Saint Vincent from the late seventeenth century onward. French pioneers began informally cultivating plots on the island around 1710. In 1719 the governor of the French colony of Martinique sent a military force to occupy it, but | Garifuna |
7,871,501 | was repulsed by the Carib inhabitants. A British attempt in 1723 was likewise repelled. In 1748, Britain and France agreed to put aside their claims and declared Saint Vincent to be a neutral island, under no European sovereignty. Throughout this period, however, unofficial, mostly French settlement took place on the island, especially on the Leeward side. African escapees continued to reach Saint Vincent, and a mixed-race population developed through unions with the Carib. In 1763 by the Treaty of Paris, Britain gained control over Saint Vincent following its defeat of France in the Seven Years' War, fought in Europe | Garifuna |
7,871,502 | , Asia and North America. It also took over all French territory in North America east of the Mississippi River. Through the rest of the century, the Carib-African natives mounted a series of Carib Wars, which were encouraged and supported by the French. By the end of the 18th century, the indigenous population was primarily mixed race. Following the death of their leader "Satuye" (Joseph Chatoyer), the Carib on Saint Vincent finally surrendered to the British in 1796 after the Second Carib War. Carib wars. When in 1627 the English began to claim the St. Vincent island, they opposed the | Garifuna |
7,871,503 | French settlements (which had started around 1610 by cultivating plots) and its partnerships with the Caribs. Over time, tensions began to arise between the Caribs and the Europeans. The governor of the English part of the island, William Young, complained that the Black Caribs had the best land and they had no right to live there. Moreover, the friendship of the French settlers with the Black Caribs, drove them, even though they had also tried to stay with San Vicente, tried to support them in their struggle. All this caused the "War Caribbean". The First Carib War began in 1769 | Garifuna |
7,871,504 | . Led primarily by Black Carib chieftain Joseph Chatoyer, the Caribs successfully defended the windward side of the island against a military survey expedition in 1769, and rebuffed repeated demands that they sell their land to representatives of the British colonial government. The effective defense of the Caribs, the British ignorance of the region and London opposition to the war made this be halted. With military matters at a stalemate, a peace agreement was signed in 1773 that delineated boundaries between British and Carib areas of the island. The treaty delimited the area inhabited by the Caribs, and demanded repayment of | Garifuna |
7,871,505 | the British and French plantations of runaway enslaved people who took refuge in St. Vincent. This last clause, and the prohibition of trade with neighbouring islands, so little endeared the Caribs. Three years later, the French supported American independence (1776-1783); the Caribs aligned against the British. Apparently, in 1779 the Caribs inspired such terror to the British that surrender to the French was preferable than facing the Caribs in battle. Later, in 1795, the Caribs again rebelled against British control of the island, causing the Second Carib War. Despite the odds being against them, the Caribs successfully gained control | Garifuna |
7,871,506 | of most of the island except for the immediate area around Kingstown, which was saved from direct assault on several occasions by the timely arrival of British reinforcements. British efforts to penetrate and control the interior and windward areas of the island were repeatedly frustrated by incompetence, disease, and effective Carib defences, which were eventually supplemented by the arrival of some French troops. A major military expedition by General Ralph Abercromby was eventually successful in defeating the Carib opposition in 1796. After the war was concluded and the Caribs surrendered, the British authorities decided to deport the Caribs of St. | Garifuna |
7,871,507 | Vincent to Roatan. This was done to avoid the Caribs causing more slave revolts in St. Vincent. In 1797, the Caribs with African features were chosen to be deported as they were considered the cause of the revolt, and originally exported them to Jamaica, and then they were transported to the island of Roatan in Honduras. Meanwhile, the Black Caribs with higher Amerindian traits were allowed to remain on the island. More than 5,000 Black Caribs were deported, but when the deportees landed on Roatan on April 12, 1797, only about 2,500 had survived the trip to the islands. Since | Garifuna |
7,871,508 | that this was too small and infertile a number to maintain the population, the Black Caribs asked the Spanish authorities of Honduras to be allowed to live on land. The Spanish are allowed to change the use them as soldiers. After settling in the Honduran coast, they were expanded by the Caribbean coast of Central America, coming to Belize and Guatemala to the north, and the south to Nicaragua. Over time, the Black Caribs would be denominated in the mainland of Central America as "Garifuna". This word, according to Gonzalez (2008, p. Xv), derived from "Kalinago", the name by which | Garifuna |
7,871,509 | were designated by Spanish peoples when found them in the Lesser Antilles on arrival in the region since 1492. 19th century. This was also in the period of the Haitian Revolution in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, which ultimately led to the enslaved people creating the independent republic of Haiti in 1804. The French lost thousands of troops in an attempt to take back the island in 1803, many to yellow fever epidemics. Thousands of whites and free people of color were killed in the revolution. Europeans throughout the Caribbean and in the Southern United States feared future slave | Garifuna |
7,871,510 | revolts. The British, with the support of the French, exiled the Garifuna to Roatán, an island off the coast of Honduras. Garinagu were inhabitants of Yurumein / Saint Vincent and were therefore exiled and not deported from their homeland. Five thousand Garinagu were exiled to the island of Baliceaux in 1797. Because the island was too small and infertile to support their population, the Garifuna petitioned Spanish authorities to be allowed to settle on the mainland in the Spanish colonies. The Spanish employed them, and they spread along the Caribbean coast of the Central American colonies. Large-scale sugar production and | Garifuna |
7,871,511 | chattel slavery were not established on Saint Vincent until the British assumed control. As the United Kingdom abolished slavery in 1833, it operated it for roughly a generation on the island, creating a legacy different from on other Caribbean islands. Elsewhere, slavery had been institutionalized for much longer. 20th and 21st centuries. In the 21st century, the Garifuna population is estimated to be around 600,000 in total, taking together its people in Central America, Yurumein (Saint Vincent and the Grenadines), and the United States. As a result of extensive emigration from Central America, the United States has the second-largest | Garifuna |
7,871,512 | population of Garifuna outside Central America. New York City, specifically, the Bronx has the largest population, dominated by Garifuna from Honduras, Guatemala and Belize. Los Angeles ranks second with Belizean Garifuna being the most populous, followed by those from Honduras and Guatemala. There is no information regarding Garifuna from Nicaragua having migrated to either coast of the United States. The Nicaraguan Garifuna population is quite small. Community leaders are attempting to resurrect the Garifuna language and cultural traditions. By 2014 more Garifuna were leaving Honduras and immigrating to the United States. Language. The Garifuna people speak Garifuna and Vincentian Creole | Garifuna |
7,871,513 | . The Garifuna language is an offshoot of the Arawak language, and it is spoken in Honduras, Belize, Guatemala, and Nicaragua by the Garifuna people. It is an Arawakan language with French, English, Dutch, African, and Spanish influences, reflecting their long interaction with various colonial peoples. Garifuna has a vocabulary featuring some terms used by women and others used primarily by men. This may derive from historical Carib practices: in the colonial era, the Carib of both sexes spoke Island Carib. Men additionally used a distinct pidgin based on the unrelated Carib language of the mainland. Almost all Garinagu are bilingual | Garifuna |
7,871,514 | or multilingual. They generally speak the official languages of the countries they reside in, such as Spanish or English, most commonly as a first language. Many also speak Garifuna, mostly as a cultural language, as a part of their families' heritage. Garifuna is a language and not a dialect. Garinagu are now writing their own narrative based on their historical and cultural experiences. Demographics. In 2011, it was estimated that the Garifuna population consisted of roughly 400,000 people, mostly living in Honduras and the United States. Saint Vincent. In 1805, the remaining Garifuna in Morne Ronde on Saint Vincent numbered | Garifuna |
7,871,515 | 16 men, 9 women, and 20 children, although others remained on the island in hiding after the deportations of 1797. The 1844 census of Saint Vincent listed 273 "Black Caribs". The 1960 census listed 1,265 "Black Caribs" in Saint Vincent. In 1984, anthropologist Michael Crawford estimated that 1,100–2,000 Garifuna resided in Saint Vincent. Central America. By 1981, around 65,000 Garifuna were living in fifty-four fishing villages in Guatemala, Belize, and Nicaragua. Culture. In 2001 UNESCO proclaimed the language, dance, and music of the Garifuna as a Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity in Nicaragua, Honduras, and | Garifuna |
7,871,516 | Belize. In 2005 the First Garifuna Summit was held in Corn Islands, Nicaragua, with the participation of the government of other Central American countries. Food. There is a wide variety of Garifuna dishes, including the more commonly known "ereba" (cassava bread) made from grated cassava root, yuca. The process of making "ereba" is arguably the most important tradition practiced by the Garifuna people. Cassava is so closely tied to the Garifuna culture that the very name Garifuna draws its origin from the Caribs who were originally called "Karifuna" of the cassava clan. They later adopted the name "Garifuna", which literally | Garifuna |
7,871,517 | means cassava-eating people. Making "ereba" is a long and arduous process that involves a large group of Garinagu women and children for the most part. Cassava is mostly grown on the farms of the garinagu. When it is ready be harvested, it is mostly done in large quantities (usually several dozen pounds of the cassava root) and taken to the village. The root is then washed peeled and grated over small sharp stones affixed to wooden boards. The grating is difficult and time-consuming, and the women would sing songs to break the monotony of the work. The grated | Garifuna |
7,871,518 | cassava is then placed into a large cylindrical woven bag called a "ruguma". The "ruguma" is hung from a tree and weighted at the bottom with heavy rocks in order to squeeze out and remove the poisonous liquid and starch from the grated pulp. The counterweight is sometimes provided by piercing the bottom of the "ruguma" with a tree branch and having one or two women sit on the branch. Whatever the manner in which the weight is provided, the result is the same. The cassava is then ready to be made into flour. The remaining pulp is dried overnight | Garifuna |
7,871,519 | and later sieved through flat rounded baskets ("hibise") to form flour that is baked into pancakes on a large iron griddle ("Comal"). "Ereba" is eaten with fish, "machuca" (pounded green and ripe plantains) or alone with gravy ("lasusu") often made with a fish soup called "hudutu". Other accompanying dishes may include: "bundiga" (a green banana lasusu), "mazapan" (breadfruit), and "bimecacule" (sticky sweet rice), as well as a coconut rice made with red beans. Nigerians also make "eba", "gari" and "fufu" from dried, grated cassava flour and similar accompanying dishes such as "efo-riro" (made from spinach leaves) or egusi" (made | Garifuna |
7,871,520 | with grounded melon seeds) soup. An alcoholic drink called "gifiti" is commonly made at home; it is rum-based bitters, made by soaking roots and herbs. Music. Garifuna music is quite different from that of the rest of Central America. The most famous form is punta. In its associated dance style, dancers move their hips in a circular motion. An evolved form of traditional music, still usually played using traditional instruments, punta has seen some modernization and electrification in the 1970s; this is called punta rock. Traditional punta dancing is consciously competitive. Artists like Pen Cayetano helped innovate modern punta | Garifuna |
7,871,521 | rock by adding guitars to the traditional music, and paved the way for later artists like Andy Palacio, Children of the Most High, and Black Coral. Punta was popular across the region, especially in Belize, by the mid-1980s, culminating in the release of "Punta Rockers" in 1987, a compilation featuring many of the genre's biggest stars. Punta musicians in Central America, the US, and elsewhere made further advances with the introduction of the piano, woodwind, brass and string instruments. Punta-rock has grown since the early 1980s to include other electronic instruments such as the synthesizer and electric bass | Garifuna |
7,871,522 | guitar as well as other percussive instruments. Punta along with Reggaeton music are predominantly popular and influential among the entire population in Honduras. Often mixed with Spanish, Punta has a widespread audience due to the immigration of Hondurans and Guatemalan to the United States, other parts of Latin America and Europe, notably Spain. Punta bands in Honduras such as Kazzabe, Shabakan, Silver Star, Los Rolands, Banda Blanca, Los Gatos Bravos and Grupo Zambat have appeal for Latin American migrant communities. Honduran Punta has caused Belizean and Guatemalan Punta to use more Spanish due to the commercial success achieved by bands | Garifuna |
7,871,523 | that use it. When Banda Blanca of Honduras sold over 3 million copies of "Sopa De Caracol" ("Conch Soup"), originally written by Belizean Chico Ramos, the Garifunas of Belize felt cheated but celebrated the success. The genre is continuing to develop a strong following in the United States and South America and the Caribbean. Belizean punta is distinctive from traditional punta in that songs are usually in Kriol or Garifuna and rarely in Spanish or English. calypso and soca have had some effect on it. Like calypso and soca, Belizean punta provides social commentary and risqué humor, though the initial | Garifuna |
7,871,524 | wave of punta acts eschewed the former. Calypso Rose, Lord Rhaburn and the Cross Culture Band assisted the acceptance of punta by Belizean Kriol people by singing calypso songs about punta - songs such as "Gumagrugu Watah" and "Punta Rock Eena Babylon".[14] Prominent broadcasters of Punta music include WAVE Radio and Krem Radio. Other forms of Garifuna music and dance include: hungu-hungu, combination, wanaragua, abaimahani, matamuerte, laremuna wadaguman, gunjai, sambai, charikanari, eremuna egi, paranda, berusu, teremuna ligilisi, arumahani, and Mali-amalihani. However, punta is the most popular dance in Garifuna culture. It is performed around holidays and at parties and | Garifuna |
7,871,525 | other social events. Punta lyrics are usually composed by the women. Chumba and hunguhungu involve circular dancing to a three-beat rhythm, which is often combined with punta. There are other types of songs typical of each gender: women having eremwu eu and abaimajani, rhythmic a cappella songs, and laremuna wadaguman; and men having work songs, chumba, and hunguhungu. Drums play a very important role in Garifuna music. Primarily two types of drums are used: the "primero" (tenor drum) and the "segunda" (bass drum). These drums are typically made of hollowed-out hardwood, such as mahogany or mayflower, with the | Garifuna |
7,871,526 | skins coming from the peccary (wild bush pig), deer, or sheep. Also used in combination with the drums are the "sisera", which are shakers made from the dried fruit of the gourd tree, filled with seeds, and then fitted with hardwood handles. Paranda music developed soon after the Garifunas' arrival in Central America. The music is instrumental and percussion-based. The music was barely recorded until the 1990s, when Ivan Duran of Stonetree Records began the Paranda Project. In contemporary Belize there has been a resurgence of Garifuna music, popularized by musicians such as Andy Palacio, Mohobub Flores, and Aurelio | Garifuna |
7,871,527 | Martinez. These musicians have taken many aspects from traditional Garifuna music forms and fused them with more modern sounds. Described as a mixture of punta rock and paranda, this music is exemplified in Andy Palacio's album "Watina," and in "Umalali: The Garifuna Women's Project", both of which were released on the Belizean record label, Stonetree Records. Canadian musician Danny Michel has also recorded an album, "Black Birds Are Dancing Over Me", with a collective of Garifuna musicians. In the Garifuna culture there is another dance called "dugu", which is included as part of a ritual done following a | Garifuna |
7,871,528 | death in the family so as to pay respect to the departed loved one. Through traditional dance and music, musicians have come together to raise awareness of HIV/AIDS. Spirituality. The Garinagu do not have an official religion, but a complex set of practices for individuals and groups to show respect for their ancestors and Bungiu (God) or Sunti Gabafu (All Powerful). A shaman known as a "buyei" is the head of all Garifuna traditional practices. The spiritual practices of the Garinagu have qualities similar to the voodoo (as the Europeans put it) rituals performed by other tribes of African | Garifuna |
7,871,529 | descent. Mystical practices and participation such as in the Dugu ceremony and chugu are also widespread among Garifuna. At times, traditional religions have prohibited members of their congregation from participating in these or other rituals. Society. Gender roles within the Garifuna communities are significantly defined by the job opportunities available to everyone. The Garifuna people have relied on farming for a steady income in the past, but much of this land was taken by fruit companies in the 20th century. These companies were welcomed at first because the production helped bring an income to the local communities, but as business | Garifuna |
7,871,530 | declined these large companies sold the land and it has become inhabited by mestizo farmers. Since this time the Garifuna people have been forced to travel and find jobs with foreign companies. The Garifuna people mainly rely on export businesses for steady jobs; however, women are highly discriminated against and are usually unable to get these jobs. Men generally work for foreign-owned companies collecting timber and chicle to be exported, or work as fishermen. Garifuna people live in a matrilocal society, but the women are forced to rely on men for a steady income in order to support their | Garifuna |
7,871,531 | families, because the few jobs that are available, housework and selling homemade goods, do not create enough of an income to survive on. Although women have power within their homes, they rely heavily on the income of their husbands. Although men can be away at work for large amounts of time they still believe that there is a strong connection between men and their newborn sons. Garifunas believe that a baby boy and his father have a special bond, and they are attached spiritually. It is important for a son's father to take care of him, which means that | Garifuna |
7,871,532 | he must give up some of his duties in order to spend time with his child. During this time women gain more responsibility and authority within the household. Genetics and ancestors. According to one genetic study the ancestry of the Garifuna people on average, is 76% African, 20% Arawak/Carib and 4% European. The admixture levels vary greatly between island and Central American Garinagu Communities with Stann Creek, Belize Garinagu having 79.9% African, 2.7% European and 17.4% Amerindian and Sandy Bay, St. Vincent Garinagu having 41.1% African, 16.7% European and 42.2% Amerindian. African origins. Based on oral traditions, according to | Garifuna |
7,871,533 | some authors, the Garifuna are descendants of Caribbeans with the African origins Efik (Nigeria-Cameroon residents), Ibo (Nigerian), Fons (residents between Benin - Nigeria), Ashanti (from Ashanti Region, in central Ghana), Yoruba (resident in Togo, Benin, Nigeria) and Kongo (resident in Gabon, Congo, DR Congo and Angola), obtained in the coastal regions of West and Central Africa by Spanish and Portuguese traders of enslaved people. These enslaved people were trafficked to other Caribbean islands, from where emigrated or were captured (they or their descendants) to Saint Vincent. In this way, the anthropologist and Garifuna historian Belizean Sebastian R. Cayetano says African | Garifuna |
7,871,534 | ancestors of the Garifuna are ethnically West African "specifically of the Yoruba, Ibo, and Ashanti tribes, in what is now Ghana, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone, to mention only a few." To Roger Bastide, the Garifuna almost inaccessible fortress of Northeast Saint Vincent integrated constantly to Yoruba, Fon, Fanti-Ashanti and Kongo fugitives. These African origins are true at least in the masculine gender. For the female gender, the origins comes from the union of black enslaved people with Caribs. Based on 18th-century English documents, Ruy Galvao de Andrade Coelho suggests that came from Nigeria, Gold Coast, Dahomey, Congo "and | Garifuna |
7,871,535 | other West African regions". At the beginning of the 18th century the population in Saint Vincent was already mostly black and although during this century there were extensive mixtures and black people and Carib Indians, they kept the existence of a "racially pure" Caribbean group, which was called "Red Caribs" to differentiate the "Black Caribs". Garifuna The Garifuna people ( or ; pl. Garínagu in Garifuna) are a mixed African and indigenous people who originally lived on the Caribbean island of Saint Vincent and speak Garifuna, an Arawakan language, and Vincentian Creole. The Garifuna are the descendants of indigenous Arawak, Kalinago (Island | Garifuna |
7,871,536 | Bhakti yoga Bhakti yoga Bhakti yoga (), also called Bhakti marga (, literally the path of "Bhakti"), is a spiritual path or spiritual practice within Hinduism focused on loving devotion towards any personal deity. It is one of the three classical paths in Hinduism which lead to "Moksha", the other paths being Jnana yoga and Karma yoga. Initially, Bhakti Yoga was meant to devote one's life to Krishna or/and his synonymous Personal Forms such as Vishnu and Rama (Chapter 12, Bhagavad Gita), however, through time, confusion and misunderstanding spread which resulted in diversification. towards other gods as well i.e- Ganesha, Kali, Durga | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,537 | , Shiva etc. The tradition has ancient roots. Bhakti is mentioned in the "Shvetashvatara Upanishad" where it simply means participation, devotion and love for any endeavor. "Bhakti yoga" as one of three spiritual paths for salvation is discussed in depth by the "Bhagavad Gita". The personal god varies with the devotee. It may include a god or goddess such as Ganesha, Krishna, Radha, Rama, Sita, Vishnu, Shiva, Shakti, Lakshmi, Saraswati, Parvati, Durga, and Surya among others. The "Bhakti marga" involving these deities grew with the "Bhakti Movement", starting about the mid-1st millennium CE, from Tamil Nadu in South India. The movement | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,538 | was led by the Saiva Nayanars and the Vaisnava Alvars. Their ideas and practices inspired bhakti poetry and devotion throughout India over the 12th-18th century CE. Bhakti marga is a part of the religious practice in Vaishnavism, Shaivism, and Shaktism. Devotion may also be impersonal as discussed in the book Narada’s Way of Divine Love written by Swami Prabhavananda. Philosophy. The Sanskrit word "bhakti" is derived from the root "bhaj", which means "divide, share, partake, participate, to belong to". The word also means "attachment, devotion to, fondness for, homage, faith or love, worship, piety to something as a spiritual | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,539 | , religious principle or means of salvation". The term "yoga" literally means "union, yoke", and in this context connotes a path or practice for "salvation, liberation". The "yoga" referred to here is the "joining together, union" of one's "Atman" (true self) with the concept of Supreme "Brahman" (true Reality). According to Samrat Kumar, bhakti yoga is an Indian tradition of "divine love mysticism", a spiritual path "synonymous for an intimate understanding of oneness and harmony of the eternal individual with the Divine (the universal Being) and all creatures, a constant delight". According to Yoga Journal, yoga scholar David Frawley writes | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,540 | in his book that bhakti yoga "consists of concentrating one's mind, emotions, and senses on the Divine." Bhagavad Gita. Bhakti yoga is one of three "yoga" taught in "Bhagavad Gita". "Bhakti yoga" is, according to Peter Bishop, a devotee's loving devotion to a personal god as the path for spirituality. The other two paths are "jnana yoga", the path of wisdom where the individual pursues knowledge and introspective self-understanding as spiritual practice, while "karma yoga" is path of virtuous action (karma) neither expecting reward nor consequence for doing the right thing, or "nishkama karma". Later, new movements | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,541 | within Hinduism added raja yoga as the fourth spiritual path, but this is not universally accepted as distinct to other three. Srimad Bhagavatam (Bhagavata Purana). The "Bhagavata Purana" is a popular and influential text in the Vaishnavism traditions, and it discusses Ishvara pranidhana (devotion to a personal god). The Sanskrit text presents various modes of bhakti specifically to incarnations of Vishnu, particularly in terms of "Narayana, Krishna". According to Edwin Bryant, and other scholars, the Bhakti yoga taught in this text is inspired by "Yoga Sutras of Patanjali" and "Bhagavad Gita", and they focus on "the ultimate truths of the | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,542 | individual self and its loving relationship with a personal god". The presentation in the "Bhagavata Purana" is not in abstract terms, but through "charming and delightful tales that capture the heart and mind", the goal of Bhakti yoga, states Bryant. Traditions. Hinduism, in its scriptures such as chapter 7 of the "Bhagavad Gita", recognizes four kinds of devotees who practice Bhakti yoga. Some practice it because they are hard pressed or stressed by anxiety or their life's circumstances and see Bhakti yoga as a form of relief. The second type practice Bhakti yoga to learn about god out of | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,543 | curiosity and intellectual intrigue. The third type seek rewards in this or in afterlife through their Bhakti yoga. The fourth are those who love god driven by pure love, knowing and seeking nothing beyond that experience of love union. According to these Hindu texts, the highest spiritual level is the fourth, those who are devoted because of their knowledge of love. The "Bhagavad Gita" states that all four types of Bhakti yogi are noble because their pursuit of Bhakti yoga sooner or later starts the journey on the path of spirituality, it keeps one away from negativity and evil karma | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,544 | , it causes spiritual transformation towards the goal of Bhakti yoga, to "know god as the essence within themselves and their true self always with god". Major traditions include the Shaiva who worship the god Shiva; the Vaishnava who worship the god Vishnu (or his avatars such as Krishna and Rama); and the Shakta who worship the goddess Shakti (or her avatars such as Durga, Kali, Lakshmi, and Parvati). These are all considered manifestations or aspects of the same metaphysical reality called Brahman in Hinduism. Panchayatana puja. Panchayatana puja is a form of bhakti found in the Smarta tradition of Hinduism | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,545 | . It consists of the simultaneous worship of multiple deities: Shiva, Vishnu, Shakti, Surya and an Ishta Devata such as Ganesha or Skanda or any personal god of devotee's preference. Philosophically, the Smarta tradition emphasizes that all images (murti) are icons of "saguna" Brahman, a means to thinking about the abstract Ultimate Reality called "nirguna" Brahman. The five or six icons are seen by Smartas as multiple representations of the one Saguna Brahman (i.e., a personal God with form), rather than as distinct beings. The ultimate goal in this practice is to transition past the use of icons, then follow | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,546 | a philosophical and meditative path to understanding the oneness of Atman (soul, self) and Brahman – as "That art Thou". Saiva Siddhanta. The Śaivasiddhānta tradition favors Bhakti yoga, emphasizing loving devotion to Shiva. Its theology presents three universal realities: the "pashu" (individual soul), the "pati" (lord, Shiva), and the "pasha" (soul's bondage) through ignorance, karma and maya. The tradition teaches ethical living, service to the community and through one's work, loving worship, yoga practice and discipline, continuous learning and self-knowledge as means for liberating the individual soul from bondage. The historic Shaiva Siddhanta literature is an enormous body | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,547 | of texts. The Shaiva Siddhanta practices have focussed on abstract ideas of spirituality, worship and loving devotion to Shiva as SadaShiva, and taught the authority of the Vedas and Shaiva Agamas. Shakti Bhakti. Bhakti of goddess is another significant tradition, one found in Shaktism. The theology of oneness and unity of "the divine Goddess and the devotee", their eternal fearless love for each other is a theme found in "Devi Gita", a text embedded inside the "Devi-Bhagavata Purana". The specific Bhakti yoga practices amongst Shakta are similar to those in other traditions of Hinduism. The Shakta devotion is common | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,548 | in eastern states of India, particularly West Bengal. The personal god here varies, and includes Durga, Tara Ma (Buddhist influence), Kali and to a lesser extent Saraswati, Lakshmi, Bharat Mata (land goddess), according to June McDaniel. Vaishnava Bhakti. The Bhakti yoga tradition has been historically most associated with Vaishnavism. The personal god here is Vishnu or one of his avatars. In many regions, the loving devotion is either to Vishnu-Lakshmi (god-goddess) together, or through Lakshmi who is considered the shakti of Vishnu. The specific "avatar" varies by the devotee and region, but the most common are Krishna and | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,549 | Rama. Chaitanya Mahaprabhu. In the Krishna-oriented traditions of Vaishnavism, the "Chaitanya Charitamrita" by Krishnadasa Kaviraja interprets the section 7.5.23-24 of "Bhagavata Purana" to teach nine types of "bhakti" sadhana, in the words of Prahlada. David Haberman translates them as follows: These nine principles of devotional service were incorporated by Rupa Goswami linked to Chaitanya Mahaprabhu as integral to spiritual practice focussed on Krishna. Meher Baba. A movement led by Meher Baba states that "out of a number of practices which lead to the ultimate goal of humanity – God-Realisation – "Bhakti Yoga" is one of the most important. Almost | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,550 | the whole of humanity is concerned with "Bhakti Yoga", which, in simple words, means the art of worship. But it must be understood in all its true aspects, and not merely in a narrow and shallow sense, in which the term is commonly used and interpreted. The profound worship based on the high ideals of philosophy and spirituality, prompted by divine love, doubtless constitutes true "Bhakti Yoga"". Pashayan concurs that Bhakti Yogis are found on the mat, delivering pizza, in academia, and in politics and international relations. Where you least expect it, there's a Bhakti Yogi in the room | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,551 | with you whereby common ground can be actualized into productive solutions of today's salient issues, and problems can be resolved. Bhakti yoga Bhakti yoga (), also called Bhakti marga (, literally the path of "Bhakti"), is a spiritual path or spiritual practice within Hinduism focused on loving devotion towards any personal deity. It is one of the three classical paths in Hinduism which lead to "Moksha", the other paths being Jnana yoga and Karma yoga. Initially, Bhakti Yoga was meant to devote one's life to Krishna or/and his synonymous Personal Forms such as Vishnu and Rama (Chapter 12, Bhagavad | Bhakti yoga |
7,871,552 | SJAB SJAB SJAB may refer to: SJAB SJAB may refer to: | SJAB |
7,871,553 | Pateros (disambiguation) Pateros (disambiguation) Pateros is the lone and 1st class municipality in Metropolitan Manila, Philippines. Pateros may also refer to: Pateros (disambiguation) Pateros is the lone and 1st class municipality in Metropolitan Manila, Philippines. Pateros may also refer to: | Pateros (disambiguation) |
7,871,554 | The Jessica Fletchers The Jessica Fletchers The Jessica Fletchers are a Norwegian indie-pop band, formed in Drammen (near Oslo) in 1997. The band is named after the "Murder, She Wrote" character Jessica Fletcher. The Jessica Fletchers The Jessica Fletchers are a Norwegian indie-pop band, formed in Drammen (near Oslo) in 1997. The band is named after the "Murder, She Wrote" character Jessica Fletcher. | The Jessica Fletchers |
7,871,555 | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) Ron Davies (Welsh politician) Ronald Davies (born 6 August 1946) is a Welsh politician, former Secretary of State for Wales, former Member of Parliament and former member of the Welsh Assembly. He describes himself as a politician belonging to the "traditional left" who had "spent his life looking for a socialist progressive party". He was a member of the Labour Party (until 2004), Forward Wales (2004-2009), an independent and eventually joined Plaid Cymru in 2010. He is credited with being the "architect of devolution" in Wales and led the campaign to create the National Assembly for Wales. He became | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,556 | the first Cabinet Minister to resign from Tony Blair's Cabinet, in 1998, following what became known as a "moment of madness" when he was mugged at knifepoint after agreeing to go for a meal with a man he had met at the well-known gay meeting place of Clapham Common. Early life. Born in Machen in the Rhymney Valley in Monmouthshire, he was educated in Bassaleg Grammar School before graduating in Geography at Portsmouth Polytechnic. Davies was first elected as a Councillor in 1969 to the former Machen Urban District Council at the age of 23. A year later | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,557 | he became the youngest council leader in Britain at the age of 24. After local government re-organisation in 1974, he continued as leader of the newly constituted Rhymney Valley District Council and led a campaign for a Fair Rents Act against plans by the Conservative Government of Edward Heath to increase the amount of rent paid by council house tenants. However, in Labour circles it was well known that he wanted to surrender to the government, but was voted down by the local party management, led by Ray Davies. After training to be a teacher at Cardiff University he | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,558 | spent two years as a school teacher before becoming a Tutor-Organiser for the Workers' Educational Association, succeeding Neil Kinnock in 1970 when the future Labour leader was elected to Parliament. He went on to become Further Education Adviser for the Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority from 1974 until 1983, when he was elected to Parliament as the Labour MP for Caerphilly. Political career. British Parliament. After two years as a backbench MP, Davies was appointed an Opposition Whip in 1985, where his subject areas included agriculture and the environment. In 1987 he was appointed to the opposition frontbench as a | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,559 | spokesman on Agriculture and Rural Affairs responsible for reviewing the Labour Party's policies on animal welfare. He was appointed Chief Opposition spokesman for agriculture in July 1992 and did much to highlight the growing threat from BSE. In November 1992 he was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Wales by John Smith. As the Labour Party's chief spokesman for Wales from 1992 to 1997, Davies developed the party's devolution policy. He negotiated support for a sixty-member Welsh Assembly to take over the functions of the Secretary of State for Wales and elected by an element of | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,560 | proportionality. His personal preference for a body with stronger powers was defeated internally. In May 1997 Davies was appointed by Tony Blair to the Privy Council and the Cabinet as Secretary of State for Wales. One of his first acts was to return the £150,000 to the Aberfan disaster fund that a previous Labour Government had taken to restore the site of the landslide that had devastated the valley's community in 1966, although controversially this was without interest being paid. As over thirty years had passed, the money was worth a fraction of its original value. In July | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,561 | 1997, he published the Government's detailed devolution proposals in the White Paper "A Voice for Wales" and led the Labour Party's successful campaign for a 'yes' vote in the devolution referendum on 18 September 1997. Though Labour reversed a 4 to 1 majority against devolution recorded in the 1979 referendum, the slender majority of 0.6% on a 50.1% turnout, cast a shadow over the institution's authority. He steered the Government of Wales Bill through Parliament, and on 31 July 1998, he saw the Government of Wales Act reach the statute book, putting in place the legislation to | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,562 | set up the first ever National Assembly for Wales. He has been credited with being "the architect of devolution", and was appointed to the highest order of the Gorsedd of the Bards at the 1998 National Eisteddfod in Bridgend, earning the bardic name "Ron o Fachen" (Ron from Machen) Section::::"Moment of Madness" and resignation. On 19 September 1998, Davies defeated Rhodri Morgan to become Labour's candidate for First Secretary of the Assembly at a special Welsh Labour Party conference in Newport. Just over a month later on 29 October 1998, he resigned this post – two days after resigning as | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,563 | Secretary of State for Wales on 27 October 1998. He stood down citing "an error of judgement" in agreeing to go for what he said was a meal with a man he had met while walking on Clapham Common in London, which is a well-known gay meeting place. He was mugged at knifepoint. The full details of the incident (which he infamously called a "moment of madness" at the urging of Tony Blair's Press Secretary Alastair Campbell) have never emerged. He later acknowledged that he was bisexual, and was receiving treatment for a personality disorder which led him | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,564 | to seek out risky situations. He stood down from Parliament at the 2001 general election. National Assembly for Wales. On 30 January 1999, Davies was selected as a Labour candidate for the first elections to the National Assembly for Wales. He was elected on 6 May 1999 as Assembly Member for the Caerphilly Constituency, and initially chaired the Economic Development Committee after Alun Michael refused to appoint him to his Cabinet. Further revelations and disagreements with the Labour leadership resulted in his resignation from the chairmanship of the committee. He is known for the phrase "Devolution is a process and | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,565 | not an event", by which he meant that the settlement he introduced in 1997 would not be the final one, and more powers would accrue to the Welsh Assembly over time. He wrote a pamphlet for the think tank the Institute of Welsh Affairs with the same title in 1998. Shortly before the 2003 assembly elections, "The Sun" revealed that Davies had been visiting a well known cruising spot near a motorway lay-by. When challenged as to what he had been doing there, Davies initially denied being there, then told reporters that he had been going for a short | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,566 | walk, adding: "I have actually been there when I have been watching badgers". Davies was forced by his local party to stand down as Labour candidate in the election. Political activity since 2003. Davies resigned from the Labour Party in 2004, citing opposition to the Iraq War, the party's stance on university funding and worries about the competence of Welsh Labour. He subsequently joined the new Forward Wales political party, and stood for election to the European Parliament in June 2004 as a candidate of that party, but failed to be elected. He then stood unsuccessfully in the 2007 | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,567 | assembly elections as an independent for Caerphilly, placing third behind Labour and Plaid Cymru. In the 2008 local elections he was elected to Caerphilly County Borough Council, as an independent councillor for the Bedwas, Trethomas and Machen ward. He also was the Cabinet Member for Regeneration. Davies then started actively supporting the Plaid Cymru administration in Caerphilly. His Forward Wales Party disbanded in January 2010, paving the way for him to stand as a Plaid Cymru candidate. Davies appeared at a Plaid Cymru rally in Aberystwyth during the 2010 UK general election campaign. He joined the party later in 2010 | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,568 | and stood unsuccessfully as the party's candidate in Caerphilly in the 2011 Assembly elections. In 2012 he stood as a Plaid Cymru candidate for Bedwas, and was defeated. Ron Davies (Welsh politician) Ronald Davies (born 6 August 1946) is a Welsh politician, former Secretary of State for Wales, former Member of Parliament and former member of the Welsh Assembly. He describes himself as a politician belonging to the "traditional left" who had "spent his life looking for a socialist progressive party". He was a member of the Labour Party (until 2004), Forward Wales (2004-2009), an independent and eventually | Ron Davies (Welsh politician) |
7,871,569 | Pateros Pateros ', officially the ' (), is the lone and in Metropolitan Manila, . According to the , it has a population of 63,643 people. This municipality is famous for its duck-raising industry and especially for producing "balut", a Filipino delicacy, which is a boiled, fertilised duck egg. Pateros is also known for the production of red salty eggs and ""inutak"", a local rice cake. Moreover, the town is known for manufacturing of ""alfombra"", a locally-made footwear with a carpet-like fabric on its top surface. Pateros is bordered by the following highly urbanized cities of Pasig to the north, Makati to the | Pateros |
7,871,570 | west, and Taguig to the south. Pateros is the only municipality and the smallest, both in population and in land area, in Metro Manila, but it is the second most densely populated at around 29,000 people per square kilometer after Manila. Etymology. The name "Pateros" is most likely derived from the duck-raising industry. The Tagalog word (of Spanish origin) for "duck" is "pato" and "pateros", "duck-raisers". The early 19th-century U.S. diplomat Edmund Roberts used Duck-town, another name for Pateros, stating that he "never before saw so many ducks together" in one place. Another, lesser-known theory | Pateros |
7,871,571 | is that the name may allude to the town's small shoe-making industry. The Tagalog word for "shoe" is "sapatos" (< "zapatos" Sp. "shoes"), and shoemakers are called "sapateros". History. Early Late History. Before 1770, Pateros was only a "barrio" of Pasig until the Spanish Governor-General of the Philippines issued a decree making Pateros an independent municipality. The town was then composed of five barangays (villages): Aguho, San Roque, Santa Ana, Santo Rosario (Santo Rosario-Silangan and Santo Rosario-Kanluran), and Mamancat (now part of Fort Bonifacio). 1899 Philippine-American War. During the Philippine–American War in March | Pateros |
7,871,572 | 1899, the first contingent of American Volunteers from Washington arrived in the town of Pateros. The American soldiers rallied and eventually won the battles to take control and establish a temporary camp. Throughout this period, American soldiers were able to experience the culture and livelihood of the citizens of Pateros. Having roast duck for meals during wartime and sending postcards of Pateros back to the United States of America. In 1900, a member of the American contingent, Lieutenant Charles Nosler, renamed the city of Ive's Landing in Washington State, USA, after the town of Pateros in the Philippines | Pateros |
7,871,573 | . Pateros in Washington State officially became an American city on May 1, 1913. Inclusion to newly created province of Rizal. On March 29, 1900, Pateros, then a part of the province of Manila, became one of the towns in the newly created province of Rizal, by virtue of "General Order No. 40, Act No. 137 of the Philippine Commission", which was promulgated on June 11, 1901. Then on October 12, 1903, Act No. 942 united Pateros with Taguig and Muntinlupa into one municipality under Pateros. The municipality was renamed Taguig on March 22, 1905, through Act No. 1308. Executive Order | Pateros |
7,871,574 | No. 20 dated February 29, 1908 partitioned Pateros from Taguig, and the town regained independent status as a municipality on January 1, 1909, by Executive Order No. 36. Incorporation to Metropolitan Manila. On November 7, 1975, Pateros became a part of the new Metropolitan Manila Area through Presidential Decree No. 824, which mandated by then President Ferdinand Edralin Marcos. International partnership. On July 23, 2013, Mayor Jaime C. Medina visited the city of Pateros, Washington State, United States to sign the "Sister City Memorandum of Understanding between the Municipality of Pateros, Metro Manila and Pateros City of Okanogan County, Washington | Pateros |
7,871,575 | State, USA". According to Mayor Gail Howe, the two cities have not applied through Sister Cities International but the goals of promoting the culture and exchanges have turned the sisterhood into reality. Conversion to cityhood attempt. The Inauguration of Rodrigo Duterte to presidency that took place on June 30, 2016 paved way to another attempt of the conversion of the town into a city and constituting into two congressional districts through the collaborative efforts of the municipal government of Pateros spearheaded by Mayor Miguel Ponce III and the most especially by the passage of a house bill sponsored by Pateros | Pateros |
7,871,576 | -Taguig Congressman Arnel Cerafica. Geography. Barangays. Pateros is politically subdivided into 10 barangays: Boundary dispute. The municipal government of Pateros claims that its original land area was not its present land area of 2.10 km but 1,040 hectares (10.4 km) including Fort Bonifacio, particularly Barangays Comembo, Pembo, East Rembo, West Rembo, Cembo, South Cembo and Pitogo which are now part of the city of Makati and Bonifacio Global City (known as Post Proper Northside by Makati, and Mamancat, the former part of Pateros) which was made part of Taguig, based on documents and official maps obtained by former Pateros Councilor | Pateros |
7,871,577 | Dominador Rosales from 30 libraries and offices including USA Library of Congress and USA Archives. One of those maps was the 1968 Land Classification Map of the Bureau of Land. Pateros' decrease in territory was accounted to a cadastral mapping in Metro Manila conducted in 1978. The late Pateros Mayor Nestor Ponce challenged the map through an objection letter dated June 23, 1978. But in January 1986, then President Ferdinand Marcos issued Proclamation No. 2475 which stated that Fort Bonifacio is situated in Makati and it is open for disposition. Because of that, a boundary dispute arose which moved Pateros | Pateros |
7,871,578 | to request a dialogue about that with then Municipal Council of Makati in 1990. Pateros also filed a complaint against Makati at the Makati Regional Trial Court in 1996 but the trial court dismissed the case for lack of jurisdiction. The case was brought to the Court of Appeals in 2003 but the case was also denied. The same case was also elevated to the Supreme Court in 2009 but it was denied again. Supreme Court decision. Almost 2 decades later, the Supreme Court on June 16, 2009, per Antonio Eduardo B. Nachura denied Pateros' petition against Makati but ruled | Pateros |
7,871,579 | out that the boundary dispute should be settled amicably by their respective legislative bodies based on Section 118(d) of the Local Government Code. Pursuant to the decision, Pateros invited Makati to a council-to-council dialogue. This happened on October 8, 2009. Four meetings were held and at the fourth dialogue on November 23, 2009, a joint resolution was made stating that Makati is requesting a tripartite conference between Pateros, Taguig and Makati. Demographics. As of 1818, the population was estimated at 3,840 Tagalog peoples. When Edmund Roberts visited in 1834, he estimated approximately 4,500 residents. According to the town | Pateros |
7,871,580 | 's 2005 land use classification report 91.62% of Pateros' land is classified as residential. Economy. The town of Pateros is known for balut and had a duck raising industry. As early as 1834, Pateros has been raising and selling duck and maintaining a fishing industry. However, since the duck raising industry declined after the Pasig River, which is connected to the Pateros River too polluted around the 1970s or 1980s. Vendors continues to sell balut in Pateros, taking advantage of the association of the food item to the town with duck eggs supplied from neighboring provinces in the Calabarzon region | Pateros |
7,871,581 | . While the duck raising industry in the town is now minimal, the local government is encouraging the growth of the balut industry. It gives tax exemptions to balut vendors in the town. As of 2017, the local government is encouraging the growth of other industries in Pateros such as business process outsourcing although the town's size, , remains a hindrance. According to the town's 2005 classification report. 3.13% of its land area is classified as commercial, 0.39% industrial, and 0.88% agricultural. Education. The following are the different Elementary and High schools in Pateros under Pateros School District of the | Pateros |
7,871,582 | Department of Education – Schools Division of Taguig and Pateros, a Community college recognized by Commission on Higher Education. Secondary public schools. Secondary Institutions Sister cities. International and Local sister cities: Pateros ', officially the ' (), is the lone and in Metropolitan Manila, . According to the , it has a population of 63,643 people. This municipality is famous for its duck-raising industry and especially for producing "balut", a Filipino delicacy, which is a boiled, fertilised duck egg. Pateros is also known for the production of red salty eggs and ""inutak"", a local rice cake. Moreover, the town is known for manufacturing of ""alfombra | Pateros |
7,871,583 | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 The Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 (Title II of , formerly codified at 12 U.S.C. § 1904) was a United States law that authorized the President to stabilize prices, rents, wages, salaries, interest rates, dividends and similar transfers as part of a general program of price controls within the American domestic goods and labor markets. It established standards to serve as a guide for determining levels of wages, prices, etc., which would allow for adjustments, exceptions and variations to prevent inequities, taking into account changes in productivity, cost of living and other pertinent factors. The Pay Board | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,584 | and the Price Commission were created on October 22, 1971, when President Nixon appointed 22 members between the boards, as agencies to create and administer economic controls in Phase II of the Economic Stabilization Program (ESP), with Donald Rumsfeld newly acting as the executive director of the Cost of Living Council responsible for establishing the overall goals of Phases I and II of the ESP. Under the authority of the act, as amended, on August 16, 1971 President Nixon declared goals of combating inflation, reducing unemployment and curbing domestic consumption of foreign goods by imposing a 10% surcharge tax on | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,585 | all dutiable imports. Background. The nation was in recession, attributed to the Vietnam War and the 1970s Energy Crisis, combined with workforce shortages and the rise in healthcare cost. Nixon inherited high inflation, but unemployment was low. Seeking reelection in the 1972 presidential race, Nixon vowed to fight inflation and acknowledged that it would result in job losses but proposed that it was a temporary solution and promised that more was to come in terms of change, hope and "manpower". The Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 was passed, inaugurating a policy of wage and price controls. Nixon wrote to Congress | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,586 | : Nixon commented on the futile attempts to contain the economy in the 1960s and promised to bring about change by proposing tax cuts over the course of his term to create new jobs. In 1971, Nixon proceeded with the tax cuts under the provisions of phase II of the Economic Stabilization Act as it was amended earlier that year. Nixon believed America needed a comprehensive manpower policy to reinvigorate the economy. Nixon and the proposed Act cited the Manpower Development and Training act of 1962 to use the competence of America's workforce and the Manpower Revenue Sharing Act to | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,587 | make training programs accessible to local governments. Duties and obligations. The Act provided for limitations on the exercise of presidential authority and allowed delegation of the performance of any of the president's functions to appropriate officers, departments and agencies of the United States or to entities composed of members appointed to represent different sectors of the economy and the general public. The Act provided for disclosure of information, subpoena power, administrative procedure, criminal and civil sanctions, injunctions and suits for damages and other relief. The Act specified original jurisdiction for judicial review of cases or controversies arising under the | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,588 | Act or regulations issued thereunder in the district courts of the United States and directed appeals of final decisions or permitted interlocutory appeals to be brought in the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit. Public benefits. This act had special provisions, some of which increased the employment opportunities for minorities, under the local manpower programs. The programs completed two tasks in one. Firstly, the program, in addition to providing an equal opportunity for minorities under the Economic Stabilization Act, which led to the Equal Employment Opportunity Act, which created opportunities for those who were unemployed and "transitional | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,589 | jobs for those who lost jobs. Secondly, the program fulfilled the unmet needs" for public assistance. The Secretary of Energy under "power vested" by the Act had to submit quarterly reports to the United States Congress, in conjunction with the provisions of the Emergency Petroleum Allocation Act of 1973, to ensure the best prices for fuel in the country. The Public did not just benefit from initiatives made in the workforce. In the attempt to save social security from suffering from the effects of the inflation, Supplemental Security Income was established to provide unemployed Americans with a cushion. Since Nixon | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,590 | decoupled the dollar from the gold standard, the dollar price of imports increased. The cost of imports allowed Americans to focus on American-made products to keep the money circulating throughout the American economy, resulting in a higher income for American workers. To lull the anxieties of unemployment and the anxieties about the promises of the Economic Stabilization Act in conjunction with bettering public service, Nixon signed the Emergency Employment Act in 1971, which made specific provision for small businesses and created nearly "150,000 new jobs" in the "public sphere" in such fields as "education, environmental protection, law enforcement, and | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,591 | other 'public works'". The most prominent public work was mass transportation systems. The Act, like the earlier Economic Stabilization Act, required the President to issue periodic reports on all appropriations to Congress. Under the Act, Congress convened to tackle the issue of rapid economic growth in metropolises and other urban environments. The goal was to provide efficient living for people living in these settings and also to condense densely populated areas. The Housing and Urban Development department was established to provide good living and "attractive living environments" for these tenants and to conserve the energy and resources that are used | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,592 | in heavily-populated urban areas. This Act provided people with low income with subsidized rent for affordable housing in privately owned buildings, the "predecessor to the Section 8 rental subsidies". Court challenge. In the case of , the Amalgamated Meat Cutters sued defendant John B Connally, the chairman of the Cost of Living Council and US Treasury Secretary. The Amalgamated Meat Cutters used two arguments, which were condensed into one, when they approached the court. Their primary concern was pursuing a twenty-five cent an hour increase on general wages. It was argued by them that it was an agreement that | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,593 | was reached in April 1970 and demanded for the wage increase to take effect on September 6, 1971. Their second argument was that the Act was "unconstitutional and the Executive Order was invalid" because one of the stipulations of the Act was that "prices, rent, wages and salaries shall be stabilized for a period of 90-days", as stated by Nixon. That was the salient argument because it was the first time that the Act was opposed and the executive order was being questioned since the union believed that the order did not do justice to the workers under unions | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,594 | and that the Act imposed on the power of the unions since they had to operate under a 90-day spending freeze. The freeze did not allow unions to protect the union workers, largely since the Pay Board and Price Commission, under the Act and the Executive Order, both monitored and controlled wages. The United States District Court for the District of Columbia upheld the act and rejected an argument that it was an unconstitutional delegation of legislative authority by citing previous cases such as for the "government's contention of adequacy of law" and for the "permissibility of legislative | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,595 | power within the Government's limits". Many other cases cited by the defense, all of which proved the legitimacy and the flexibility of the Act and the government's authority and range to enforce it. Administrative history. Under a provision in the Act, the Cost of Living Council was established as an independent agency. Its purpose was to stabilize prices, rent, wages and salaries higher than prices on or before May 25, 1970 and to execute phases II-IV of the Economic Stabilization Program set in place to ensure the success of this program. Phase I was the 90-day | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,596 | price and wage freeze that was authorized by Nixon, who delegated power to the Office of Emergency Preparedness, which acted as the fiduciary agency that monitored business practices. Phase II required the Cost of Living Council to engage in wage and price controls. Phase III required the council to enforce another price freeze to balance out economy. Phase IV was a "voluntary compliance and gradual decontrol;" the council had to ease off the businesses and relinquish some control. By April 30, 1974, the council was "abolished". Having the responsibility of chairman of first the Office of Economic Opportunity and then | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,597 | the Cost of Living Council imposed on him, Donald Rumsfeld was initially unhappy with his position as chairman of the council and its "success" and, for a while, opposed its idea. He soon realized that his presence there would "be best" for his influence in both domestic and international commerce and appeared satisfied with the council prior to it being abolished in 1974. Nixon reported that "public support and cooperation" was there for the council when it was making the tough decisions, and he also ensured the American people that the Cost of Living Council always "kept the public interest | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,598 | in mind". The president, in his quarterly statements, usually claimed that Rumsfeld and his council were doing a great job in "providing encouraging evidence that the nation continues to make progress in the battle against inflation". Nixon continued to say in his report, "The national economy is now expanding significantly. This makes the success of the stabilization program more important than ever." In 1971, Nixon announced he had signed the Revenue Act of 1971, an amendment to the Economic Stabilization Act, which, according to Nixon, was to provide "tax cuts of some $15 billion over the next 3 years | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |
7,871,599 | to stimulate the economy and provide hundreds of thousands of new jobs". The program was allowed to expire in 1974 and was viewed as a success by the president. Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 The Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 (Title II of , formerly codified at 12 U.S.C. § 1904) was a United States law that authorized the President to stabilize prices, rents, wages, salaries, interest rates, dividends and similar transfers as part of a general program of price controls within the American domestic goods and labor markets. It established standards to serve as a guide for determining levels of wages | Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 |